The Cost of the Iraq War on American Soldiers’ Families

The Siege

Going to war is never easy, but neither is being left behind

By Kristin Henderson
Sunday, October 10, 2004; Page W14

Beth Pratt hunched on a chair in the anonymous, fluorescent-lit exam room of a health clinic on Fort Bragg, N.C. It was a wintry day in early March, she remembers, and her dancer’s body drooped with sadness. She picked at the skin around her fingernails.

The nurse practitioner rustled through the door. “So, what brings you in to us today?”

“Oh,” said Beth and stopped. Her voice was thin and scratchy. She started again. “I’m having a really hard time with my husband gone.” Her husband was deployed to Iraq five months before. “I think I’m really depressed.” She started to cry. “I cry like this all the time. And I just want it to stop.”

Beth remembers that the nurse practitioner nodded. She was older, with the calm, comforting air of a woman who has raised a whole brood of children and seen it all. She nudged Beth with the usual questions: Are you feeling any sense of hopelessness or helplessness? Have your sleeping habits changed? Have your eating habits changed? Have you lost weight? How about a change in sexual desire? Yes, Beth said to each question, struggling to get the word out, yes, yes, yes, and yes, adding to the last, “Actually I don’t know, since my husband’s not here.” And her face crumpled again.

“Honey, have you had any suicidal thoughts?”

Beth didn’t say anything. She just nodded.

“Do you have a plan? What are you thinking about?”

“I’ve been thinking,” Beth said softly, “that if I had a gun, I’d shoot myself.”

AROUND THE SAME TIME, on a back road on Fort Bragg, just a few miles from the health clinic, a gold hand-me-down sedan was doing 70 in a 55-mph zone when the blue and red lights came on behind it, forcing the driver, Marissa Bootes, to stop. It was midnight. The military policeman asked, “Do you know what speed you were going?”

“I have to get to the hospital,” Marissa recalls saying. “My daughter woke up screaming that her head hurt. She has a temperature of almost 104; she’s burning up. I’m afraid she might have that viral infection that’s been going around, that kids have been dying of.”

The MP flicked his flashlight over 5-year-old Lexie slumped in her seat. Her hair was wet with sweat, her cheeks flaming, the rest of her skin clammy and pale. The MP frowned, unconvinced. “I hope you’re not lying to me.”

“Look at me!” said Marissa. “I’m wearing sweats and I’ve got a sick kid in the back seat. Where else would I be going at 70 miles an hour in the middle of the night?”

He let her go — he just asked her to do him a favor and slow down. Her husband was riding convoys in Iraq. Now their kid was sick. She wasn’t slowing down for anybody. She hit the accelerator and sped the rest of the way to the Army hospital.

Five hours later, Lexie’s temperature was headed back down, and they were dragging home. Before Marissa fell into bed, she says, she faxed the doctor’s excuse to her supervisor at the law firm where she worked as a paralegal. She’d landed this job just before her husband was deployed four months earlier, and it was her dream job. But if she tried to drive to those 8 a.m. foreclosure hearings, she might just wrap the company car around a tree. The firm could get someone else to cover the hearings.

At 9, her supervisor was on the phone with one clear message: If those hearings happened without her, she was fired.

BOTH MARISSA BOOTES AND BETH PRATT ARE MARRIED to lower-level enlisted men in the 82nd Airborne Division. Beth’s husband, Pvt. E-2 Luigi Pratt, drove Army trucks on convoys through Iraq’s Sunni Triangle. On other convoys along those same roads, Marissa’s husband, Spec. Charlie Bootes, manned a Mark-19 fully automatic grenade launcher.

Marissa and Beth have never met. Marissa, 24, grew up in foster homes, has a two-year college degree and is married to her high school sweetheart. On the subject of the war, she had no patience for Americans protesting in the streets; it killed morale, she said, made life harder for soldiers and their families. Beth, 34, had a happy childhood, holds multiple post-graduate degrees and is newly married for the second time, no children. As for the war, she believed it was wrong from the start. The U.N. weapons inspectors, it seemed to her, had been doing just fine. Beth and Marissa didn’t have much in common except for this: In the fall of 2003, they both faced the frightening challenge of their husbands’ first deployments.

A soldier whose family is struggling with deployment may have a hard time focusing on his or her job. In a combat zone, that’s dangerous. Such soldiers may also suffer from low morale and may be less likely to reenlist. “You enlist soldiers,” says retired Air Force Lt. Col. Lillie Cannon, who is married to a Fort Bragg Army colonel. “You retain families.”


Marissa Bootes, second from left, gets together with fellow Hooah Wives for friendship and support. ( Sarah Ross Wauters)

The idea that families are crucial to military readiness is now official policy in an era when according to a 2002 study by the Military Family Resource Center, half of all service members are married. But families haven’t always been a priority at the Pentagon. During Vietnam, when young, single draftees served for two years and got out, only 25 percent were married. If a soldier lived on post with his family, when that soldier went to war, his family had to go live somewhere else.

Outside Fort Bragg in the 1960s, Joanne Hunt lived with her young son in Fayetteville, N.C., in the Dreamland Trailer Court, while her husband served three tours in Vietnam with Army Special Forces. “The place was full of women without husbands,” she remembers. “They were all in Vietnam.”

Every day, she says, a staff car would come through Dreamland, and the women would watch out their windows to see if it stopped at the trailer of a friend. If it did, they hurried over to comfort her, because her husband wasn’t coming home again. They were all the support they had. The loneliness, the sense of isolation from the wider world, could seem unbearable. When Hunt thinks back on the Special Forces wives she knew from that time, she can’t remember a single marriage that survived Dreamland. Including her own.

Hunt quotes an old saying: “If the Army wanted you to have a wife, it would have issued you one. In my day, it was true. You had your ID card, you could shop the commissary and go to the hospital, but other than that, while your husband was deployed, the military had no more to do with you.”

Military families owe the support they receive today in large part to women like Hunt. In the mid-’70s, as the Army shifted to an all-volunteer force, she participated in a family life symposium, an early effort to improve the Army’s support for families. During the ’80s, there was a family liaison office up at the Pentagon, and down at the unit level, commanders began organizing their soldiers’ spouses into Family Readiness Groups.

The FRG volunteers pass information between the Army unit commander and the families and let families know where to find needed services. The other military services have similar programs, and they all rely on spouses who volunteer to help other spouses adjust to the military or a new duty station, prepare for deployment and then get through it.

For spouses, the initial couple of months of any first deployment are usually the toughest. Then, “families typically adjust and realize, I can take care of this, I can perform these roles,” explains Lt. Col. Joseph Pecko, chief of the department of social work at Womack Army Medical Center on Fort Bragg. “A lot of the problems we will see after that is when there is no breather, no respite for the spouse. The family moved here away from loved ones, and they really become isolated.”

That’s a peacetime deployment. A deployment in wartime raises the stakes. As casualties mounted in Iraq, the chaplains of the 82nd Airborne began to notice a wave of symptoms sweeping through the division’s spouses — depression, insomnia, shortness of breath, crying jags — the same symptoms that people often experience after the death of a loved one. It’s a common reaction among spouses during a wartime deployment, and it has a name — anticipatory grief.

Fort Bragg and neighboring Pope Air Force Base make up one of the world’s biggest military complexes. It alone bustles with more than 45,000 soldiers in the airborne and Special Forces. Before September 11, 2001, on any given day, there were 4,000 or 5,000 soldiers deployed out of Fort Bragg around the world. Two years later, that number had topped 24,000.

Families say goodbye here all the time.

BETH PRATT REMEMBERS WATCHING LUIGI GET HIS GEAR TOGETHER — rain poncho, canteens, gas mask. It was September and it was cold, just before dawn outside his unit’s big, brick headquarters. She was seeping tears. He was sweating. Another soldier, passing by, asked Beth, “He’s not sick, is he?”

She shook her head. “He’s okay. He just sweats when he’s nervous.”

Beth says Luigi walked her out to her white compact car in the parking lot. “I hate this war,” she said. Whenever she said that, her voice took on the tone of a child who’s been wronged. “I don’t know why we had to go in there in the first place.”

Luigi nodded. Then he said: “Uh-oh, they called formation. I got to go.” A quick hug and a kiss, as if he were just going down the street, and then he was gone.

While Luigi and the other soldiers in his unit waited for the buses that would take them to the airfield at Pope, Beth says, she drove home to their tiny, rented duplex, where his surfboard leaned in a corner of the living room and her pink pointe shoes hung by their ribbons on the wall next to her drum kit, which she hadn’t touched since moving here.

A few hours later, her cell phone rang. It was Camilla Maki, whose husband was a noncommissioned officer in Luigi’s platoon. Maki was an FRG volunteer and Beth’s contact on the families’ phone tree. “Beth, you need to come out here to Green Ramp to see him before he leaves,” she said.

Green Ramp was what passed for a waiting terminal at the airfield. Beth wiped her nose with a tissue. “I’m not up to it, really. Anyway, I thought we’re not allowed to go to Green Ramp.”

“Screw ’em,” Camilla remembers saying, “come on.”

By the time they got to Green Ramp, it was nearly noon and the other wives had been shooed away. Beth peered in the door of the hulking concrete-block building. Men in beige desert camouflage stood and sat on rows and rows of bleachers like drifts of sand, talking, reading, sleeping, killing time.

Someone yelled, “Pratt! Your wife’s here!” and several rows over, Luigi jumped up. Beth recalls a surf magazine flapping open in his hand, his grin getting bigger and bigger the closer he came. “Oh my God!” He wrapped her in a bear hug. “You came back!”

She’d given him the magazine while he was packing. She’d written something on every page: I’m so lucky you showed up on my doorstep . . . You make my life complete . . . He’d already read them all. They stood there grinning at each other, his hands resting on her hips, her red-rimmed eyes almost level with his.

Eventually someone yelled: “Pratt! Get over here!” Beth hugged him, but he was wearing his Kevlar vest, and to her he felt awkwardly hard and inhuman. She turned away before he walked out the door to the plane.

A WEEK LATER, IT WAS MARISSA BOOTES’S TURN. The Bootes’s prefab starter home is one of many in a neighborhood built right up against a tall, chain-link fence. On the other side of that fence is Fort Bragg. Some days, when Marissa walks out on the back deck, the sky is polka-dotted with parachutes, airborne troopers drifting silently down to the drop zone beyond the pine trees.

The alarm woke Marissa at 4 a.m. She slid out of bed without turning on the light. She says she showered and dressed fast, shoved files into her briefcase as she combed out her wet hair, but before she left the house, she remembers, she sat on the edge of the double bed and watched Charlie sleep.

He was supposed to be gone. Yesterday, at the last minute, the flight was postponed, and she called her supervisor at the law firm to ask if someone could please cover her hearings this morning so she could be there to say goodbye. But she got nowhere with the supervisor, and so here she was, stealing a few last minutes, watching him breathe.

He didn’t wake up when she kissed him. “I love you,” she whispered.

She recalls walking down the hall to Lexie’s room and kissing her, too, before slipping back through the long strands of pink and purple crystals that hung in Lexie’s doorway. They were still swaying and clicking when the front door closed.

THEY’D BEEN HIGH SCHOOL SWEETHEARTS in Erie, Pa., the blond boy-next-door and the daughter of a flower child and a Vietnamese refugee. Back then, Marissa was competing in beauty pageants for Hawaiian Tropic and making plans to go to college and law school. She wanted to work on behalf of neglected children. But then, she found out she was pregnant.

She shifted gears, decided to become a paralegal instead. Charlie worked the graveyard shift at a plastics assembly shop to put her through business college; she worked part time at a gas station, and their families helped watch Lexie during the day.

A few days after September 11, 2001, while the couple was on the couch in their trailer watching TV, Charlie said, “I’m thinking about joining the Army.”

Marissa remembers exclaiming, “Oh my God, why would you join now?” But, really, she knew why. They weren’t flying a flag, but they’d been talking about how patriotic they felt, like the whole country was in this together. “Is that really what you want to do?”

“I don’t know what I want to do,” Charlie says he told her. “All I know is, I’m killing myself on third shift. I’m working 70 hours a week and we’re still living paycheck to paycheck. We’re not going anywhere, Marissa.”

They talked about it for a while. Beneath the chassis of the trailer, the wheels were blocked in place. Marissa looked at Charlie. “You’re right,” she said. “We need to get out of this town and never come back.”

Within a year she’d finished school, he’d finished training, and they’d moved to Fayetteville and bought a house. Not long after that, Marissa landed a job with a big law firm out of Charlotte that sent her to county courthouses all over the eastern half of the state. It was high-pressure but high-paying. For the first time in their lives, they didn’t have to worry about money.

BETH PRATT’S JOURNEY TOWARD FORT BRAGG BEGAN IN MINNESOTA. As soon as she got off the farm where she grew up, she went to college on a scholarship and didn’t stop until she had earned degrees in biology, Spanish, nursing and forensic science. About the same time that Marissa was moving to Fayetteville, Beth was at a friend’s house in South Florida, falling in love with an easygoing surfer just as he was leaving for basic training. Luigi Pratt, at 30, had joined the Army hoping to get money for college and to help out his immigrant mother with some steady income.

Beth worked as a nurse at a jail clinic. She says she was warned by one of the deputies who had served in the military, “You know he’s going to get sent off, right?”

“Yeah,” she said, “I know.”

“It’s not an easy life,” she remembers him saying. “I don’t know that you’re going to like it that much.”

She wasn’t sure she would, either. But she’d been married before. Her first husband had never made her feel the way Luigi did, like she was a treasure he’d discovered, and she wasn’t willing to give that up. So she sold the house she loved in Florida, married the man she loved more, and followed him to Fayetteville, leaving behind her job, her friends, her life.

In Fayetteville, she started knocking on doors, looking for a job in forensics. Nothing opened. She wound up settling for a nursing job in labor and delivery at the Army hospital on Fort Bragg, and she and Luigi began trying to start a family themselves. Within five months, they learned they needed treatment for infertility. Just as they were trying to overcome that blow, Luigi was sent to Iraq.

IN THE LABOR AND DELIVERY ROOMS AT THE ARMY HOSPITAL, a lot of the pregnant women were there with their mothers, sisters or girlfriends. The husbands were overseas — gone to Iraq, Afghanistan, South Korea, Colombia.

Beth worked the overnight shift. Sometimes she’d walk into a delivery room to check on a patient and the TV would be turned to the news. She remembers always doing her best to get out of there before the newscast got around to the latest on the war in Iraq. While some military spouses are addicted to the news, some don’t watch at all — it just reinforces the fear.

Sometimes, in the nurse’s station, Beth would listen while other nurses talked about the war, about how it was a good thing. She says she felt like asking them, Where are all those weapons of mass destruction that were supposed to be there? But she didn’t have the nerve to disagree with them out loud, not in an Army hospital. She felt like enough of an outsider as it was.

When she got back home in the morning, she would push a videotape into the VCR and sit on the couch to watch. It was 10 minutes of Luigi surfing, goofing around on the beach, playing with their dog in the living room, taking a shower. “Show me your butt,” her voice called, laughing, from behind the camera. Now she couldn’t watch without reaching for a tissue.

MILITARY SPOUSES WHO’VE BEEN THROUGH A DEPLOYMENT always offer one standard piece of advice: Stay busy, but don’t forget to take care of yourself. Marissa Bootes took only the first half of that advice. She had been nervous when Charlie left, afraid she wouldn’t be able to juggle all the responsibilities without him. But a month into it, she had it all figured out, starting with when and where to cry.

She hadn’t cried at all the first two weeks after she kissed him goodbye. Then one day it hit her, the fear that he wouldn’t come back. Crying in the car, she’d arrive at a courthouse puffy-eyed and red-nosed; crying at night left her stuffy and headachy and unable to sleep, and sleep was important — it was the only time her fear for him wasn’t scratching somewhere at her brain. But in the shower she discovered she could bawl as long and as hard as she wanted and no one would hear, plus the steam kept her nose open and her eyes from getting puffy. So each morning, she says, she’d leave Lexie asleep in the double bed, get her cry out of the way and get on with her day. If later on the fear started to get to her again, she told herself that Charlie was doing work that had to be done, helping the United States fulfill its promise to the Iraqi people and making the world a better place. She found comfort in that.

One night after picking up Lexie from the babysitter, Marissa got back to the house around 9. She loved her new job as a paralegal, loved the challenge of ferreting out titles on foreclosed properties and then managing the real estate auctions on her own. She just wished the hours weren’t so long. She says she felt guilty about being away from Lexie so much. She threw the bills from the mailbox onto the pile on the coffee table and charged around to feed the dog, scoop up an armload of dirty clothes from the bathroom floor and crank on the faucet for Lexie’s shower.

Nothing happened. She tried the sink. Nothing.

She remembers running out into the cold and circling the house. The yard around the foundation was bone dry, no sign of a burst pipe. It was a mystery, but there was nothing she could do about it till morning. She tucked Lexie into bed and sat down at the computer in the dining room. At midnight, she was still working.

The next morning, wearing her cell phone headset as she raced between counties, she called the water company from the car. “I don’t know why my water’s shut off,” she said. “Is there a problem in the area?”

“Let me check.” There was a pause, then, “Uh, you know you didn’t pay your bill?”

“But we always pay our bills — ” she began. Except it wasn’t we who’d always paid them. It was Charlie. Marissa chewed her lip. After he left, she would figure out how to mow the lawn, whacking bushes with a hedge trimmer for the first time in her life. “Baby, I’m amazing!” she told him once when he called, and he agreed. She thought she had figured out his system for paying the bills, too. The water bill was $25. It cost her $60 to get the water reconnected.

IT WAS “NICKEL NIGHT,” and Broadstreet Cafe and Billiards was thumping. The good music, the hip-hop, started around midnight, and people packed onto the dance floor and around the pool tables and in front of the bars ordering nickel drinks.

Marissa was in the dance pack with her club gear on — shiny silver zippers up and down the legs of her shiny black pants, silver multi-chain belt and, on her feet, her platform dancing shoes. Charlie says he told her to go out and have fun, so here she was. She’d been dancing all night. She never lacked for partners, all of them women. They were the Hooah Wives, one of several online support groups of Fort Bragg wives. “Hoo-ah!” That’s what soldiers shout in the Army — it means “Good to go!” or “Way to go!” At Broadstreet’s that night, there were about a dozen of them. Within a few months they’d number nearly 40, with husbands in units all over the post. They were a variety of ethnicities and religions, some with children, some without, but mostly younger, as young as 18. The group’s two den mothers, Jenn Marner and Angela McGriff, were 26 and 33. About one-third of their husbands, including Angela’s, were overseas.

Even though Marissa was active in her FRG, this was the group she says she really depended on. One woman’s husband called it the cult — they all e-mailed one another obsessively, talked for hours on the phone. Several times a week, one group or another of them hung out in one another’s kitchens, hosted coffees, threw impromptu daiquiri parties. Every now and then, they went out dancing with one another.

Marissa worked her way through the crowd back to the table. They were celebrating the birthday of Christine Perry, who liked to introduce herself as “half Korean, like Marissa’s half Vietnamese. So, basically, she could do my nails, and I could do her dry cleaning.” Christine remembers opening presents, everybody blinding one another with flash photos. When the talk turned to push-up bras, Christine pointed out, matter-of-factly, that she and Marissa didn’t need them.

Another woman shouted over the music, “Well some of us do!” This woman was the kind of person who, when she talked, you could almost see the italics and exclamation points. “But I don’t buy those damn bras, they’re too expensive! I use tube socks! They give that added boost!

All the Hooah Wives laughed. They laughed harder as the woman made a big show of digging around in her decolletage, as if she were really going to pull out a tube sock. When she actually did, they screamed. She waved it over her head. The guys at the next table were so impressed they sent over a round of drinks.

“Oh my God!” someone hissed, just loud enough to be heard through the music. “Look who just came in.”

Someone else said, “Look who she came in with.” Marissa turned to look. A young woman was leading a guy toward them through the crush. They all knew her, and they all knew her husband was deployed. Marissa’s face soured like she’d just chomped the lime in her Corona.

The woman shouted hi and handed a present to Christine. A few voices shouted hi back as if nothing was wrong. Marissa smoked and watched as the two of them made their way around the table to a couple of empty seats beside her. As they sat down, Marissa shouted over the music: “Look, if you’re going to cheat on your husband while he’s gone, that’s your business. But get the hell away from me, ’cause guys talk, and I don’t want anybody saying I’m hanging out with you.”

Marissa says the woman’s eyes widened, her mouth opened slightly. Then the woman got up and pulled the guy away with her into the dancing, sweating crowd.

IN A SUNNY OFFICE ON FORT BRAGG, Maj. James Hartz, a chaplain in forest-green camouflage with a black cross on the lapel, is getting ready to deploy to Korea for a year. Before becoming an ordained minister and then a chaplain, he was an MP. He was a young enlisted soldier once. According to him, they aren’t all as accepting as Marissa’s husband.

“For some young deployed soldiers,” he says, “just the fact that the wife’s going to a bar doesn’t sit well, the fact that she’s out there where she’s available. The wives say they only dance with each other, but there are guys there, right? He’ll ask, ‘Do you talk to them?’ And she’ll say no. But he’s thinking, ‘But they’re looking at you.’ So you can see where this goes in his mind. It plants the seed of doubt.”

Over at the Army hospital, social worker Pecko’s tough camouflage and harsh haircut are undermined by his eyes, which have seen a lot of other people’s pain. “I was deployed nine months in the first Gulf War,” he says gently. “After six or seven months, even I was having those thoughts, and my wife and I have a strong, long-term relationship. There was no rational reason. I was just feeling vulnerable.”

Beth Pratt knows what that feels like. She recalls someone at work saying, You know guys always cheat when they’re over there. It stuck in her head. She told herself Luigi hadn’t done anything to make her suspicious, but then one evening she was sitting in an FRG meeting, listening to the women next to her compare notes. “My husband calls me every day just about,” said one. They were all a lot younger than Beth. “Oh yeah, mine too,” said another.

Beth says they asked how often she heard from her husband, like it was some sort of contest. “Well,” she remembers saying, knowing she’d already lost, “I heard from him last week — for two minutes. Because the damn satellite telephone didn’t work. You know, all the static — how’re you doing, shhhhhhhh. Yesterday I, shhhhhhh. Missing you, shhhhhhh. Click!”

The other women laughed because they knew what she was talking about. The conversation went on, but after that Beth didn’t say much. When the meeting was over, she went home and had another cry.

“HEY, BABY.” Luigi’s voice crackled over her cell phone. And then shhhhh-click, the connection went dead.

Beth was in a motel in Myrtle Beach, S.C., hanging out for the weekend with their friend Debbie McKay, who was up from Florida for business. In the minutes after the connection died, Beth told Debbie she was tired of it, she was tired of everything. She didn’t know why she got married; it was like they weren’t even married anymore. A few minutes later when the phone rang again, and she heard Luigi’s relentlessly sunny voice from the other side of the world, she demanded, “Why don’t you call me?”

“What do you mean?” he asked.

She was pacing. “Everybody else’s husband calls them. Every day, practically. It just makes me wonder if you don’t love me anymore.”

“Don’t — what?” He admits his voice went supernova, and Beth was so startled she stopped pacing. “I work all the time!” he yelled. “I don’t know what you think I’m doing over here, baby, but I work all the time! I barely get to sleep! When can I talk to you? When?” He couldn’t believe she’d think he didn’t love her, yelled that even when he did find a minute to call her, he couldn’t just pick up the phone — he had to stand in a long line, and then after a few minutes the phone would go dead. “You know I love you!” he yelled. “You’re the person who keeps me sane!”

Beth was looking at the floor. She’d never heard him raise his voice like that before. She said softly, “I’m sorry.” And then, quickly, before the line could go to hell again, she told him she loved him, too.

Afterward, she said to Debbie: “I’m glad he yelled at me. I needed to hear that. All I’ve been thinking about is the danger he’s in when he’s out on convoys. I didn’t think about how hard he’s working.”

Debbie said, “I’m just glad you didn’t mention you’re lying around at the beach.” Beth laughed then. But after that fight with Luigi, she decided not to get together with other soldiers’ wives anymore. The things they said just made her paranoid.

She had few people she could talk to in Fayetteville. Now she had even fewer.

A SHORT WALK UP THE HILL FROM DOWNTOWN, in a quiet neighborhood on a dead-end street, there’s a scruffy blue bungalow with a small white, wooden sign in the front yard. “Quaker House,” it says above a dove’s silhouette. Since the Vietnam war, Quaker House’s small, mostly volunteer staff has counseled military personnel who believe they’ve become conscientious objectors, helping them apply to either get out of the military or shift to noncombatant service.

With her husband in a war zone, Beth had been forced to think about war more than she ever had before. Talking about it with Luigi on the phone, she was starting to think that all wars were pointless, not just this one; so many innocent civilians died. The way she saw it, Saddam Hussein was bad, but there were a lot of bad dictators in the world, and America couldn’t go fight all of them. The more she analyzed it, the angrier she got. So, earlier in the deployment, when another wife told Beth about Quaker House, she decided to meet with its director, Chuck Fager. She remembers feeling hopeful that afterward she’d be able to tell Luigi she’d found a way for both of them to act on what they believed. “My husband and I are both opposed to this war,” she said to Fager. “Can you help him get out of the Army?”

Fager, gray-bearded and wearing khaki shorts and a T-shirt, slouched in his chair like a melancholy, off-duty Santa. He says he told her, “It’s not easy.” It’s not. Successful applicants have to be able to prove they’ve changed and now believe the use of violence is always wrong. The process involves a lengthy application and interviews with a psychiatrist, a chaplain and an investigating officer. It’s designed to weed out those who want out for political reasons, or are afraid of combat, or have a new spouse who wants them out.

“Chances of success are not good,” Fager tells would-be applicants. “People who take this route need to be prepared to take a stand and suffer.”

Listening to Fager, Beth knew Luigi wasn’t the type to rock the boat. Besides, it was only this war he was opposed to. He said all along that he would be proud to serve in Afghanistan. By the time Beth left two hours later with an armload of application materials, she felt like she was sinking beneath their weight. She had always made her own decisions, controlled her own life, she says. Now she felt like she controlled nothing. She couldn’t even help her own husband.

It began to pile up. Five months into the deployment, Beth found herself weeping in an Army health clinic, admitting to a nurse practitioner that if she had a gun she’d shoot herself.

WHEN BETH WENT TO THE HEALTH CLINIC, she was just hoping to get something to make the pain go away. Within an hour, she had received a prescription for an antidepressant, as well as counseling from a social worker and an appointment to begin regular counseling sessions in town, paid for by the Pentagon. She hadn’t known any of those services were available.

The social worker Beth saw was one of five behavioral health care managers on Fort Bragg, one at each of the post’s health care facilities. The care managers are part of the Deployment Cycle Support program that was getting underway as Beth and Marissa’s husbands took off for Iraq. The Army started developing it in the early 1990s, after one out of every seven service members returning from Desert Storm, according to Department of Defense data, either requested or required evaluation for Gulf War Syndrome (which involves an array of symptoms from chronic fatigue to abdominal pain) . And then came the summer of 2002.

That summer, there were five domestic murders connected to Fort Bragg. Three cases involved deployed soldiers just back from Afghanistan who killed their wives; two of those soldiers then killed themselves. All the marriages had apparently been troubled beforehand, and none of the soldiers or their wives had reached out to any of the support programs the Army had available at the time. There’s no evidence deployment was directly to blame. But chaplains and social workers report that, after any deployment, most couples pick up where they left off, good or bad.

An Army memo acknowledges that after a wartime deployment, service members and their families may also face “some degree of stress or trauma associated either with the nature of conflict or the disruption of their lives.” As many as one in five may also face major depression, anxiety, or post-traumatic stress disorder, according to a report in the July issue of the New England Journal of Medicine. And most of those who need help won’t seek it out, at least not right away.

Before the murders, the Deployment Cycle Support program was still in development after nearly a decade. The incidents “gave us the impetus for getting this program off the ground,” Pecko says. It rolled out within a year. In addition to the care managers and other changes, the program requires all returning soldiers to undergo physical and mental health screening to uncover possible trouble.

However, there are no mandatory mental health surveys for the families. “Families didn’t sign the contract; they aren’t in the military,” points out Jana Lord, coordinator of Army Family Team Building and Army Family Action Plan programs in Europe. “They can’t be ordered to do anything, even for their own good.”

When families need help and don’t know how to get it, military medical personnel, social workers and chaplains can refer those who come to them. The real first responders are the spouse volunteers who lead the FRGs and the other services’ family support groups, because they know where to get information. But like all volunteer efforts, some support groups thrive while others wither away. So why does the Pentagon invest so much money in family support services, then rely on a haphazard patchwork of volunteers to spread the word?

“One, it doesn’t cost them anything,” says Sylvia Kidd, director of family programs for the Association of the United States Army. “And, two, because of tradition, because that is the way it’s always been . . . The military freely admits many of the programs wouldn’t exist if it weren’t for the volunteers working on them.”

Besides being free, the use of volunteers has another advantage. They’re not perceived as being part of the system. Spouses who need help are more likely to acknowledge it to a fellow spouse, someone like Marissa.

A COUPLE MONTHS INTO THE DEPLOYMENT, attrition left Marissa as co-leader of her FRG. Volunteering, working, single-parenting — she was doing it all. She was too busy to feel lonely, and that was how she liked it. She was also too busy to sleep more than four hours a night. She’d forget to eat. She lost 30 pounds in less than two months.

After the deployment’s halfway point, at 4:30 on a Friday morning, the phone was ringing. Marissa felt for the handset next to the bed, pulled it over to her ear without lifting her head. It was Charlie. She tried to follow what he was saying because it sounded like it was important, but her eyes kept closing, dark bedroom, warm bed, Lexie’s even breathing beside her. And then all of a sudden she heard, “What did I just say?”

“What?”

“If you’re falling asleep,” he snapped, “I’m going to go.”

She was too tired to argue. “Okay.”

“Do you know how long I had to stand in line to talk to you?”

“Look, I’m really tired,” she said. “I’ll talk to you later. Bye.”

It wasn’t till she woke up a couple hours later that she had the energy to be mad at him for being mad at her. When she complained the next day to some of the Hooah Wives, they say they told her: Yeah, you work hard, but he’s over there getting shot at every day. He calls you in the middle of the night because he needs to hear your voice? Well, you just better suck it up and be there for him.

A couple of weeks later, Marissa was racing to the hospital with Lexie in the middle of the night and arguing with the MP; the next day she nearly lost her job. By the weekend, Lexie was still under the weather, so Marissa stretched out on the couch with her to just snuggle and watch cartoons. They’d been lying there a while, Marissa remembers, when Lexie said, from out of the blue, “Since Daddy’s been gone, we don’t get to snuggle and have fun anymore.”

For a long, stunned moment, the only thing that moved was the animation on the TV screen. Then Marissa breathed, “You’re right,” and before she got off the couch that day, she’d made a decision.

She cut back on her work. Over the next couple weeks, her output dropped by a quarter. And then one morning her supervisor called to tell her she needed to do more.

“I can’t do more.” Marissa was already smoking and typing and wearing the headset, trying to get ready for her hearings that day while she talked. “I can’t go back to where I was.”

“Well, what you’re giving us now isn’t enough. I’m going to have to let you go.”

“No.” Marissa’s hands went still. “I’m going to have to quit.”

Marissa pulled off the headset. She got up. She remembers feeling defeated, unsure about what to do next — the next hour, the next day, the next month. But when she thought of Lexie, still asleep in the bed, she felt some relief. She lay down on the couch. All around her, the house was suddenly silent and still.

EARLY LAST SPRING, THE CROWD OF MARCHERS CAME AROUND THE CORNER from Fayetteville’s downtown and on down the hill to the park. They wore bluejeans and T-shirts, desert camouflage jackets and gothic black. They pushed strollers, carried water bottles and signs and banners — “Bring Them Home Now” — and an American flag. It was Fayetteville’s largest peace rally since the Vietnam War.

The park’s band shell was a vast shaded space littered with speakers and microphone stands and drums. Below it, the marchers spread across the grass in the sun. A newsprint program listed speakers and performers — veterans, union members, Hip-Hop Against Racist War, a September 11 family member, and the fourth speaker on the list, “Beth Pratt — military spouse from Fayetteville whose husband is in Iraq.”

She’d been invited to speak at the peace rally. Here, at last, was something she could do. A small thing, but something. In the last few weeks, Beth had been feeling steadily better — she’d started attending a church, she’d signed up for a yoga class. When Luigi called, she told him she’d finally picked up her drumsticks again. She says that after she got the invitation to speak at the rally, she asked Luigi if he thought she should do it. “Would it bother you?” she asked.

Over the phone, she had heard him laugh. “Far as I’m concerned, that’s what I’m over here for, isn’t it? Your freedom of speech?”

Now she walked across the stage and stopped in front of one of the microphones, silhouetted against the crowd. She gripped the pages of her speech and leaned forward.

“My name is Beth Pratt. I’m a nurse, and I grew up in Minnesota.”

Her voice boomed over the crowd. She told them it had taken all the courage she had to stand up there and speak for those few minutes. “As far as supporting the troops,” she read, “I support my husband one hundred percent, along with all of the other soldiers that are making sacrifices for us. Ending this war and bringing them all home safely would be the best form of support that I can see.”

She spoke for just three minutes. When she turned away from the mike, her heartbeat faded out of her ears, and the crowd’s roar faded in.

Afterward, as the speeches went on behind her, Beth spoke to reporters from local newspapers and the New York Times and to a pudgy man with a cell phone on his hip. He shook Beth’s hand. “I’m a producer with NBC,” he said. His crew had had some technical difficulties while she was speaking. He wanted her to come over to the camera and tell the rest of the country what she’d just said up there.

Beth frowned and hunched her shoulders. “You mean national TV?” She suddenly looked smaller. She glanced around for a familiar face. “Television. I don’t know. I don’t know if I should do that.”

“What you had to say was very powerful,” the producer said, cupping his hands in front of him as if offering a gift. “It’s a great opportunity to get your message out there.”

She hesitated. “I’m sorry,” she said, “I’m just worried about my job. And my husband.” As the producer pressed on, she mumbled, “I have to think about it; I don’t know.” The other reporters exchanged glances. The producer said, “It’s right over there; it won’t take long.” And then Lou Plummer, one of the rally’s organizers, shouldered his way into the middle.

“Back off,” he barked. A veteran of the National Guard, Plummer looked more like a bouncer than a peace activist. “You don’t have to live in this town, but she does. I live here. I know what it’s like.” As the producer argued with him, another newspaper reporter moved in to ask Beth a few questions.

She didn’t do the TV interview, but when she saw her words in print the next day, she liked how it felt; she began wondering what she should do next. She thought about doing something more significant, like joining Doctors Without Borders, an international medical charity, and going overseas. But, in the end, she went no farther than downtown to join the occasional peace vigil. What she wanted was a family with Luigi. She knew it was going to be hard enough to make that happen, she says, without her being gone, too.

MARISSA WAS CLEANING OUT THE CLOSETS. The Hooah Wives were having a yard sale, and suddenly Marissa had hours to empty her life of junk. She had hours to teach Lexie to ride her two-wheeler. She says she told Charlie about it when he called, described Lexie wobbling off on her own for the first time, and he got quiet. Then Charlie remembers saying, “Seems like you guys are going off someplace without me.” She had hours to park herself out on the back deck and smoke and think about that.

And when Charlie called home sounding angry and hollow and tired of being in Iraq, she recalls how she tried to hold him up. “You’re providing security,” she told him. “If we pulled out now, a lot more people would die; it would be chaos. You guys are over there risking your lives, and it’s not for nothing.” She poured herself across 6,000 miles. “And I am proud of you.”

Online and on the phone with the Hooah Wives, she talked with her friends. “When the man you love is in a life-or-death situation,” she said, “it makes you sit down and think about what really matters in your own life.” She knew she didn’t want to keep doing the kind of paralegal work she could get in Fayetteville. She signed up to go back to college in the fall.

Eventually, Marissa would determine she couldn’t afford to go back. In the meantime, she went down to the pack-and-ship store where she used to go every weekend to overnight big packages of legal documents and asked about a job. It paid only $6.50 an hour, but it was part time, and she could get time off whenever she needed it. The woman who ran the place was married to an active-duty soldier, too. She understood that when Charlie came home, the pack-and-ship wouldn’t be seeing much of Marissa Bootes for a while.

AFTER SEVEN MONTHS IN IRAQ, first Charlie Bootes and then Luigi Pratt would board planes in Kuwait and fly back around the world to their wives in North Carolina. Both men are scheduled to be deployed again next year, this time to Afghanistan, this time for a year.

Here on Fort Bragg, people constantly say goodbye — but then, most of the time, they get to say welcome home. In Chaplain Hartz’s office, there are a couple of institutional office chairs, a box of tissues. A lot of people have sat within the painted cinder-block walls of this room and cried. “You’d like to be able to wave a magic wand,” Hartz says, and then his eyes well up. He looks down, and for a long moment he bites his lip. At last he says quietly, “It makes me grateful for my own relationship.”

In his first few years as a chaplain, Hartz left his family during three major deployments. “There are benefits,” he says. “If the soldier handles it right, his spouse’s growth as a person is phenomenal. If the relationship is solid and he’s not threatened and he can accept that, and say, Wow, she’s more of a woman, she’s stronger, she’s a better person, and we’re a better team . . .” He leans forward. “The real news is, most of us make it.”

Kristin Henderson, a frequent contributor to the Magazine, is working on a book based on this article. She will be fielding questions and comments about this article Monday at 1 p.m. at washingtonpost.com/liveonline.

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Casualties of Combat: For Some, the Battle Goes on Long After the Shooting Stops

 

CASUALTIES OF COMBAT

 

For some, battle goes on long after the shooting stops

 

Not all of America’s casualties in the war on terrorism are occurring in battle — suicide among returning soldiers is a growing concern

Mehul Srivastava msrivastava@DaytonDailyNews.com

 

Jim DeBrosse jdebrosse@DaytonDailyNews.com

 

David Payne was still suffering nightmares five months after his second tour of Iraq when his mother, Karen, persuaded him to call his unit leaders.

Payne, a 23-year-old Army Reservist from Norman, Okla., went into his mother’s bedroom to make the call in private. “When he came out, he said, ‘They’re going to do what they can for me, Mom. I have to go to drill duty,’ ” Karen recalled. “But that was two weeks away.”

A week after the call, Payne left his mother a note saying that he loved her, that she was “the best” and that she could find him on the family’s farm.

 

He killed himself with a handgun he’d bought that morning.

 

Not all of America’s casualties in the war on terrorism are occurring on the battlefield, or even in Iraq and Afghanistan. A Dayton Daily News examination identified 21 soldiers serving in Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom who committed suicide after coming home, although the actual number of suicide victims is likely much higher. And in several of the cases, family members attributed the horrific experience of war as a contributing factor in the deaths.

 

The mental health of America’s newest soldiers in combat — before their departure,

 

during their deployment and after their return home — has been entrusted to a system that Congress worries is broken, that experts argue is understaffed, and that families say leaves them unable to figure out how to help their troubled spouses, children or parents when they come home.

 

The result was an upsurge in suicides last year among soldiers called to service in Iraq, both in the field and on the homefront. At least 24 soldiers killed themselves during Operation Iraqi Freedom from January 2003 to October 2003 — a rate of 21.2 per 100,000, or nearly double the 2002 rate for all Army personnel. The Air Force suicide rate also spiked late last year.

 

The suicide rate for soldiers in Iraq was roughly double the 10.7 national rate for all Americans.

 

Although the military does not officially collect data on suicides among returning soldiers, the Daily News compiled a list of 21 such veterans from news reports and veterans’ advocate groups. The list includes two Dayton area natives who killed themselves in separate incidents over the July 4 weekend, and three former soldiers who committed murder before taking their own lives.

 

Several studies by the Government Accountability Office of Congress and the Army point to the failure of the Pentagon to prepare for the inevitable psychological toll of the nation’s first sustained ground combat since the war in Vietnam.

 

“It’s clear that the Department of Defense was not prepared to meet the mental health needs of soldiers,” said Steve Robinson, executive director of the National Gulf War Resource Center, an advocacy group for veterans.

 

Army spokeswoman Martha Rudd said the Army responded “quickly and thoroughly” to the surge in suicides among combat soldiers last summer, dispatching a team of consultants to Iraq and Kuwait in July to study the problem and then adopting most of the team’s recommendations. Those included appointing a theater of operations mental health consultant, providing behavioral services to soldiers closer to their fighting units and improving the mental health care for soldiers being evacuated out of the war zone, Rudd said. The Army has created an umbrella organization, the Deployment Cycle Support System, that now coordinates mental health and wellness programs for soldiers and their families “from pre-deployment, to deployment, to post-deployment and then re-deployment,” she said.

 

Since the changes, the rate of soldier suicides in Iraq and Kuwait has “dropped dramatically” to two per month this year, Rudd said. Army-wide, the annual suicide rate has dropped from 12.1 suicides per 100,000 personnel to 8.1, she said.

 

Rudd said she can’t say officially if the Army response led to the decline in suicides “because we haven’t been able to determine if (last year’s spike) was just a statistical anomaly or a trend. But I think it must have had some impact.”

 

Robinson believes it’s still a case of too little, too late. “While these programs are meaningful attempts to address the problem, there are still more soldiers who need help than are being reached,” he said. “If you don’t get face-to-face contact between veterans and mental health professionals with experience in treating war-time trauma, soldiers will fall through the cracks.”

 

Many veterans feel that the vast majority of Americans have no idea of the combat stresses in Iraq, where car bombs, hand-held rocket launchers and snipers create a front that is everywhere and make even the most routine duties perilous.

 

September was a record month for car bombings in Iraq — more than 30 as of Sept. 24, according to the U.S. military. On average, nearly three U.S. soldiers were killed each day last month — the highest rate since April. In August, insurgent attacks averaged 87 a day — their highest level since major combat ended in May 2003.

 

“In Iraq, you have threat 24/7, 360 degrees. You don’t know who your enemy is. Violence is so random it can happen at any time, and that takes its toll,” said Staff Sgt. Georg Pogany, who drew national attention earlier this year when he became the first soldier since the Vietnam era to be charged with cowardice. The Army later dropped all charges and Pogany is seeking a medical discharge for brain-stem damage related to his service.

 

Few soldiers in Iraq have been able to avoid direct combat, according to a survey of four U.S. infantry units conducted by the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research and published this July in The New England Journal of Medicine. More than 90 percent of the troops reported being shot at as well as firing at the enemy. More than four in every five soldiers knew someone who had been seriously injured or killed. “Close calls, such as having been saved from being wounded by wearing body armor, were not infrequent,” researchers found.

 

More than 5,000 veterans of combat in Iraq and Afghanistan have been diagnosed with a mental health problem, according to an internal document prepared by the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) to help plan for the newest war veterans. While not all of the veterans’ problems can be directly linked to their war experience, at least 1,743 are suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder — whose symptoms of anxiety, depression, sleeplessness, nightmares, inability to focus and flashbacks often are linked to combat duty.

 

A September 2004 GAO report lists another potential outcome if post-traumatic stress is untreated: suicide.

Death on the Fourth of July

 

Help was too late in coming for at least two local veterans of Operation Iraqi Freedom. Justin Covert, 22, committed suicide on the Fourth of July in his Butler Twp. home after serving as a military police officer with the Marines in Iraq. Covert had enlisted in September 2000, just a few weeks after his 19th birthday. His family declined to discuss his death.

 

Police reports show that Covert went out with his girlfriend to a party and then to Wings Sports Bar and Grill on North Dixie Drive late on the night of July 3. He broke into a jealous tirade after overhearing his girlfriend mention her ex-boyfriend’s name in a conversation on her cell phone.

 

At about 2 a.m. on July 4, when the couple returned to Covert’s residence, the argument began again in earnest. Just as suddenly, Covert turned quiet and apologized. He then went into his bedroom, placed a 9-millimeter Smith & Wesson semi-automatic into his mouth and pulled the trigger.

 

There is always a combination of factors involved in any suicide, including the victim’s emotional stability, his family support system and his coping skills, but the experience of war can brand its unique trauma on veterans and lower their tolerance for frustration, said Kathy Platoni, a Dayton area psychologist and Army Reserve lieutenant colonel. Platoni headed a six-person combat operations stress unit for psychological services at Guantanamo Bay military base in Cuba before returning to her Centerville home June 29. This month, the 25-year Army veteran will ship out again for a tour of duty in Iraq.

 

“I can understand why somebody would come back (from Iraq) feeling like, ‘I made all of these sacrifices, I suffered all of these horrible things, and now the fates, or God, or society, or my girlfriend — whatever — is doing me wrong again,’ ” Platoni said. “Sometimes even people with adequate coping skills will feel that way, particularly if they are suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder.”

 

A lowered frustration tolerance, coupled with a familiarity with firearms, can be a deadly combination for returning soldiers, she said. “When you’re used to using a weapon, or dealing with problems with a weapon, or killing people with weapons, you’re desensitized,” she said. “So it’s not even terrifying to think of using a weapon or having one on hand in civilian life.”

 

Mary Tendall, a California psychotherapist who specializes in treating PTSD for the VA, said soldiers who have spent prolonged periods in combat zones develop a hyper-vigilant, “lock and load” mentality that dominates their brain chemistry for years after their return.

 

“Their whole existence is coming from that primitive, reptilian-like place of survival within the brain — it’s flight, fight or freeze,” Tendall said. Any trigger — a nightmare, a disappointment or even a minor provocation — can inject the traumatic past into the present reality, she said. “That’s translated into, ‘I don’t like crowds’ or ‘I don’t want to go shopping.’ Or they want to kill someone who just pulled in front of them in traffic,” she said.

 

Members of Covert’s Marine Reserve unit, Military Police Charlie Company of Dayton, were shocked to learn of his death.

 

“We all kept second-guessing ourselves — would we have been able to help if we were nearer, was there anything we could have done?” said Maj. Quinn Auten, who had been Covert’s commanding officer during the company’s first tour of Iraq.

 

Covert had left for Iraq in March 2003. His fellow Marines say he was the kind of soldier they learned to trust.

 

“He really was admired by most of the guys there,” said Maj. Cara Arledge, a Marine Reserves therapist who works with the company on a regular basis, and had come to know Covert well. “That’s why all of those who could come were at his funeral. Had the rest of the guys not been in Iraq, they would have been at the funeral.”

 

Sometime during the night after Covert’s death, and hundreds of miles away in Ogden, Kan., Dayton native William Neal Price, 23, went into his garage, attached a garden hose to the exhaust pipe of his 1992 Oldsmobile Cutlass and placed the other end of the hose into his car. He rolled up the windows and turned on the engine. His wife, Erin, found his body just before 10 on the morning of July 5.

 

A specialist in the Army’s 172nd Chemical Company at nearby Fort Riley, Price had returned in March from a year of duty in Kuwait and was fighting a battle against depression. He had spent the month of June in a VA psychiatric care unit in Topeka.

 

Price’s wife told police investigators that nothing unusual had happened the night before his death and that the couple had discussed their plans for the weekend. But she added that they “weren’t getting along really well” since his return from Kuwait.

 

His mother, Vicki Price of Dayton, said she did not want to go into details but said she believed her son’s death “had a lot to do with” his service overseas.

Too few mental health specialists

 

After eight years of relatively low rates of suicide among Army personnel — 11.9 per 100,000 troops — suicides spiked last year not long after the start of Operation Iraqi Freedom. From March to October, 17 soldiers deployed to Iraq and Kuwait committed suicide – including five deaths in the month of July alone.

 

The problem may have begun even before U.S. troops set foot in Iraq. As soldiers leave for combat, the Armed Forces are required by law to make accurate records of their health, both mental and physical. By passing the law in 1998, Congress had hoped to avoid a recurrence of the first Gulf War, when veterans complaining about a variety of health symptoms dubbed Gulf War Syndrome. Health officials found that there was no way to tell if their problems had started before or after the war.

 

Dr. Manning Feinleib, a professor of public health at Johns Hopkins University in Maryland, told Congress last year that the two-page screening questionnaire handed out to soldiers contained “little worthwhile data.” In September of last year, the GAO found that 40 percent of Army soldiers were missing one page of their questionnaire from their files, and 98 percent of Air Force personnel were missing either one or both pages.

 

In July 2003, when soldier suicides in Iraq reached their peak, the Army took the unprecedented step of sending a team of consultants to the war zone to assess the problem and make recommendations to commanders in the field.

 

The Army’s Mental Health Advisory Team issued its report Dec. 16, but it wasn’t released to the public until the following March. The majority of the 756 soldiers interviewed reported low or very low morale. Of the soldiers who screened positive for depression, anxiety or traumatic stress, fewer than one in three said they had received any help from an Army professional, including doctors and chaplains.

 

Cheyenne Forsythe of Killeen, Texas, who finished his Army enlistment in March after serving as a mental health specialist to the Army’s Third Brigade in Iraq, said many soldiers couldn’t get help in the field even if they had wanted it — there were too few specialists on hand. He said being personally responsible for the mental well-being of several thousand soldiers under combat conditions “was overwhelming.”

 

One team of four specialists was allotted to each brigade, each of which could total anywhere from 1,500 to 3,500 personnel, Forsythe said. “When you looked around, there just wasn’t enough of us to go around. You think you’re doing your job, and then someone commits suicide not more than 500 yards away, and it’s too late.”

 

Even if help had been readily available, almost 60 percent of soldiers felt that seeking help might make them seem weak and that their superiors would then treat them differently or deny them promotions, the Army report found. Worse, nearly half of those interviewed felt their superiors would blame them if they reported a problem.

 

Pogany, the staff sergeant who was charged with cowardice, says his experience proves that some Army leaders discourage soldiers from seeking psychiatric help.

 

Last October, Pogany, 33, of Colorado Springs, Colo., was attached to the 10th Special Forces in Iraq as an interrogator “two inches away from hell” in the heart of the Sunni Triangle when he suffered a panic attack while viewing the remains of an Iraqi man killed by a 25-millimeter round to the torso.

 

All that night and into the next morning, Pogany suffered from sleeplessness, vomiting, diarrhea and overwhelming feelings of terror, he said. “I felt like I was having a nervous breakdown. I had no control — over my emotions, over my fear, over my anxiety. I was freaking out like there was no tomorrow.”

 

The next morning, Pogany said, he went to his Special Forces team leader and asked for help but was given a sleeping pill and told he should “suck it up.”

 

“He literally told me to get my head out of my (extremity) and get with the program,” said Pogany, who declined to identify the team leader.

 

Three days later, after being placed in isolation and put on suicide watch, Pogany was permitted to see a chaplain, who referred him to Forsythe, a member of the Combat Stress Control Team. Forsythe, whose recommendation was backed by an Army psychologist, said that Pogany had suffered a normal stress reaction and that he should be permitted to get on-site treatment and work it through.

 

The commander rejected that idea. Instead, Pogany was sent back to the States to face court-martial charges, and the death penalty, for cowardice. “When I got back (to base), I was treated like the worst outcast, like a criminal,” he said. “I was separated from my unit, patted down and taken under guard back to the post.”

 

Pogany fought the cowardice charge, which the Army later downgraded to dereliction of duty. In July, the Army dropped all charges after a Navy doctor diagnosed him with brain-stem and balance problems likely caused by the anti-malarial drug, Lariam, taken by thousands of U.S. soldiers in Iraq.

 

Pogany is convinced that Lariam, a pill which he was required to take weekly during his tour of duty, had much to do with his reaction to stress in Iraq. Side effects of the drug can include anxiety, panic attacks, paranoia, vomiting, diarrhea and even hallucinations.

 

“I pretty much experienced all those things,” he said.

 

The Pentagon announced in February that it is investigating whether there is a link between the drug and any soldier suicides. However, the military continues to defend Lariam, known generically as mefloquine, as both highly effective and safe for soldiers to take.

“Yeah it was scary”

 

While study after study has shown a need for more mental health services, there’s an obstacle: Many soldiers and veterans who suffer from disorders don’t seek help.

 

More than half of the soldiers in the Walter Reed study who screened positive for mental distress indicated no interest in getting help. And as few as one in four of those reporting problems said they had gotten mental health treatment in the last year.

 

Spc. David Payne was one of those soldiers who had never sought help, even after his return home. Karen Payne, his mother, suspects that Lariam was a factor in her son’s suicide, but she also knows that David carried the scars of war within him. “The families were never counseled as to what they should be doing to support them,” she said.

 

As a military policeman in Baghdad, Payne had organized soccer games with the children living in the orphanage sponsored by his Army unit, she said. “It was his way of reaching out to people where there might be a language barrier.”

 

Payne’s most horrific memories of the war also involved children — the small bodies he found piled in an Iraqi political prison when his unit first arrived in Baghdad, she said.

 

Payne twice withdrew from his studies in zoology at the University of Oklahoma to serve his country in the Army Reserves, first in 2001 and again in 2003.

 

Payne’s military police unit in Iraq stopped looters, chased after carjackers and conducted raids on the homes of suspected criminals, including counterfeiters, said Sgt. 1st Class John Marshall, the non-commissioned officer in charge of the unit, the 812th Military Police Company in Baghdad.

 

As in Vietnam, separating friend from foe, and the guilty from the innocent, isn’t always possible in Iraq, Marshall said.

 

“We’d get into shoot-outs, and some of my guys actually killed a child a couple of times,” he said. “You had people running checkpoints all the time. The facts of when and where — sometimes I have to think really hard to remember which is which.

 

“We’d get blown up (by a car bomb) and we’d clear the area and take the people to get cared for medically. Yeah, it was scary. We didn’t want to get blown up or shot. But we went right back on the street and continued the job.”

 

Such intense military action, for prolonged periods of time, carries a psychological toll. Of 13,855 medical evacuations from Iraq between July 2003 and August 2004, 850 — or about 6 percent — were for psychiatric reasons, according to the Army.

 

After Payne returned to Oklahoma in January, months of nightmares and sleeplessness spurred him to call his Army Reserve unit in April, his mother said.

 

Marshall said he took a call from Payne the week before his death but said that Payne declined his offers of help.

 

Payne’s biggest concern, Marshall said, appeared to be whether he would be deployed a third time to Iraq. The sergeant said he assured Payne that wouldn’t happen because he had reached the limit of 24 months of service in a war zone.

 

“We were talking about whether he was going to stay in the unit or not and he said, ‘Well, I just have some problems right now I need to work out,’ ” Marshall said. “I asked, ‘Is there anything I can do to help? Can I get anybody to talk to you?’ He said, ‘No, no, no. It’s nothing like that. Just some stuff I have to work out on my own.’ ” Payne’s case points to a stress factor unique to the war on terror — the uncertainty of service for many soldiers, both in the duration of their duty and the possibility that they might be called up more than once, said Marlene Davis-Pierce, the coordinator of services for Persian Gulf veterans at the Dayton VA Medical Center.

 

As the war in Iraq has dragged on, what began as six months of active duty for most soldiers, including their pre- and post-deployment time, soon became six months in combat, then a full year and, most recently, up to 18 months at a time.

 

Total service in Iraq has been capped at 24 months.

 

Unlike the war in Vietnam, Davis-Pierce said, many of those being called up for duty in Iraq and Afghanistan are “weekend warriors” — National Guard troops and Reservists — “older people in their 30s and 40s who have jobs, who have families. A lot of these people (in Operation Iraqi Freedom) signed up to get their educational benefits and all that, and they never dreamed that they would be made active.”

 

A persistent enemy

 

Because of the “intensity of warfare,” a GAO study says, mental health experts predict 15 percent or more of the servicemen returning from Iraq and Afghanistan will develop post-traumatic stress disorder — a rate roughly equal to that of Vietnam War veterans.

 

The tragic parallels between the two wars are not lost on 78-year-old Ray Seeley of Canton, N.C.

 

Seeley’s son, Zane, descended into mental illness and homelessness following his service in Vietnam, and the family lost touch with him for more than four years. He suddenly reappeared in Canton last week, Seeley said. “He was living under a bridge in Mississippi, down on the coast — a gathering place for the homeless, I guess.”

 

In January, Zane’s son, Jeremy, committed suicide at age 28 after his return from Operation Iraqi Freedom.

 

“There’s no definite reason we could understand for that happening,” Seeley said. “I talked to some of his buddies who were with him when he was over there. They said he did his job really well and didn’t show any signs of this.”

 

Seeley himself served in the Navy during World War II on a destroyer escort, protecting Allied convoys from enemy submarines.

 

“I saw a good deal of that during World War II — people who just lost it,” Seeley said. “Of course, there was no help then. We had too much to do. So we just transferred them off the ship to something else.”

 

Jeremy Seeley was found dead Jan. 17 — three years to the day after his enlistment in the Army — at the Shoney’s Inn in Clarksville, Tenn., not far from the 101st Airborne Division’s base at Ft. Campbell, Ky.

 

Behind the bolted door, Seeley had drunk a fatal concoction of Pepsi, antifreeze and Drain Pro.

 

Ray Seeley said his family didn’t even know Jeremy had returned to the States.

 

“I was four years in the Navy in World War II, and you know, men do strange things like that after every war, like the boys were doing after ‘Nam,” he said. “It just seems like they lose interest in everything” Dr. David L. Kurtz, an Air Force psychiatrist based at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, believes suicide is a cyclical problem that arises whenever the Armed Forces let down their guard.

 

Kurtz was dispatched to Kuwait late last year to help the Army strengthen its suicide prevention efforts.

 

“What we found is that the Army had enough mental health assets, but not in the right places,” Kurtz said. “They needed more presence in northern Kuwait” because that’s the gateway to and from Iraq.

 

Army Medical Command estimates it has 80 to 90 psychiatrists and psychologists operating in Iraq, plus another 100 to 130 mental health specialists.

 

Those numbers have not changed significantly since last summer, said Army spokesman Jaime Cavazos.

 

While the Army was asking for help from other military branches, the Air Force, too, saw an increase in suicides.

 

Twenty-five active duty personnel committed suicide between October of last year and Feb. 24, 2004. As a result, the Air Force went from having the lowest suicide rate among all services in calendar 2003 — 10.5 per 100,000 people — to one of the highest in 2004, with a rate of 18.1 per 100,000.

 

“I think what we have found in the Air Force is that every time we turn our attention to something else, the suicide rate goes up again,” Kurtz said.

 

The Air Force is now busy making sure that suicide prevention is a “command issue” among all of its leaders — speeding up the timing of its briefings on the subject from every 20 months to every six months, he said.

 

Supervisors must monitor the daily quality of life among military personnel and look for the very early warning signs of suicide — family and relationship stresses, financial and legal problems and alcohol and drug abuse, Kurtz said.

 

“Any one of these individual problems signals that things are bigger and that they need to be addressed.”

 

Ray Seeley said he hopes the military will now keep a closer watch on its soldiers and veterans.

 

“I’m 78 years old. I’m beyond hope. I’m a mountain man who lives in the mountains. I just wake up every morning and look around and thank God for all the beauty I can see,” he said. “But my hope and prayer is that something good will come out of all of this. I hope something can be done for our boys.”

Assistant Director of News Research Phillip Elam contributed to this report. Contact Jim DeBrosse at 225-2437 and Mehul Srivastava at 225-2432.

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Guardsman could survive 1st Gulf War, but not the second


Guardsman could survive 1st Gulf War, but not the second

National Guardsman Jeffrey Sloss was a tough guy. He made it through the first Gulf War. He was State Trooper of the Year in Union, S.C. He volunteered to stay in the Guard even after returning from Iraq in 1992.

But three days before his plane was scheduled to leave for Iraq in April 2003, he began behaving erratically. He bought a $27,000 Mustang and told the officers in his unit that the plane they would take to Iraq was “flying back to South Carolina and not overseas,” his medical records show. Worried about his health, his wife of two weeks traveled to Camp Attebury in Indiana to visit him in the hospital there. Later, he was transported to Fort Knox, Ky., where doctors attributed his problems to “high stress and poor sleep.”

“At this time, there is no evidence to suggest further non-deployment,” wrote psychologist Christopher Knipple in a memorandum to Sloss’ commander on May 6, 2003. “Recommend (Sloss) be considered deployable and fit-for-duty without restrictions.”

Sloss soon left with the rest of his unit to Iraq, where he worked as communications specialist for the 151st Signal Battalion. Pam Sloss, his wife, returned to South Carolina and waited for her husband to come home. He did come home, on April 18, 2004, “but he was never the same as before,” Pam said.

A little over a month later, one year to the day after he had arrived in Iraq, Sloss came home early from his stepdaughter’s softball practice, pulled his service revolver out from his desk, put it to his head, and shot himself while his wife and stepdaughter watched.

“The whole time he was at practice, he was pacing,” Pam recalls. “When we got home, my daughter and I walked into the apartment ? When I turned around from talking to my daughter, he’d walked out of the bedroom and he had the gun in his hand. I ran up the hall and tried to knock it out of his hands.

“I just wasn’t strong enough.”

Sloss should never have been sent to war, said Stephen Robinson, executive director of the National Gulf War Resource Center, who testified before Congress about Sloss’ death. “DOD ignored the law designed to protect soldiers and ensure we send healthy soldiers to fight the nation’s wars.”

The Army declined to comment on Sloss’ case. But Martha Rudd, an Army spokeswoman, said, “Soldiers are given medical screenings before they are deployed. These include mental health issues. If a soldier is having a problem in a particular area, then he or she is referred to a specialist in that area and is evaluated for that particular issue. If a person is deemed medically non-deployable, then he is not deployed.”

Pam Sloss first met her husband in June 2002, when the state trooper stopped her car while conducting routine sobriety checks.

“I saw him. We hit it off. We had our first date a week and a half later,” she said. When he came home from Iraq, Pam said she didn’t see how troubled he was. She had been a military wife for less than a year, and hadn’t seen her husband for most of that time.

 “I can look back and see a few things now,” she said, “He was a little distant, a little despondent about having gained a little weight, but I never thought he would do something like that.”

Sloss’ best friend, too, missed the warning signs. Fellow state trooper Daniel Seaford had been in the Guard with Sloss for 12 years — sharing hotel rooms when they did their weekend service and posing together for a photograph in front of Baghdad International Airport. They were so close that their friends dubbed them “Salt and Pepper” (Sloss was black, Seaford is white).

They also talked each week after their return to South Carolina.

“We had this conversation a few days before he killed himself,” Seaford said. “He was having some issues?about adjusting back to family life, home life.”

In Iraq, life was simple, Seaford remembers Sloss saying. ” ‘All you got to do is eat and survive.’ “

Back home, life was throwing Sloss off. He was forgetting his keys. Forgetting to show up for appointments on time. Making small mistakes on his paperwork. Seaford understood because he was going through the same.

“You could be sleeping, and somebody would slam the door, and you’d be back in Iraq,” Seaford said, “Just the thunder, and the rumbling sound ? For a brief moment, you don’t realize where you are. Your mind races.”

Sloss and Seaford survived 61 mortar attacks on their unit during their time in Iraq. Neither of them had expected that when they signed up for Guard duty.

“Never in a million years did we think we would be sent to Baghdad,” Seaford said. “Five years ago, that would have been impossible. For us to be where we were, it was unbelievable.” In Iraq, the two friends controlled the encryption keys that the 151st Signal Battalion depended on to communicate with the rest of the armed forces in the area. Signal units in wars generally tend to stay toward the rear, but as part of the close-quarters combat on the outskirts of Fallujah, their unit was out front.

“We had so many close calls,” pulling security escorts for people, Seaford said, “That’s something a Marine would do, and we were just National Guardsmen.”

When Seaford and Sloss returned to the states, they went through the Army’s debriefing process to alert them to the warning signs of combat stress and the danger in ignoring those signs.

“But you see, it’s one briefing, and it’s a whole battalion of people,” Seaford said, “To be honest, everybody is just glad to be home.”

Robinson said that when Sloss got back from Iraq, he had no one from the military looking out for his health. “He had served his purpose and was now on his own,” he said.

Pam said she sought help but didn’t know where to turn.

“The only numbers I had were for a major, and an Army chaplain, and those didn’t work” she said. “I finally found one number after looking on the Internet.”

The Army OneSource number she found, given to all veterans during their debriefings, is designed to help with any number of problems, including legal, financial and medical. Sloss wasn’t around long enough to keep the appointment he made, his wife says.

“He killed himself the next day,” Pam said, “Even if he had some numbers to call, considering the state he was in, he probably wouldn’t even have remembered.”

Seaford said he understands how confusing it is for returning soldiers.

“We did get some paperwork that had some numbers for help, but to be honest, I couldn’t put my hands on it if I wanted to,” he said. “It’s all so disorganized.”

Seaford said he isn’t seeking help even though he’s had some of the same symptoms as Sloss. He wants to cope with it himself, if he can. But with Sloss gone, it’s gotten tougher on him.

“I spent hours trying to figure out what happened, what went wrong,” he said. “I can’t ask him those questions now.”

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How vets can get help


How vets can get help

DAYTON | Veterans of Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom are eligible for two years of free health care and mental health services if they served on active duty in a theater of combat and have been discharged under other than dishonorable conditions.

That includes National Guard and Reserve members if they were ordered to active duty by a federal declaration and served the full period for which they were called.

Veterans seeking services under this program should bring their DD 214 form with them when reporting to a VA health care facility.

For more information, contact Marlene Davis-Pierce, the OIF/OEF services coordinator at the Dayton VA Medical Center, by calling 268-6511, Ext. 2236 or toll free at (800) 368-8262, Ext. 2236.

For more information on VA locations and phone listings, call (800) 827-1000.

Online

 

 

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Terror Fears Only Card Bush Has To Play

Terror Fears Only Card Bush Has To Play

Cheney Still Bluffing On Iraq, 9/11 Connection

Someday, President George W. Bush may have to explain why he really went to war against Iraq.

But you won’t hear it with his re-election at stake and his credibility on the line.
Public opinion polls continue to show a tight presidential race, which suggests to me that voters have devalued the importance of credibility in top government officials.
How else can one make sense of the fact that the president continues to do well in the polls despite the total collapse of his credibility about the reasons for invading Iraq?
This credibility problem was on full display Tuesday night during the spirited debate between Vice President Dick Cheney and Sen. John Edwards, his Democratic rival.
During the 90-minute encounter, Cheney made it eminently clear that the administration has only one card to play in this campaign — terrorism. By keeping the country scared, the administration hopes to be safely ensconced for another four years.
To his credit, Edwards quickly zeroed in on the administration’s dishonest propaganda line that we invaded Iraq because of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.
These words that Edwards directed at Cheney should be emblazoned on every wall:
“Mr. Vice President, there is no connection between the attacks of Sept. 11 and Saddam Hussein. The 9/11 commission has said it. Your secretary of state has said it. And you’ve gone around the country suggesting that there is some connection. There is not.”
Amen.
Administration spinners, from Bush on down, have cleverly tried to make that convergence, ever more desperately as the original rationale of Saddam’s mythical weapons of mass destruction has gradually disappeared over the horizon.
The final nail in the WMD coffin came Wednesday when yet another White House-ordered weapons search came up empty.
Charles A. Duelfer, appointed in January after David A. Kay found no WMD in Iraq, is the latest weapons hunter to come home skunked. I wonder if Bush will send yet another searcher in hopes of satisfying this administration obsession.
No WMD and no links between Saddam and 9/11 leave Bush and Cheney adrift on an ocean of spin and stubborn insistence that, well, the world is better off with Saddam in jail. It would be funny if it were not so tragic.
Cheney, a hawk nesting nicely in a well-feathered administration, can’t let go of his Saddam-9/11 rant even though Bush himself has said there were no links.
To those of us who have watched the Bush administration mush these two themes together, it was refreshing to hear Edwards tell Cheney Tuesday night that he was “not being straight with the American people.”
Meantime, two administration leading lights have thrown the White House in a tizzy with their recent statements about the war and Saddam.
L. Paul Bremer, former U.S. administrator in Iraq, told an audience in White Sulphur Springs, W. Va., on Monday that the Bush administration had failed to provide enough occupation troops in Iraq.
Asked about Bremer’s statement, White House spokesman Scott McClellan simply reiterated that the president took his advice on the troop situation from Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and the military commanders in the field.
Rumsfeld was in more hot water — as if he needed any more trouble — for telling the Council on Foreign Relations in New York that he had “not seen any strong, hard evidence” of links between Saddam and the terrorists who attacked the World Trade Center in New York on Sept. 11. (Dick Cheney, please note.)
But big men can recant, especially when the White House apparently phones to rebuke them.
Bremer later backtracked and said there are now sufficient troop levels in Iraq. And the Pentagon said Rumsfeld was misunderstood. Too bad these men cannot speak English.
The White House was so rattled by this bam-bam that it issued a statement several hours before the vice presidential debate proclaiming that “there were disturbing similarities” between Saddam and the al Qaida before the war.
It’s no wonder the administration is trying to hold the line on the fleeting reasons for going to war with so much at stake. After all, the voters could decide they were misled.
(Helen Thomas can be reached at the e-mail address hthomas@hearstdc.com

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Poll: Half of young Americans believe President Bush wants to reinstate the draft

Poll: Half of young Americans believe President Bush wants to reinstate the draft

Friday, October 8, 2004

WASHINGTON (AP) — In spite of denials by the Bush administration, half of young Americans believe President Bush wants to reinstate the military draft, a national poll suggests.

The National Annenberg Election Survey found that 51 percent of adults age 18 to 29 believe Bush wants to reinstate the draft. Eight percent said Kerry supports bring back the draft, and 7 percent said both want to. A fourth of those polled said neither candidate favors the idea.

Both Bush and Kerry say they don’t support a renewed military draft. Earlier this week, the House defeated a bill paving the way to a draft 402-2. House Republicans have sought to quash the persistent Internet rumor that the president wants to reinstate the draft if re-elected while Democrats have fanned the flames on the rumor.

“Young voters are much more misinformed about the presidential candidates’ positions on the draft than the population in general,” said Kate Kenski, an analyst at the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg Public Policy Center.

Three in 10 adults think Bush wants to reinstate the draft, and 7 percent of all adults think both Bush and Kerry feel that way.

The polling of 1,543 adults was done from Sept. 27 to Oct. 3 and has a margin of error of plus or minus 2 percentage points — 7 percentage points for the young adults.

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Army’s Ability to Attract African-American Soldiers Plummets

Army’s Ability to Attract African-American Soldiers Plummets

By CHRISTOPHER COOPER
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
October 7, 2004; Page B1

The U.S. Army’s ability to attract African-American soldiers has plummeted recently, a trend that threatens to place further strains on a military already stretched by wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Blacks attracted to the force numbered 12,103, or 15.6{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of the total enlistment pool, in the year ended Sept. 30, down from a peak of 16,695, or 21{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of recruits, in fiscal 2002, statistics gathered by the Army’s recruiting command show. The timing of the drop in the share of black recruits roughly corresponds with the mass movement of troops to the Middle East and the outbreak of the Iraq war. Figures for the Army Reserve show a similar, albeit more dramatic, drop — of about 27{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} for the same period.

By contrast, the percentage of white recruits has held relatively steady. White enlistees made up 65.2{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d}, or 50,586, of the recruiting pool in fiscal 2004 and 62.7{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d}, or 49,846, of recruits in fiscal 2002.

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Large Veterans’ Organizations Speak Out on Major Issues

Large Veterans’ Organizations Speak Out on Major Issues

 

On Veterans’ Health Care Funding in FY 2004:  “Veterans are condemning House Republicans’ failure to deliver a $3.2 billion boost for the Veterans Affairs Department that would have shrunk the agency’s waiting list for medical care. ‘A shameless betrayal’ is how AMVETS sums it up. ‘A moral outrage,’ the American Legion said. ‘Abominable’ is the word from the Non Commissioned Officers Association.” (Gannett New Service, 8/18/03)

 

On the Republican’s Partial Plan on Disabled Veterans’ Tax   “Creating a two-tiered benefits system, that favors one group of service-disabled military retirees over another, is not the answer.  Creating a commission to study VA’s disability-compensation system – a system which requires medical evidence to prove a claim and is scrutinized by congressional Veterans’ Affairs committees, an appeals process, and a federal court – is not the answer.  The answer is to repeal the tax for all service-disabled military retirees.” (American Legion Press release, 10/16/03)

 

On President’s FY 2005 Budget  “The President ignored veterans in the State of the Union Address and with today’s release of his 2005 budget, it is further evident that veterans are no longer a priority with this administration…This funding package is a disgrace and a sham,”  VFW Commander-in-Chief Edward S. Banas, Sr. said. “This deplorable budget will do nothing to alleviate the many thousands of veterans who are waiting six months or more for basic health care appointments with VA.  Instead, the budget seeks to drive veterans from the system by realigning funding, charging enrollment fees for access and more than doubling the prescription drug co-payment.  This is inexcusable, especially when no member of this administration or Congress would wait this long for their health care.” (Veterans of Foreign Wars, 2/2/04)

 

“It is clear that veterans are not a national priority to this administration, and the President’s budget plan attempts to shift the burden for funding veterans health care to those brave men and women who have served and sacrificed for our country. It is utterly disgraceful to shortchange America’s veterans at a time when this government has placed so many of our troops in harm’s way in the war on terror, considering that many of them will need VA medical care for decades to come.” (The Disabled American Veterans, February 4, 2004)

 

“The budget proposed by the President for veterans’ health care for the next fiscal year is not only inadequate, it’s an insult to veterans. It represents a clear-cut case of misplaced priorities. The same budget that calls for generous funding to wage war ignores the real needs of those who return from the war zone, and will impose undue hardship on them.” (Vietnam Veterans of America, February 4, 2004)

 

House Budget Resolution  FY 2005  “This budget will do nothing to help the thousands of veterans waiting six months or more to see a primary care physician; in fact, it will drive many out of the system all together. You or I would not accept this type of health care so why should America’s veterans? Again, I encourage you and your colleagues to vote this budget down! Veterans Health Care funding must be increased if this nation is to meet its obligation to those men and women who have so valiantly served her.” (Veterans of Foreign Wars, March 24, 2004)

 

“The budget resolution does not provide adequate funding to meet the needs of sick and disabled veterans seeking care from the system.  The proposal is an insult not only to current veterans who served their country honorable, but also to the men and women at this moment all over the world protecting democracy.  BVA questions the priorities of this Congress…. If you truly support our men and women in uniform, and are concerned about defending this great Nation, you will vote against this budget resolution.  Defeating the current proposal is the patriotic action to take.  (Blinded Veterans of America, March 23, 2004)

 

“In May 2003, the President’s Task Force to Improve Health Care Delivery for Our Nation’s Veterans reported chronic under-funding that left VA unable to meet its obligations to veterans. The entire situation is intolerable and is certainly no way for Congress to express our nation’s gratitude for the sacrifice and service of its military veterans. AMVETS strongly urges members of the Committee to support [Representative Chet Edward’s] proposal and lift spending for FY 2005 to the bipartisan level recommended by the House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs. This level of funding is essential and without it those services sick and disabled veterans earned and deserve will not be there when they need them.” (American Veterans (AMVETS), March 10, 2004)

 

“If the House Budget Resolution cannot arrange priorities within a $2 trillion budget to meet the benefits veterans earned and richly deserve, something is wrong with their priorities.” (AMVETS March 23, 2004)

 

Budget Enforcement Measure & Entitlement Caps (Kirk Amendment) The sham GOP budget enforcement bill will deny veterans the necessary funding they deserve.  The Paralyzed Veterans of America opposes the GOP budget enforcement bill because it “would deny the Department of Veterans Affairs the ability to properly care for veterans and to provide them with the benefits that have earned and deserved.”  (Letter from the Paralyzed Veterans of America, 6/24/04)

 

“Enacting severely restrictive caps on entitlement spending could result in billions of dollars in cuts to VA benefits, including compensation, pension, education, and special grants.  Such entitlement caps would likely prevent Congress from even enacting annual cost-of-living increases.  Enactment of this amendment would show Congress’ utter disregard for the men and women who have served this nation and continue to serve in places such as Iraq and Afghanistan.” (Paralyzed Veterans of America:  June 24, 2004)

 

“Notifying a multiple-amputee or paraplegic that his or her country cannot afford to continue full compensation for the life-changing combat wounds would be a national disgrace.  Informing a combat veteran that after 30 years of honorable service of risking life and limb, family separations, and other personal hardships and sacrifices that America cannot guarantee the payment of his or her retirement pay or health care benefits would be a direct betrayal of confidence of this nation.” (The American Legion)

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Connecting the Dots on Voter Registration and Turn Out

Millions Blocked from Voting in Election
by Alan Elsner, Reuters
Wednesday 22 September 2004
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=2052
Millions of U.S. citizens, including a disproportionate number of black voters, will be blocked from voting in the Nov. 2 presidential election because of legal barriers, faulty procedures or dirty tricks, according to civil rights and legal experts…
 
Ohio Secretary of State Blocks New Voter Registrations
By Jim Bebbington and Laura Bischoff
Dayton Daily News
Tuesday 28 September 2004
http://www.truthout.org/docs_04/092904W.shtml
Voters-rights advocates are criticizing two recent decisions by Ohio Secretary of State J. Kenneth Blackwell that they say will unfairly limit some people’s ability to vote Nov. 2…
 
Still Seeking a Fair Florida Vote
By Jimmy Carter
Washington Post
Monday 27 September 2004
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A52800-2004Sep26.html
After the debacle in Florida four years ago, former president Gerald Ford and I were asked to lead a blue-ribbon commission to recommend changes in the American electoral process. After months of concerted effort by a dedicated and bipartisan group of experts, we presented unanimous recommendations to the president and Congress. The government responded with the Help America Vote Act of October 2002. Unfortunately, however, many of the act’s key provisions have not been implemented because of inadequate funding or political disputes. The disturbing fact is that a repetition of the problems of 2000 now seems likely…
 
Protect the Vote
by Bob Herbert, New York Times 
Thursday 09 September 2004
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=1987
More than 80 percent of the population of Detroit is black. This is very well understood by John Pappageorge, who is white and a Republican state legislator in Michigan. “If we do not suppress the Detroit vote,” said Mr. Pappageorge, “we’re going to have a tough time in this election.”

Fear Of Fraud
By PAUL KRUGMAN, New York Times
Tuesday 27 July 2004
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/07/27/opinion/27krug.html
It’s election night, and early returns suggest trouble for the incumbent. Then, mysteriously, the vote count stops and observers from the challenger’s campaign see employees of a voting-machine company, one wearing a badge that identifies him as a county official, typing instructions at computers with access to the vote-tabulating software….
 
League of Women Voters warns Michiganians against voter registration scam
by KATHY BARKS HOFFMAN
Associated Press
Friday 01 October 2004
http://www.mercurynews.com/mld/mercurynews/news/politics/9812593.htm?1c
 
Voter Registration Volunteers Win Lawsuit Against VA
Metro Active News (San Jose, California)
Wednesday 25 August 2004
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=2027
 
Senator Backs Voting Rights After Witnessing Computer Voting Machine Failure
by Stephen Manning, Associated Press
Monday 13 September 2004
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=1990
 
Editorial: Voting flaps / Public scrutiny is essential
Star Tribune
Monday 4 October 2004
http://www.startribune.com/stories/561/5011508.html
 
Maximum public scrutiny.  Those three words were offered up last week by former President Jimmy Carter as “perhaps the only recourse” for pressing the state of Florida on the fairness of its voting process at this late stage in the presidential election. In just the week since he wrote them, worrisome processes and practices have popped up with such frequency that these three words of advice bear repeating over and over, all over the country, during the run-up to Nov. 2.
 
Carter wrote in the context of having co-led, with former President Gerald Ford, a blue-ribbon commission asked to recommend changes in America’s electoral process after the 2000 election. He also wrote as an election observer whose Carter Center has monitored more than 50 elections around the world — all of them, as he points out, “held under contentious, troubled or dangerous conditions.”
 
In a piece published by the Washington Post last Monday, Carter said that he is often asked why he doesn’t monitor the election in Florida this year, given what happened in 2000. To which he answered that “some basic international requirements for a fair election are missing in Florida,” and discussed signs that Florida lacks 1) a trusted, nonpartisan official in charge of conducting the voting process and 2) uniformity in voting procedures.
 
Alone, that’s not a good sign. However, his article and observations didn’t stand alone last week. Carter’s piece came out, for example, as Ohio’s secretary of state came under fire for a directive stating that voter-registration forms must be printed on “white, uncoated paper of not less than 80-pound text weight,” a position from which he was forced to retreat on Tuesday. Thousands upon thousands had registered using lighter-weight paper.
 
On Wednesday, two days after Carter’s article, a front-page New York Times story detailed hurdles faced by overseas Americans who want to vote in the election, stating in its lead paragraph that “millions of civilians and soldiers living abroad still face a bewildering and unwieldy system of absentee balloting that could prevent their votes from being counted.” The story described tardy ballots, denial of access to Web sites, concerns over faxes being unsecret ballots, unclear rules and methods, and so on.
 
Meanwhile, right here in Minnesota, registration-drive volunteers complained they’d found Secretary of State Mary Kiffmeyer’s office short of registration cards, and Kiffmeyer found herself before the Senate Elections Committee on Thursday defending both her supply of cards and a new voter registration system that has been the subject of county officials’ complaints.
 
How all this — and who knows what else, elsewhere — will affect the vote tallies come November is unknowable. But it seems clear that the maximum public scrutiny Carter suggests will indeed be critical to ensuring sound election processes.
 
America tends to view itself as unparalleled in its defense and practice of democracy. And yet this year a 20-person election monitoring team, from 14 different countries, will be viewing our processes.
 
To cite just one of them, Brigalia Bam, the chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa, arrived in the United States this month with the group of international monitors to view U.S. elections. “Our experience in dozens of countries around the world has shown that the presence of nonpartisan, nongovernmental observers from other countries can help ensure fair and transparent elections and build trust in democratic processes,” she said.
 
“Through sharing with Americans the democratic innovations and advances occurring around the world, we hope to bring to light the best practices that may benefit the U.S. political system.”
 
Reading about the arrival of her team is a startling experience indeed. For years, Americans have read stories of Jimmy Carter leaving for this or that country to observe elections for fairness. Now elections experts are monitoring here.

 
Erik K. Gustafson, Executive Director

EPIC | Education for Peace in Iraq Center

1101 Penn. Avenue SE | Washington, DC 20003 USA
tel. 202.543.6176 | fax 202.543.0725
http://epic-usa.org

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To Torture or Not?


Chris Hondros / Getty Images

To Torture or Not?
President Bush backs ‘rendering’ suspects—then backs off
A U.S. detainee at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba

 

Oct. 5 – President Bush today distanced himself from his administration’s quiet effort to push through a law that would make it easier to send captured terror suspects to countries where torture is used. The proposed law, recently tacked onto a much larger bill despite the fallout from last spring’s interrogation scandal, is seen as an attempt to counter a recent Supreme Court decision that would free some terror detainees being held without trial.

In a letter published in The Washington Post, White House legal counsel Alberto Gonzales said the president “did not propose and does not support” a provision to the House bill that removes legal protections from suspects preventing their “rendering” to foreign governments known to torture prisoners. Gonzales said Bush “has made clear that the United States stands against and will not tolerate torture.”

But John Feehery, spokesman for House Speaker Dennis Hastert, who introduced the bill last Friday, said the provision had actually been requested by the Department of Homeland Security. “For whatever reason,” Feehery said, “the White House has decided they don’t want to take this on because they’re afraid of the political implications.”

He said the provision, mainly laid out in Section  3032 and 3033 , was designed as a way of addressing the problem created by last summer’s Supreme Court decision. The justices ruled that the administration couldn’t detain people indefinitely without trial or charges. As a result, the government has ordered the release of suspects such as Yaser Hamdi, a dual citizen of the United States and Saudi Arabia who was captured in Afghanistan and held for three years as an enemy combatant.

Now, Feehery said, “we’ve got a situation where we’ve got these people in the country who ought not to be in the country. We have to release them because of the Supreme Court case. So Homeland Security wanted this provision.”

Department of Homeland Security spokesman Garrison Courtney said he believed the proposed legislation was little more than a “clarification” of existing law. But some human-rights groups vehemently disagreed. The New York Bar Association, in a statement, said current U.S. regulations enacted under the Convention against Torture prohibit deporting any individual to a country where “more likely than not” the person will be tortured.  A person can be deported only after a finding that torture is no longer likely  cut . By contrast, the bar association said, the new bill would actually “mandate deportation of such an individual to a country even if it is certain that [he] would be tortured there.”

The provision amounts to “a tacit approval of torture,” the association said, and “is particularly shocking in the aftermath of the recent revelations of torture by U.S. personnel in Iraq.”

Responding to the Bar Association’s criticism, Jeff Lungren of the House Judiciary Committee said some 500 detainees have been released since the summer because of the Supreme Court decision. He said the bill wwas necessary because “the safety and security of the American public is being subjugated to the interests of serious criminals and terrorists.” 

Feehery said Hastert still supported the provision in spite of Gonzales’ letter. The letter was written in response to a Sept. 30 story in The Washington Post that quoted Feehery as saying the Justice Department “really wants and supports” the provision, which is only a tiny part of a giant-intelligence reform bill.

Feehery told Newsweek on Tuesday that, at the time he spoke to the Post reporter, he believed that Justice had sought the provision, but now believes it actually was DHS. Justice spokesman Mark Corallo also said it was Homeland Security’s call. “It’s their issue,” Corallo said. “They’re the immigration people now. Not us.”

© 2004 Newsweek, Inc.

 

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