Psychiatrists Protest Pentagon Interrogations

September 26, 2008 – The nation’s leading organization of psychiatrists says the Pentagon has reneged on an agreement not to use psychiatrists in interrogations of detainees at Guantanamo and other detention sites.

In a  letter to Defense Secretary Robert Gates, Dr. Nada L. Stotland, president of the American Psychiatric Association, says, “The use of psychiatrists to aid in interrogations is a serious violation of medical ethics and should be discontinued.”

A Pentagon spokeswoman said the Pentagon’s rules on the use of psychiatrists, psychologists and other “behavioral science consultants” does not violate professional ethical guidelines set out by the APA and other organizations.

Psychologists and psychiatrists have been involved in the interrogation of detainees for years. Their participation has generated strong feelings among mental health professionals, lawyers and ethicists.

The controversy is coming to a head. Last week, the American Psychological Association also weighed in on the issue, announcing the results of an unprecedented referendum on the issue: Nearly 60 percent of voting members said psychologists should not serve at detention centers at all. The only exceptions are psychologists who work directly for a detainee or a humanitarian agency.

The issue is whether it’s ethically proper for mental health professionals, who vow to do no harm, to be instruments of interrogation.

Neither professional group can tell the Pentagon what to do. And the only direct power the associations have over psychiatrists and psychologists lies in being able to kick them out if they violate policies. But professionals’ livelihoods could be in jeopardy if state licensure boards were to find they violated ethical rules.

The American Psychiatric Association’s policy stems from a visit Dr. Steven Sharfstein made to Guantanamo in October 2005, when he was president of the group.

Sharfstein says he was disturbed to see what mental health professionals actually did there. He says they were advising interrogators as detainees were being questioned.

“They had headsets and microphones, and would be talking to (interrogators) as the interrogators were talking to the detainees,” Sharfstein says. “I just had lots of problems with the whole process.”

When he got home, Sharfstein resolved to get his association to oppose psychiatrists’ participation in interrogations. After a contentious debate, the association adopted that policy in 2006.

The association’s current president, Stotland, says the group thought it had an understanding with the Pentagon back then that it would stop using psychiatrists in interrogations. Then she read the Sept. 11 edition of the New England Journal of Medicine.

It contained a report by ethicists Jonathan Marks and Gregg Bloche, who obtained Pentagon documents through the federal Freedom of Information Act. The documents showed that the Army has continued to train some psychiatrists as behavioral science consultants.

The researchers also obtained — and the New England Journal published — Army policy memo that states, among other things, that behavioral consultants are expected to do psychological profiles of detainees and identify their vulnerabilities as interrogations proceed.

“It’s not the role of psychiatrists to figure out people’s weaknesses and try to prey on them,” Stotland says.

She complained to Gates in the letter she sent Sept. 12. “Both the American Psychiatric Association and the American Medical Association have taken official positions opposing the participation of psychiatrists in interrogation,” she wrote. “We understood that the U.S. military had acknowledged those policies. Has the military’s position changed?”

In an interview with NPR, Stotland says the controversy is not “just about a rule.”

“This is about the soul of a psychiatrist, which is to be dedicated to helping people and healing people,” she says. “And in order to do that, we need to get and we need to deserve their trust.”

Gates has not yet replied, but a Pentagon spokesman says a response will be forthcoming.

Military officials say people have misconceptions about the way interrogations are currently done.

Col. Elspeth Cameron Ritchie, a psychiatrist with the Army, says that at the beginning of the war on terror, there was misunderstanding of “what the rules were” for interrogations. “We don’t try to defend (that),” she says.

But abusive interrogations are in the past, military officials say.

“Interrogations are not abusive,” says Dr. Jack Smith, who works in the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Health Affairs. “Anyone reading what’s been published in magazines and even some medical journals would begin to feel that, by definition, interrogation is abuse. And I think that is not correct.”

Pentagon officials say the presence of psychologists and psychiatrists prevent what they call “behavioral drift” — the erosion of ethical norms that they say can spiral into a situation like Abu Ghraib, the prison in Iraq where detainees were abused by some U.S. troops.

Ritchie says the Army did not consider the psychiatric association’s 2006 policy statement to be an ethical guideline.

“We appreciate their position, and we’ve listened to it and discussed it intensively,” she says. “But it is important to remember that information obtained from interrogation has been used, for example, to discover weapons caches in Iraq, and therefore has saved the lives of both Americans and Iraqis.”

The new challenges to the participation of psychologists and psychiatrists in military interrogations may have consequences.

“If they took these position statements seriously, they would have to stop using psychologists and psychiatrists as advisers on individual interrogations,” says Marks, a Pennsylvania State University lawyer-ethicist who co-wrote the New England Journal article.

“They would have to go back to the drawing board and seriously consider how they’re going to conduct interrogations,” Marks adds.

In fact, military officials are going back to the drawing board. The Army’s 2006 policy memo on the role of “behavioral consultants” expires Oct. 20. Ritchie says work has begun on a new policy. She says it will take the current controversy into account.

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Soldiers from Fort Lewis Say they Stole for Pills

September 26, 2008 – Two Fort Lewis soldiers who deserted their unit in July are accused of committing a string of thefts in Eastern Washington, authorities say.

In jailhouse interviews Wednesday, the soldiers told a Spokane television station that they stole to support a drug habit they developed to deal with combat stress they experienced during a 15-month deployment to Iraq.

The Spokane County Sheriff’s Office reported Tuesday that Pvt. Michael W. Grenkavich, 21, and Spc. Mitchell L. Rea, 22, were living on the streets of Spokane for two months while carrying out a series of crimes. Grenkavich has ties in Eastern Washington.

According to a Sheriff’s Office news release, the men stole a PlayStation 3 from a video shop, two flat-screen TVs from Costco, and jewelry and sports memorabilia from a home. Detectives say the soldiers pawned the stolen items.

In addition, Grenkavich rented power generators on two occasions and pawned them, the release said.

Detectives also were investigating reports that Grenkavich obtained a Washington driver’s license in his brother’s name and used it “to drain the brother’s bank account and to open fraudulent credit accounts,” Spokane authorities said.

Grenkavich was booked into the Spokane County Jail on Tuesday for investigation of second-degree identity theft, first-degree theft, forgery, theft of rental property and first-degree trafficking in stolen property. Rea was booked on suspicion of second-degree theft, trafficking stolen property, forgery and failure to return rental property.

Additional charges were expected.

Both men enlisted in the Army in 2005 and were assigned to the 3rd Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division. They served with the Stryker brigade during a deployment to Iraq that ended in September 2007.

Both men told KXLY-TV during jailhouse interviews that they turned to drugs – specifically the prescription painkiller OxyContin – to cope with lingering effects of the combat stress.

“I was desperate for money,” Grenkavich told the station for a story posted on its Web site. “If I wasn’t high, I wasn’t feeling good.”

Both men told KXLY that they want help with their drug problems.

The men will be returned to the Army once they’re released from civilian custody and could face prosecution under military law, a Fort Lewis spokeswoman said Thursday.

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Accurate History Lesson: ‘Bin Laden and Me’ – Reporter Recounts Factual Origin of Terrorists

Tall and thin, there stood the Saudi mujahid in the same room 

September 28, 2008 – The headquarters and international nerve centre of what was to become the world’s most dangerous terrorist organization was a tiny storefront in a dilapidated, two-storey building in the teeming bazaar of Peshawar, Pakistan.

Known as the Mujahedin Service Bureau, I was told by my Pakistani hosts, with more than a touch of sarcasm, it was the official voice of the Afghan resistance, or mujahedin, charged with telling the outside world of the then little-known struggle being waged against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.

The year was 1986.

At one end of the crowded room was a flimsy desk, behind which sat a small, scholarly-looking middle-aged man in a tattered sweater. He rose as I came in, introduced himself as Abdullah Azzam — one of the leading advocates of unrelenting jihad to liberate the Muslim world.

Azzam had assigned himself two daunting missions: To tell an uncaring, heedless world the story of the bloody struggle to liberate Afghanistan, and to keep track of the growing numbers of men coming to Peshawar from the four corners of the Muslim world who were seeking to go north and fight the Soviets in the Great Jihad.

Azzam also ran a dingy little rooming house next to his office for Muslim mujahedin headed for Afghanistan that came to be known as “the base” or “the centre,” and in Arabic, “al-Qaida.” Rarely in history has an international revolutionary movement sprung from such modest origins.

I vividly recall the moment when Azzam stood, paused, took a deep breath, pointed at a large school map on the office wall, and then said slowly, and with the deepest certitude, “We the mujahedin are going to defeat the godless Soviet Communists and their Afghan Communist dogs.”

His next statement stunned me. “When we have finished driving the Soviet imperialists from Afghanistan, we mujahedin will then go and drive the American imperialists from Arabia, and then liberate Palestine.”

Such epic ambitions from a little man armed only with some ballpoint pens and mimeographed pamphlets seemed preposterous. At the end of the Afghan war, Abdullah Azzam was killed near Peshawar by a car bomb. Azzam’s quixotic cause appeared to have been buried with him.

But no. Among the tens of thousands of young men of the Muslim International Brigades who came to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan — the Communists branded them Islamic terrorists — was a young engineer from one of Saudi Arabia’s wealthiest families, the bin Ladens.

Unlike his youthful contemporaries who went off to Europe to drink, whore, and squander their princely allowances, Osama bin Laden, who had always been a serious, intense young man, went to wage the Great Jihad in Afghanistan.

EARNED ADMIRATION

Bin Laden joined the mujahedin in their fight against the Soviets and puppet Afghan Communist army. Bin Laden was wounded six times in combat, earning wide renown and deep admiration in Afghanistan and Pakistan for his courage, tenacity, and Islamic modesty. It was during this period of combat that bin Laden developed what was to become one of his hallmarks, emulation of the ansar.

The tall, thin Saudi multimillionaire earned respect for his virtuous, ascetic lifestyle that included subsisting on beans and bread, sleeping on the ground or in insect-infested caves, and deporting himself with genuine modesty, self-restraint, and respect for his companions.

Bin Laden spent much of his personal fortune importing bulldozers and Arab engineers into Afghanistan. His men and machines dug deep caves for the mujahedin and their supplies that sheltered them from incessant Soviet air strikes. Bin Laden’s “cave war” played an important role in the final Islamic victory. The young Saudi’s renown soared as a sort of new Arab, the antithesis of the image of the timid, debauched, lazy Saudis whom Bin Laden and his men sneeringly dismissed as “fat women.”

ARDENT DISCIPLE

In the late 1980s, bin Laden fell under Abdullah Azzam’s spell, and became one of his most ardent disciples. It was from Sheik Abdullah that Osama bin Laden adopted his strategy and world view of a trans-national jihad to drive American and British influence from the Muslim world. The dreamer and the engineer joined forces, turning a rundown guesthouse into an organization that would come to profoundly challenge the might of the United States and its allies.

I crossed paths once with bin Laden. It was during fighting outside Jalalabad, the Afghan city that commands the route from Peshawar to Kabul. I had been in battle with mujahedin against Afghan Communist troops, backed by armour and artillery. As is the Afghan custom, the battle ended before dusk and all sides repaired to their homes or camps. I was taken to the sprawling, mud-walled compound of my host, local warlord Hadji Abdul Qadeer, who later became vice-president of U.S.-occupied Afghanistan and was assassinated in Kabul in 2002.

AFTER THE BATTLE

We were about 20 men in a long, rectangular room covered in colourful Persian and Afghan carpets, reclining on round bolsters set against the wall. After about 30 minutes of smoking, drinking tea, and chatting, we all rose and prepared to go our various ways. I later recalled one man from the group because he was much taller than the others, remarkably thin, even gaunt, and did not look Afghan. He exuded an aura of profound calm and dignity, as well as an almost religious solemnity. The warrior smiled at me gently. He offered me traditional greetings in Arabic and I replied in the same tongue.

I asked one of my companions who he was.

“Ah, Mr. Eric, he is a Saudi mujahid who has come from far away to perform his jihad with us, Allah be praised.” At the time, I took no further notice of him and soon left the group.

Why should I have? He was then only one of tens of thousands of foreign mujahedin who had come to fight the Communists.

At that time, these Islamic militants were hailed by the Reagan administration and the western media as freedom fighters. It was only when Osama bin Laden and other veteran mujahedin freedom fighters undertook Sheik Abdullah Azzam’s goal of liberating Arabia, Palestine, and North Africa from western domination that they came to be reviled by the West as terrorists.

Eric Margolis writes for the Toronto Sun.  His new book, American Raj, is available in book stores today: http://www.amazon.com/American-Raj-Liberation-Domination-Resolving/dp/1554700876 

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Our Disabled Veterans Face Red Tape in Voting

September 27, 2008 – With the presidential polls just over a month away, tens of thousands of U.S. war veterans are still wondering whether or not they will be able to vote for the candidate of their choice.

About 100,000 former soldiers who are currently residing in government-run facilities can no longer vote because they cannot register without assistance from volunteers due to disabilities and serious illnesses.

Rights groups say they want to help war veterans with the registration process but officials at the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) are creating hurdles for them.

“They keep putting bureaucratic roadblocks in our way,” said Sharon Kufeldt, vice president of Veterans for Peace. “There are very few weeks left to register voters and all this obstruction is costing time.”

On Sep. 12, for example, Kufeldt and other activists asked officials for permission to register voters at a San Francisco VA facility, but to no avail. “We were told we could do so only after a process that could take two weeks,” she said.

Kufeldt is now filing an emergency motion to enforce a court mandate that would allow her group access to the facilities for the purpose of registering voters.

Under current law, when a veteran moves into a VA facility, his or her old registration becomes invalid. The veteran must re-register before he or she can vote again. Last May, the authorities decided to ban nonpartisan voter registration at VA facilities.

There are about 1,358 VA facilities in all 50 states.

However, early this month, the VA had to take a step back after many legislators expressed their outrage at the practice. Officials now say they will allow voting assistance for veterans who can no longer vote since they moved into special facilities.

But, as a result of their past experience, most activists are reluctant to take the official word seriously. “While we are pleased that VA has changed course, we are not confident that they will follow through, because they have taken no action to date,” said Paul Sullivan, executive director of the Washington-based Veterans for Common Sense.

On Wednesday, Sullivan, along with the leaders of five other rights groups, sent a letter to the Senate urging its members to take immediate action on the proposed Veteran Voting Support Act, introduced by Democratic Senators Diane Feinstein and John Kerry.

“Veterans, who have performed the greatest service to the nation and risked the greatest sacrifice, deserve no less,” the letter said. “Americans who have risked their lives in deserve every opportunity to exercise the right to vote.”

If passed, the Veteran Voting Support Act would ensure equal opportunity for all war veterans to register to vote and to participate in the Nov. 4 elections. A similar bill was adopted by the House of Representatives on Sep. 17.

“The clock is running out,” said Sullivan in a statement urging all citizens to vote, in addition to calling for VA officials to make “a strong effort to provide voter registration and voting assistance to as many veterans as possible.”

In addition to Sullivan’s group, other organisations that signed the letter include the American Association for People with Disabilities, the Brennan Centre for Justice at New York University School of Law, Common Cause, and the League of Women Voters.

In addition to war veterans, millions of U.S. citizens in several states are still being denied their right to vote because of felony convictions. The United Nations Human Rights Committee has charged that U.S. disenfranchisement policies are discriminatory and violate international law.

In a report released in July 2006, the U.N. body said the U.S. “should adopt appropriate measures to ensure that states restore voting rights to citizens who have fully served their sentences and those who have been released on parole”.

If the U.N. recommendations were implemented, several states would have to change their laws and nearly four million citizens would have their voting rights restored.

Experts say that adopting the U.N. recommendations would bring the U.S. in line with the voting rights standards of nations such as Switzerland, Austria, and Ireland, whose laws already allow for post-prison restoration of voting rights.

Meanwhile, Kufeldt told IPS that she felt “outraged” at the behaviour of VA officials, although she hoped that they would mend their ways if the Senate approved the Veterans Voting Support Act.

“I don’t understand why they are doing so,” she told IPS. “The people who are in power have already cut their [veterans’] funding. They don’t want veterans to vote.”

According to Kufeldt, a vast majority of veterans currently residing at VA facilities have served in Iraq or Afghanistan. Many also served in the U.S. Army during the Vietnam War.

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The Last Tour: A Decorated Marine’s War Within Ends in Murder-Suicide at Grand Canyon

September 29, 2008 – When the Twiggs brothers got to the Grand Canyon, on May 12th, Willard called his girlfriend, a married woman in Louisiana, on Travis’s cell phone. She had to see the canyon someday, he said. “It will make the hair on your arms stand up. It’s that beautiful.” A few minutes later, driving east along the South Rim past a spot called Twin Overlooks, Travis made a hard left and drove his car, a Toyota Corolla with Virginia plates, straight toward the edge of the canyon. There is no guardrail at Twin Overlooks, and the canyon at that point is nearly five thousand feet deep. The Corolla jumped the curb, but it did not take the plunge. It got hung up in a small fir tree, clinging to the Kaibab limestone just below the rim.

“I don’t think there was much field research done,” Ken Phillips, a National Park Service ranger, told me. He showed me a spot two miles west of Twin Overlooks where a man and a woman had driven into the gorge successfully. There was a longer straightaway for gaining speed, and a clearer path to the big drop. Double suicides are rare, and it isn’t always possible to tell if both parties were willing participants. In the case of the couple, Phillips said, witnesses got a good look at their faces as they swerved, and said that both looked determined. It turned out that they were on the run from serious criminal charges.

Travis and Willard Twiggs were not in trouble with the law. Willard, thirty-eight, was a former maritime-logistics specialist in New Orleans. He had been working construction, intermittently, since Hurricane Katrina. Travis, thirty-six, was a Marine Corps staff sergeant stationed in Quantico, Virginia. He was a decorated combat veteran with one tour of duty in Afghanistan and four tours in Iraq. In January, 2008, he had created a minor stir by writing, in the Marine Corps Gazette, an article about his struggle with post-traumatic stress disorder. Publicly acknowledging emotional problems has never been a smart career move in the military, particularly in the Marine Corps. But Twiggs, who was known for his grit and his charm, gave his piece, titled “PTSD: The War Within,” an upbeat ending, emphasizing his recovery, and he soon found himself working with a new unit, the Wounded Warrior Regiment, spreading the word about the treatment and prevention of P.T.S.D. In late April, in that capacity, he met President Bush at the White House. Rather than simply shake the President’s hand, Twiggs bear-hugged him, proclaiming, “Sir, I’ve served over there many times – and I would serve for you anytime.” Marine products, especially marine electronics, are specialised items that are not very easy to find. For buying these specialised items you need to hunt out a reputable and accessible supplier. While looking out for your boat’s supplies, you need a specialised supplier who has been long in the business, to have knowledge about all the marine products you might require. Look out for a supplier who offers a wide variety of marine equipments, electronics and accessories so that you have better options to choose from. For example: if you are looking out for boat seats then they should have a good range of options in all types of boat seats like helm seats, leaning posts, captain’s chair, etc. Also, check if they provide good customer services and assistance. These services are important because being a common man we might lack the knowledge and expertise needed in selecting the best suited products and equipments for our boats and also about their functioning and maintenance. Excellent customer services and support will ensure that the supplier will not only assist you while shopping for your boat but will also help you in understanding the functioning and its maintenance and repair work in the future. Visit official website to get the details about marine products.

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Three weeks later, he tried to drive into the Grand Canyon. Witnesses said that the brothers behaved oddly after the crash. They tried to reverse the Toyota out of the tree branches where it was wedged but could gain no traction. They did not want anyone to call for help. One seemed interested only in finding his cigarettes. They put on backpacks, said they were going to continue with their plans, and set off on foot before park rangers arrived. The witnesses said they assumed that by “plans” the two men meant hiking into the canyon, but Ken Phillips believes that the Twiggs brothers just went across the road and waited in the scrubby piñon-juniper forest there while the rangers cleared the wreck.

Beyond the tow truck and the rangers directing traffic, they would have seen the afternoon’s shadows crawling across the canyon’s far walls, picking out the huge, hallucinatory, floridly named formations – Vishnu Temple, Wotans Throne, Ottoman Amphitheatre. It is a landscape suited to an apocalyptic frame of mind. An hour after the last rangers left, while dusk was falling, the Twiggs brothers approached two tourists, who had stopped their rental car to admire the view. A .38 revolver was displayed. The Twiggs brothers got into the car and drove away. Now they were in trouble with the law.

From the towed car, park rangers had already deduced who they were. They had called Kellee Twiggs, Travis’s wife, in Virginia. She had missed a call from her husband earlier that afternoon, she said; he had left no message. He and Will had disappeared a few days before. She was stunned to hear that they were in Arizona. She explained about the P.T.S.D. and said that Travis had been “out of his mind” the last time she saw him. He was a highly trained marine – a martial-arts instructor, weapons expert, and skilled combat tracker. “I’m very scared,” she said. “I don’t want anything bad to happen to him or your people.” Anyone who approached him should use his nickname, Tebeaux; it might help him understand that he was in America and that they were not the enemy. She added that her husband’s combat flashbacks were worse if he had been drinking. (In the towed car, the rangers found beer cans and an empty fifth of Jägermeister.) Will, she said, was not a fighter but might “man up to impress his brother.”

Ken Phillips got a photograph of Travis Twiggs. “I’ve made a lot of wanted posters,” he said. “But this was the first time I had to crop out the President.” The bulletins that went out over the wires gave both Travis and Will a “violent criminal history,” although before the carjacking neither had any such thing. A local lawman told me that he’d been informed they were extremely heavily armed, although all they had was the .38″ – and in Arizona that’s not even close.” The Twiggs brothers might be bent on committing “suicide by cop,” according to one alert. That possibility seems closer to the mark. The two men were certainly leaving the world as they had known it. The lingering, punishing question is why. Travis, who had two young daughters whom he doted on, might have believed that he was back in Iraq. Will’s thinking was more opaque. They drove into the night, and there is no record that they ever spoke again to anyone but each other. Two days later, they were dead.

The dartboard on the back porch had Osama bin Laden’s face on it, and the wings on the darts were red, white, and blue. Kellee Twiggs was cooking jambalaya. “You cut him and he bled green,” she said, flinging shrimp into a pot. She meant that her late husband’s devotion to the Marine Corps was total. A portrait of Twiggs in full dress uniform hung near the front door of her house, a few miles south of Quantico, in Virginia. A shadow box of his medals and ribbons stood near the dining-room table. His ashes sat on a mantel in a brass case decorated with the Marine Corps eagle, globe, and anchor.

I heard the same thing from Twiggs’s fellowmarines. “He was the strongest person I ever knew in the Marine Corps,” Chris Wahl, who served under Twiggs for four years, including two deployments to Iraq, and now owns a bar in Buffalo, said. “Just a sick motherfucker all around, and I mean sick in the best way possible. He knew how to lead men.”

Kellee’s landlady, Pamela Beggan, told me, “I’m not a big fan of the military, but I really liked Travis. He just had a wide streak of goodness. He always seemed a little over the top in terms of physical energy – he’d work out in the basement at 3 A.M. for a couple of hours before he went to work – but I just put that down to being a marine.”

Kellee and Travis met when she was five and he was eight and they lived on the same block in New Orleans. “He loved Rambo,” she said. “When we played hide-and-seek, you had to be on Tebeaux’s team, or you’d get the bejeezus scared out of you.” Kellee is a trim, lively woman with short, hennaed hair and a lush Louisiana accent. She was wearing jeans and a burnt-orange T-shirt. Tebeaux is Cajun; it means “handsome little man.” Kellee and Travis both came from large, blended families. Travis was a middle brother. “Will was the smart one,” Kellee said. “He read the paper. Tebeaux was the mischievous one.” Will and Travis idolized an uncle, Ricky Taylor, who had been an infantryman in Vietnam. Another uncle, Dave Twiggs, had been badly wounded there.  “It was the eighties,” Kellee recalled. “MTV was just coming out. So we’d use tennis racquets and get up there and air-guitar it. Dire Straits, Phil Collins, Pink Floyd.”

Travis enlisted in 1993, and Kellee was in college when he came home from the Marines to visit. “He always had long hair. Then, to see him, in 1994, all buff, with his head shaved, it was, like, hello.” They married in 1999, and Twiggs tried civilian life for a year, working for his father’s shipping agency in New Orleans. “He was a hit,” his father, Douglas Twiggs, said. “Tebeaux made so many friends on the river. The blacks called him T-Bone. But he just didn’t have enough structure here. He needed regimentation.”

Kellee Twiggs said, “Tebeaux liked being in his cammies and being in the woods, teaching boys things, how to survive. We got back in the Marines in January, 2001.” She served up plates of jambalaya for her daughters – Ireland, nine, and America, four. Then she shooed them into the living room, where a wide-screen TV was playing cartoons, and went out to the back porch for a cigarette.

Travis had acquired a new nickname in the military. Apparently, after pulling an extra-long duty shift at Guantánamo Bay, he had fallen into a heavy sleep, and a general had stuck a sign on him: “Here Lies the Mighty War Pig.” After his marriage and reënlistment, the young marines in Travis’s platoon began calling Kellee Mrs. War Pig. The Twiggses’ house near Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, became a surrogate home for many of Travis’s men – they were invited for Sunday barbecues, holiday meals. “He was like their dad,” Kellee said. “They came to him at 4 A.M. with their problems – financial, marital, whatever – and he always got up.” And when his unit”Golf Company, 2nd Battalion, 6th Marine Regiment” was sent to war, Kellee volunteered as a liaison between those deployed and their families.

Her right foot and ankle carry a huge tattoo, “Travis,” in Gothic script. She noticed me studying it. “He had my name all over him,” she said. “On the top of his left foot. On dog tags off his shoulder. ‘Kellee,’ ‘Ireland.’ He hadn’t got ‘America’ put on there yet.” On his right forearm, she said, Travis had “Gladiator”; on his left, “Spartan.” “My husband was my everything,” she said. “He was my hero.”

Kellee flicked a butt off the porch. It was dusk, hot and sticky. A wide slope of lawn ran down to a trampoline. There were pine trees and pin oaks. America charged out of the house to report a misbehaving dog. Kellee held her daughter’s face. “You got your daddy’s catfish mouth,” she said. “See that?” She pointed to a photograph of Travis scowling; the resemblance to his daughter was strong. “Me and Ireland used to tell him, ‘You’re home now, you can smile. You can stop being a badass,’ ” Kellee said.

Douglas Twiggs told me later, “Tebeaux was like a big kid. When Ireland got a pink Barbie Jeep, motorized, he jumped on it and drove around the yard. That just tickled the kids. He’d tell his marines when they came to his house, ‘I’m Tebeaux today, but on Monday I’ll be Sergeant Twiggs.’ ” And for years Travis did manage, it seems, to leave War Pig at the front door. But after each overseas deployment the transition to family life grew more difficult. “I was more irritable, paranoid for no reason, unable to sleep,” he wrote, in the Marine Corps Gazette. He was not being forced to return to Iraq, though – he was volunteering. The moment that a new deployment, with Kellee’s tearful acquiescence, was in sight, he wrote, “my symptoms went away. After all, I was going back to the fight, back to shared adversity, where the tempo is high and our adrenaline pulses through our veins like hot blood.”

He didn’t talk much, at home, about what he did “in theatre.” On one tour, his unit was assigned to guard the United States Embassy, a task that included searching Baghdad, both on foot and in mechanized patrols, for insurgents launching attacks on the Green Zone. On another tour, in 2005-06, his unit spent seven months fighting in Saqlawiyah, northwest of Falluja, in Anbar Province. Mike Tucker, an embedded writer and former marine who went on patrol with Twiggs, wrote, in “Ronin,” a book published last January, that Twiggs was “regarded in the U.S. military as one of the best combat trackers alive.” His men adored him, Tucker said.

Travis never doubted the wisdom of the war, Kellee said, and he was frustrated by the press coverage it got. “He could see how it was helping people. But all they showed were the bad things. His thing was, everybody flew flags after 9/11 for seven, eight months. Then it got ‘old.’ He was pissed about that. Americans didn’t appreciate the military. Then, after his third tour, we’d be watching the news and there would be some horrible American shit going on – some adoption-fraud scam, or some people who threw a baby into a lake in a garbage bag. And Tebeaux would just start crying and shouting, ‘What the fuck am I fighting for?'”

Kellee said, “Nobody even noticed it in Two-Six” – Travis’s battalion – “but I did. He got so twitchy, it became impossible to cuddle with him. He loved movies, but he couldn’t sit still to watch one. You could just see the wheels turning. You wanted to keep him busy, keep him talking about things so he wouldn’t start talking about other things. He’d get upset when people asked him stupid things, like did he kill anybody, and he wouldn’t talk, but other times he’d start talking about I.E.D.s, and how horrible they were, how they put soap in them, so it sticks to you, and how they can detonate them with anything – a cell phone, a walkie-talkie. He’d hear a car coming up our gravel road here and he’d just hit the floor, just bam, because the tires crunching sounded like machine-gun fire to him. Or he’d just go sit upstairs and watch for lights – watch for Iraqis, because that’s what he used to do in Iraq. I’d call his name, get him back to bed, and the only way I could get him to sleep was to put him in a bear hug and rock him. Then he’d sleep. But as soon as I moved he’d wake up.”

Travis started drinking heavily, and having trouble concentrating. “His therapy was to cut the grass, with his iPod on,” Kellee told me. “He did that a lot.”

It was dark now, with a full moon rising. Kellee hadn’t touched her food. “He volunteered,” she said. “We volunteered. He did what he did because he was fucking awesome, and he kicked ass because he loved his country. And when he got sick, got saddened, his government, his Marine Corps, let him down.”

She started to cry. “He was so beautiful,” she said.

It has been called by different names – shell shock, battle fatigue – in different eras, but P.T.S.D., in its combat form, has been around for as long as war has. Odysseus and his men had it. Although Twiggs used the word “paranoid” to describe his mood when he was Stateside, the more accurate term, used by P.T.S.D. researchers, might be “hypervigilance” – a normal adaptive strategy for surviving combat, except that the “on” switch is not easily turned off. Dr. Jonathan Shay, a P.T.S.D. specialist, thinks that even calling it a disorder is misleading: P.T.S.D. is an injury. There are degrees of damage, ranging from standard combat stress, which can be treated with a few days’ rest, to full-blown complex P.T.S.D., which is very difficult to treat, let alone cure. It is best understood, though, as a psychic wound, one that can be crippling, even fatal, in its myriad complications.

Compared with other American wars, the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan seem to be producing victims at a high rate. A recent RAND Corporation study estimated that three hundred thousand veterans of America’s post-9/11 wars – nearly twenty per cent of those who have served – are suffering from P.T.S.D. or major depression, and many more cases are expected to surface in the years ahead. This elevated rate is generally attributed to the rigors of a long war being fought without conscription: multiple deployments and heavy use of National Guard and reserve units. And on the ground, at unit level, the discouragement of anyone with stress symptoms from asking for help is intense. The same RAND study found that, mainly because of the stigma still attached to P.T.S.D., only half of those afflicted have sought treatment.

The suicide rate among veterans and active-duty military personnel has been rising as well. The number of soldiers who killed themselves last year was the highest since the Army began keeping records, in 1980. When Dr. Ira Katz, the Department of Veterans Affairs chief of mental services, learned earlier this year that preliminary internal reports suggested that a thousand veterans in V.A. care were attempting suicide each month, he sent a colleague an e-mail saying, “Shh! . . . Is this something we should (carefully) address ourselves in some sort of release before somebody stumbles on it?” Another e-mail, written in March, 2008, by Dr. Norma J. Perez, a P.T.S.D. program coördinator in Texas, said, “Given that we are having more and more compensation seeking veterans, I’d like to suggest that you refrain from giving a diagnosis of PTSD straight out.”

Robert Gates, the Secretary of Defense, is said to be considering making some P.T.S.D. sufferers eligible for the Purple Heart. Wounded veterans are symbolically popular figures, if individually painful, and sometimes frightening. Certainly, most politicians want to be associated with their cause. And yet the difficulty of maintaining the troop levels necessary for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan has placed the Bush Administration at odds with veterans’ groups. All such organizations supported what became known as the New G.I. Bill, which would provide increased education benefits. The Administration opposed it, on the ground that the appeal of a college education might sap troop levels. John McCain, himself a veteran, agreed. Ultimately, at the end of June, President Bush signed a modified version of the bill.

In the Marine Corps, the Wounded Warrior Regiment, created in 2007, marks a step toward the assumption of longer-term institutional responsibility for casualties, both physical and mental. “Used to be, we met them at the hospital door, shook their hand, thanked them for their service, gave them a discharge, and said goodbye,” Colonel Greg Boyle, the regiment’s commander, told me. “Now it’s marine for life.” Boyle did not mean that there would always be a place, a job, for disabled marines but that his regiment would track them and offer support throughout their post-discharge lives. P.T.S.D. victims are among those for whom the regiment is designed. It was Boyle who decided to send Travis Twiggs to the White House. “Nice guy. I liked him,” Boyle said.

Travis Twiggs didn’t announce his P.T.S.D. at first. When he returned from Iraq in 2006, after his third tour there, he was transferred to the Marine Corps Warfighting Laboratory, at Quantico. His superiors believed that his extensive field experience would be useful in the evaluation of new weapons systems and equipment. But without his beloved combat platoon, Kellee said, Travis was bereft: “He felt like he wasn’t in the Marines anymore.” And, at his office job in Virginia, his P.T.S.D. quickly became impossible to ignore.

His sergeant major recognized the symptoms, and, in June, sent him to a physician’s assistant, who prescribed the antidepressants Zoloft and trazodone. Antidepressants and antipsychotics are the main drugs used to control P.T.S.D. But, while his medications were being evaluated and adjusted, Twiggs was, by his own account, blunting their effect by mixing them with alcohol. He told Kellee that he couldn’t stand to look in a mirror. He was racked with guilt, in particular over the deaths of two young lance corporals in his platoon. The only thing that really helped, he wrote, was returning to Iraq. He went, in late 2006, on a weapons-testing mission for the Warfighting Lab, and, once again, his symptoms vanished. He wasn’t fighting, but at least he was in theatre. He was also good at his job.

But once he was home, in January, 2007, “he went batshit,” Kellee said. His P.T.S.D.”anger, sadness, drinking, flashbacks”took a toll on their marriage. She went to counselling for P.T.S.D. spouses – sessions led by Travis’s therapist. “I didn’t really see the point,” she says now. “I mean, a twenty-two-year-old girl gets up and says, ‘He’s got guns all over the house, including a 9-mm. he puts between the mattress and the box spring. And one night I woke up and he had the gun up to my head, calling me an Iraqi. So I had to talk him all through that, and get him to put the gun down.’ How long do you think that marriage will last?”

Travis soon landed in a locked ward at Bethesda Naval Hospital. “At Bethesda I was not exactly a model patient,” he wrote in his article. “I was experiencing psychosis where I would fight my way through the hallways and clear rooms as if I were back in theater. The hospital police would have to be called in to secure me.” He was later transferred to a veterans’ hospital in West Virginia, where he saw several doctors, “and it seemed that each one had a different medicine. I often wondered if they ever talked with each other.” At one point, he wrote, he was taking twelve different medications a day – Kellee recalls the number reaching nineteen, and says that the drugs turned her husband into “a zombie” – “and I was experiencing visual and audible hallucinations that I firmly believe were a direct result of being overmedicated. On any given day I was sad, mad, or depressed. I often felt that I was weak and not worthy of calling myself a Marine anymore. I slept covered in sweat every night and constantly shook uncontrollably. I got to the point where I believed PTSD was nothing more than an acronym created for weak Marines.”

This was raw, vivid stuff for the Marine Corps Gazette. Twiggs went on to describe his recovery, through therapy and reduced medication, and wrote, “I am back doing what I do best and what brings me the most enjoyment – training Marines and sailors.” He offered bullet-point advice to policymakers and P.T.S.D. sufferers, and included his e-mail address in case anyone in trouble wanted to contact him. But the article was primarily confessional: “My only regrets are how I let my command down after they had put so much trust in me and how I let my family down by pushing them away.” His P.T.S.D. was “not completely gone,” he wrote, but “life with my family is wonderful again.”

Twiggs was sought after as a motivational speaker, and he became the Wounded Warrior Regiment’s P.T.S.D. poster child. His symptoms, however, returned. He became impossible to live with. He was sent back to Bethesda Naval Hospital and was once again, Kellee thinks, overmedicated.

The experience that continued to cut Travis Twiggs most deeply was the loss of Jared Kremm and Robert Eckfield, Jr., the young lance corporals in his platoon. They were killed at Saqlawiyah, on October 27, 2005. Golf Company’s firebase was an old Baath Party hotel near a main supply route to Jordan and Syria. The hotel compound was taking daily rocket and mortar attacks from Al Qaeda in Iraq and from the Black Flags Brigades, a Sunni insurgent group. Twiggs was leading foot patrols through villages and along the banks of the Euphrates, searching for insurgents and for weapons caches. He was in his element. But some of the facilities at the hotel were poorly secured. There was no running water, and portable toilets had been set out in tents in the compound. These outhouses were vulnerable; Twiggs later told Kellee that he thought that the toilets should not have been outside at all, but in some downwind corner of the sprawling hotel – the stench would be worth the increased security. But he was not the commanding officer on the base. Still, experienced noncommissioned officers regularly let their superiors know what they should be doing. His unit had been at Saqlawiyah for only a month when Kremm and Eckfield took a direct mortar hit in the rest-room tents.

Twiggs was one of the first on the scene. Kremm had been hit in the face; Twiggs watched him die. Eckfield was alive but had severe head wounds. Eckfield was transported to a hospital near Falluja, and died that night. Kremm was twenty-five. He was from Hauppauge, Long Island, where he had been a high-school football star. Eckfield was twenty-three, and from Ohio. Twiggs had trained them both at Camp Lejeune, where they had been regulars at his and Kellee’s house. The Defense Department announced that they had died “from an indirect fire explosion,” and gave their families uninformative explanations.

Christopher Lowman, who was one of Twiggs’s closest friends, and who was also a staff sergeant in Two-Six – he is now a gunnery sergeant, and back in Iraq – told me, “When you train these boys, you tell them every day, ‘You do what I tell you, exactly what I tell you, and I will get you home.’ ” Mike Tucker talked to Twiggs the night that Kremm and Eckfield died, and later wrote, in an e-mail, “Something broke in Travis. . . . That night, he told me, ‘I feel responsible for their deaths.’ ” On a tribute Web site, FallenHeroesMemorial.com, Twiggs wrote, “I wish that I could erase that horrible day from my memory . . . but I can’t.”

Travis’s family, most of whom live in and around New Orleans, remained largely unaware of his struggles. His brother Will was an exception. Will came to Bethesda and spent a week at Travis’s bedside in March. In a journal that he kept on Navy Lodge stationery, Will wrote, “My loyalty has unequivocally been to Tebeaux. I hope God doesn’t take him away from me too.”

“Will thought of Tebeaux as a hero,” Kellee said. “And it really bothered him when he realized how bad he was hurting.”

“Everybody was crazy about Will except Will,” Nancy Twiggs said. She is Will and Travis’s stepmother. She and Douglas reared them both, for the most part, in Ama, Louisiana, twenty miles upriver from New Orleans. They still live there, in a one-story brick house with a big yard backing onto a patch of woods. Nancy put on a video of Will, eleven years old and flaxen-haired, competing in a citywide spelling bee. He gets “aphasia” right, then wins it with “ineluctable.” Travis, age nine, rushes onto the stage and hugs his brother. After the video ended, we sat in silence for a minute while Douglas and Nancy composed themselves.

“It’s like they’re still here,” Nancy said.

“We thought Will might be a sportswriter,” Douglas said.

Nancy and Douglas Twiggs are hospitable, heartbroken people. Will, they say, was a devoted, protective older brother. He and Travis were especially close. Each could mimic the other’s voice, and, even as adults, they liked to trick people over the phone, pretending to be the other. Will was disappointed, they thought, when Travis, in high school, suddenly decided to go live with their mother, in Miami. It was the first big decision he had made without consulting Will.

Will joined the Navy out of high school. In a snapshot taken aboard a ship in San Francisco, he looks, in Navy whites, very young and frail, like a bird that has left the nest too soon. The physical contrast with Travis, who was six inches shorter but many pounds of muscle heavier, is stark. Will did not last long in the Navy. He went to work for a German-owned ship-chartering company in New Orleans, where Douglas, too, worked at the time. Will did logistics, and seemed to do well, but he turned down the company’s offer to send him to Hamburg for advanced training. “He didn’t want to leave New Orleans,” Douglas said. “Both of his friends lived here.” He smiled faintly at the old joke.

Will was passionate about his friends and his family. When his uncle Ricky, the Vietnam War infantryman, died, Will was inconsolable. This loss evidently intensified his fear of losing Tebeaux. “He loved showing Tebeaux off when he would visit,” Douglas said. “He was so proud of him.”

“We all were,” Nancy said. “Tebeaux made a better American out of me. He really believed in this country. I remember watching the first airstrikes on Afghanistan on TV. I thought, There’s Tebeaux. He’s in there, and he’s going to catch Osama bin Laden. I truly believed he would find him, and that his picture was going to be on the front of the Picayune, saying, ‘I got him.’ ”

“Oh, I did, too.”

Whenever Travis was Stateside, he and Will would try to rendezvous at Nascar races around the South. Both men idolized Dale Earnhardt, Sr. Earnhardt was killed at the Daytona 500 in February, 2001; the Twiggs brothers were watching in a highwayside sports bar in Florida, having failed to make it to the track in time for the race. They embarked together on an epic bender of mourning, greatly worrying their families.

Will was jealous, Kellee thought, of Travis’s devotion to her and their children, and Douglas and Nancy don’t disagree. “He couldn’t appreciate that Tebeaux had found the love of his life, and had kids that let him love even more, and that none of it meant he couldn’t still love his brothers,” Douglas said.

Will’s own love life was chaotic and tormented. He had a string of girlfriends, and seemed drawn to troubled women, usually older than he was, often with drug habits. “They always seemed to have kids and work in bars,” a friend of Will’s told me. “Drama, drama, and more drama.” Will became attached to the children of his girlfriends, and was distraught after one boy attempted suicide by slitting his wrists after Will left his mother. With his last girlfriend, the married woman, Will convinced himself that her husband was after him, and started sleeping with a pistol and a knife under his pillow. Will had his own drug problems, and a drinking problem.

He left his job with the German company for one selling marine radar systems. He travelled for work, and earned a good salary, but at some point, according to Douglas, he simply lost interest. He became increasingly withdrawn, and seemed happiest under his Walkman, listening to classic rock and country. He quit his sales job just before Katrina. Afterward, he began doing construction work, but inconsistently. He lost weight, and let his hair grow long. “I started calling him Will o’ the Wisp,” Douglas said. “It was like watching one of those Japanese planes you used to see in those old black-and-white movies, shot down and spiralling toward the ground.”

A silence followed. It had been nine weeks since their sons’ deaths.

“Neither would ever have done it alone,” Nancy said.

“We sit out on the patio just about every night and try to figure out what went wrong, that our boys would do a final,” Douglas said.

“I almost feel like it’s getting worse,” Nancy said. “Like the shock is wearing off.”

“It’s like a big wave in the surf that just knocks you sideways and holds you down, no matter how you fight it.”

After Travis was again released from Bethesda, in April, he and Kellee tried to regroup.

“He had bad thoughts,” Kellee said. “I had bad thoughts. But I told him, ‘We are badasses. What you’ve done in the Marines, what I’ve done as a Marine wife. We’re awesome. We’re killer.’ And we agreed, we’re in it together.”

Travis had moved out of the house, into the barracks at Quantico, but he and Kellee tried to do things that would help them feel like a family. They took the girls to Washington, D.C., for a weekend. They walked the Mall, took in the sights.

Travis was at odds, however, with his colleagues at the Warfighting Lab. He believed that he had received a promotion, to gunnery sergeant, from the Wounded Warrior Regiment. But he was still officially under the command of the Warfighting Lab, and his recent performance there was not thought to merit promotion. (What he had actually received from the Wounded Warriors was a billet to gunnery sergeant, not a promotion, Colonel Boyle explained to me.) Already feeling insecure about his standing as a marine, Twiggs took the dispute as a rejection, a personal humiliation. He wanted to go to Louisiana, where one of his grandmothers was dying, but his commanders considered him too unstable to travel alone. They wanted to send an escort with him. Twiggs saw more humiliation. He could not show up at his grandmother’s accompanied by a guard.

He and Kellee planned another family weekend, but Travis didn’t show up. Kellee was furious. When he finally arrived, on Sunday evening, he was drunk. She wouldn’t let him in the house, or allow him to see the girls. Instead, they sat together on the front porch and talked for half an hour. Her regrets from that night are ferocious. “If I had just brought him inside,” she said. “Just taken him upstairs and made love to him, or tried to. Just told him it would be O.K., played that role.” She never saw him again.

He drove on to Louisiana, on unauthorized leave, in their blue Toyota, with America’s car seat still in the back. He met up with Will, and together they went to see their dying grandmother. He visited other relatives, including Douglas and Nancy. They, too, are plagued with regrets. “I told him, ‘Tebeaux, you’re really not acting like my son,’ ” Douglas said. “If I’d known anything about P.T.S.D., I never would have said that.” Nancy recalled a letter Travis had sent from Iraq to be read at his younger sister’s wedding. “It said, ‘You may not be able to see me, but I’m there.’ I thought of that when we saw him so messed up. We could see him, but he wasn’t there. It just wasn’t him.” Douglas said, “None of us had ever seen him like that. It was like he was in a trance. He didn’t sound like himself. He was flatlining, like he had no personality. He had lost all that stuff of his, that love of trying to fool people. He said, ‘Dad, I think I’m very sick.'”

Travis and Will were drinking while they made the family rounds. “They were acting very funny, real cocky, smartalecky,” Nancy said. They borrowed money from Kellee’s mother, Debbie Graham, and from one of Will’s ex-girlfriends. Douglas offered to fly back to Maryland with Travis – he would buy the tickets. Travis asked for cash instead. When Douglas refused, Travis insulted his father. By Friday, May 9th, he and Will had left Louisiana.

They told no one where they were going. Debbie Graham, who was close friends with Will, told her family she was afraid that the brothers were going to pull something like the ending of “Thelma & Louise,” the 1991 film in which the main characters, played by Susan Sarandon and Geena Davis, drive into the Grand Canyon. Kellee rejects the analogy to this day, even though her mother turned out to be weirdly prescient. Travis loved movies, but, Kellee said, “my husband was so manly, he would never go out for a chick flick.”

Travis and Will drove west. Near Killeen, Texas, they dropped in on their uncle Dave Twiggs, arriving in a rainstorm on the night of May 9th. According to Douglas, Dave was disturbed by his nephews’ appearance and sat up late with them. He advised Travis to turn himself in at Fort Hood, which was just up the road, in the morning. Travis said he would. Dave loaned them a hundred dollars. Travis and Will stayed up into the night and left in the morning, but they did not stop at Fort Hood.

In El Paso, they dropped in on Kim Barron, an old friend of Will’s. She, too, was disturbed, particularly by Will’s appearance. He was gaunt, and unusually quiet. He grabbed her and hugged her and told her he loved her. Travis, by contrast, seemed fine. He talked with her husband, an Army lieutenant colonel, while she tried to talk to Will. His face wore a stricken expression that she thought she recognized – she had been his confidante through many love troubles. If the brothers stayed the night, which she and her husband urged them to do, Will would tell her what was going on, Kim thought. But they stayed for only half an hour. Travis said that he had to get back East; if he’d known how far it was, he never would have come. Later, the Twiggs family wondered what to make of that. It did not sound like the remark of a man who had entered on a suicide pact. Will made a little joke about the long drive. At least, he said, he had good company and good music.

When Kellee got the Toyota back, months later, Pink Floyd’s “The Wall” was in the CD player. There were other CDs in the car – by Linkin Park, Blue October, Enya – but the lyrics of “The Wall,” a dark, solipsistic rock opera, fit well with P.T.S.D.: “Mother will they put me in the firing line? / Mother am I really dying?” And: “I don’t need no arms around me / And I don’t need no drugs to calm me. ” And: “Would you like to call the cops? / Do you think it’s time I stopped? ” And: “Goodbye cruel world, / I’m leaving you today.”

Travis, while he was hospitalized, made paintings – lurid depictions of his nightmares. “Stained” shows a marine holding an eyeball, blood everywhere. “The Wall” is a self-portrait showing a marine in uniform clinging hopelessly, with bleeding fingernails, to a brick wall. The darkness of the paintings is profound. Leafing through them in a basement hallway, next to Travis’s weightlifting setup, Kellee said, “I think guilt is what killed him, what made him let go, made him disconnect, from us, from everything. He thought he’d let us down, let the families down, let the boys down who died, let the command down.”

Will’s journals also seemed to be full of morbid brooding. He quoted rock lyrics, with multiple underlining: “These broken dreams have GOT TO END.” To a girlfriend, he wrote, “There’s only a couple of options to get you out of my life: 1) Die 2) Make you hate me.” But Kim Barron doesn’t think that Will was suicidal. They had discussed it in the past, she said, and she believed she knew his mind. Still, his determination to look after his younger brother, to stick by him, was, she admitted, a formidable force. “He was always crazy overboard protective,” she said.

The Grand Canyon, of course, is the biggest, baddest, most all-American way to go; Evel Knievel always wanted to jump it. Thelma and Louise, for that matter, were not ordinary “chicks.” They were stylish outlaws, with a battalion of cops on their tail. But dyadic death, which refers both to suicide pacts and to homicide-suicides, is generally less glossy in life. Even on a great stage, like the Grand Canyon, it’s a slinking exit, a slithering away from pain and human connection, suffused with shame, not a blaze of glory.

Kellee also thought that it required two, that the fraternal combination made the worst possible: “Tebeaux was a ticking bomb, and Will was the fuse. Will made him truly not give a shit anymore.” Later, she said, “I think Will helped Tebeaux make up his mind.”

What is broken, what is lost, above all, with complex P.T.S.D. is social trust, according to Jonathan Shay, one of its most astute analysts. Wounded warriors come home and feel that they can trust no one – not even their spouses. Under the pressure of constant, violent, involuntary psychic contraction (terror, self-loathing) and expansion (rage, grandiosity, mania), character itself shrivels. With loyal, troubled, self-destructive Will, Travis may have felt that he had found the one person he could trust, who would stay beside him to the end.

Did the Marine Corps abandon Travis? Kellee thought that, instead of being put in Bethesda for a second time, he should have been sent to a P.T.S.D. program in New Jersey, where she had heard that one-on-one cognitive therapy was being practiced, with some success, and Travis thought so, too, she says. But she is reluctant to say too much about the Marine Corps’ role, since she and her daughters rely on military death benefits. Chris Wahl said, “War Pig was sick. The Marine Corps just filled him up with drugs, trying to shut him up.” Major Valerie A. Jackson, of the Marines, who is a friend of the Twiggs family, wrote to the Marine Corps Gazette, “There are many programs in place now to help those suffering from PTSD. By the time Twiggs got involved in these though, it was far too late. His problems should have been identified after each deployment, and when the commands realized that he needed serious help (after the second deployment), he should have been prevented from deploying again. Period. I realize that a symptom of the disease is the overarching need to be in the fight. But there comes a point when someone with some influence needs to say, ‘No, Staff Sergeant. Enough is enough. You’ve done your part.’ ” Major Jackson added, “The Twiggs family should not be mourning the loss of husband, father, and son. We let them down, and we let SSgt Twiggs down.”

Colonel Boyle, of the Wounded Warrior Regiment, who had not known Twiggs in the early phase of his P.T.S.D., defended the command’s treatment of him in its later phase. “He was actually kept around in the Marine Corps a lot longer than he would have been before the war,” he told me. “People really wanted him to make it.”

Douglas and Nancy Twiggs just wish that they had been kept informed. “I didn’t even know what P.T.S.D. was,” Douglas said. “But the military knew. I never would have left his side if I’d known. They should put on my gravestone that I didn’t know what P.T.S.D. was till it was too late for my son.”

Douglas is also unhappy that the Marine Corps did not intervene to change the course of the pursuit in Arizona. “They knew he had P.T.S.D.,” he said. “And yet they ran him down like a dog.”

On the morning of May 14th, around 9 A.M., at a Border Patrol checkpoint east of Yuma, almost four hundred miles from the Grand Canyon, Travis and Will Twiggs were stopped for routine questioning. Forty-one hours had passed since they failed to drive into the gorge. Travis, who was wearing shorts, a short-sleeved blue shirt, and no shoes, was driving. He presented his military I.D., Will his Louisiana driver’s license. They were on a little-used frontage road next to Interstate 8, and the Border Patrol officers asked them to pull over for a secondary inspection. Travis floored it instead.

They headed east on the interstate. The white Dodge Caliber hatchback they had stolen didn’t handle well above a hundred miles an hour. A Border Patrol helicopter and cruisers from the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Department and the Arizona Department of Public Safety joined the chase. Police radios crackled with bits and pieces about the fleeing suspects. One abbreviated transmission said, “Subject has ability to display emotion and then revert to military.”

Did Travis believe that he was back in Iraq? The Sonoran Desert, sere and zipping past, could have enhanced that idea, certainly. The whapping of chopper blades, the hostile vehicles, the heat of the chase – the adrenaline rush had to be familiar. It could even have been soothing. West of Gila Bend, the speeding Caliber suddenly left the highway and headed north on Painted Rock Road. When the road ended, after sixteen miles, at a dam, Travis pulled a high-speed U-turn and drove straight at his pursuers. They scattered without firing a shot. The chase returned to Interstate 8 and resumed its eastward progress. Whether he believed this was combat or not, Travis seemed to have settled on a mortal determination, traditional among marines, not to be taken prisoner. Beer cans started flying out of the stolen car.

South of the highway, the Barry M. Goldwater Air Force Range gave way to the Table Top Wilderness. The road signs were now for Tucson and Casa Grande. They had travelled a hundred and sixty miles. On a long downgrade, great saguaro cacti – mutilated, many of them, by disease or shotgun fire – stood on both sides of the highway. At Milepost 161, a tribal policeman from the Tohono O’odham reservation waited with a set of spike strips. The reservation was far to the south, but he had heard a call for assistance. The spikes blew out the car’s tires. The Caliber hurtled and swerved down the highway for another mile before plowing off the pavement into a weedy shoulder and sliding to a halt.

Police surrounded the vehicle but kept their distance, particularly after they saw a revolver being waved from the driver’s window. Then they heard shots; some heard one, others heard two; there were actually three. It was later determined that Travis Twiggs had pulled the trigger each time. The first shot was fired at point-blank range through the left temple of Willard Twiggs, and it was fatal. The second was fired from under Travis’s own chin. The bullet came out through his left cheek. It was not fatal. The third shot, fired at point-blank range, went through his right temple – fatal. Will’s head had fallen back against the seat. Travis slumped into his brother’s lap.

The assembled peace officers approached the vehicle with extreme caution. For the next several hours, they worked, with ropes, two bomb robots, and something called a water charge – which they used to blow up a Marine Corps-issue backpack in the car – to insure that the crime scene was safe for investigators to enter. Having been told that Travis Twiggs was a combat veteran, their concern was that the car might contain an improvised explosive device. It did not.

When Travis phoned from the Grand Canyon, failing to leave a message, Kellee said, “He called my cell. But it doesn’t get reception here. He knew that. I leave my cell in the car. I don’t know why that idiot didn’t call the house.” She took a long, ragged breath. “My hardest thing is the last ten minutes. I can’t understand that. Because Tebeaux would never hurt anybody. And” – she mimed shooting someone, then shooting herself – “I just don’t get that. I’m having a real hard time with it. I can’t believe he would leave me, can’t believe he would leave us, leave our girls.”

She took more deep breaths. “But he really left us a long time ago. He tried to come back. But he couldn’t. That was not my husband out there.”

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As Stock Market Crashes in U.S., Army General Odierno Warns of Revolt by Iraqis

Odierno warns of potential revolt by Iraqis

September 29, 2008, Baghdad, Iraq — Dramatic security gains made in Iraq over the past year could be jeopardized if its government doesn’t improve essential services such as electricity and bring together rival political and religious factions, the new top U.S. commander in Iraq said Monday.

“They’re working toward this, but if they don’t do this, the citizens over time will potentially start to move against the government if they have to wait too much longer for services or if they don’t see progress in services,” Gen. Ray Odierno said.

“What has happened is they have rejected al-Qaida, but if the government fails them, what would happen?” he said.

Odierno told USA Today he was confident he could recommend pulling more U.S. troops from Iraq next year but called for a cautious, deliberate approach “to make sure that we don’t step backward.”

Odierno replaced Gen. David Petraeus as the commanding general of U.S. forces here in a ceremony this month. Odierno was Petraeus’ No. 2 in Iraq before returning to the United States in February. The two executed the strategy that added 30,000 troops to Iraq and helped reduce violence over the past year.

“In 2006, it was a failed state,” Odierno said of Iraq. “In 2008, it’s a fragile state. We’ve got to move it to a stable state.”

Odierno takes command as the American public grows weary of the war and President Bush is preparing to leave office. Republican John McCain backed the White House’s latest strategy, which also deployed troops in smaller outposts in neighborhoods to protect Iraqi civilians. Democrat Barack Obama has advocated withdrawing U.S. forces in Iraq over 16 months while increasing forces in Afghanistan.

Odierno’s first assessment about extra troop cuts could come early next year after a new president is elected, the general said.

“My experience tells me that whoever the new administration is, they will listen to what we have to say,” he said. “They will then conduct their own assessment. I feel comfortable with that.”

About 80 percent of Iraq is stable or secure, said Odierno in his office in the U.S. Embassy, once a palace for Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.

Provincial elections next year could shift the balance of political power, giving more influence to Sunnis who mostly sat out local elections in 2005. National elections later in the year could transfer power to new national leaders.

“We have to make sure that we have the forces on the ground to make sure those things happen in a proper way,” Odierno said.

There are about 150,000 U.S. troops in Iraq. The White House recently announced plans to draw down by about 8,000 troops early next year.

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Special Ballot Urged for Absentees

September 26, 2008 – Military voting officials recommend that if soldiers have not received an absentee ballot from their state by Sept. 30, they should complete and mail a Federal Write-In Absentee Ballot as soon as possible.

Free Express Mail service will be offered by military post offices worldwide during the seven-day run-up to the election – Oct. 29 through Nov. 4.

The Federal Write-In Absentee Ballot allows voters who requested a ballot by their state deadline, but have not received it, to vote in the Nov. 4 election.

Rules governing the use of the FWAB vary among the states, and officials recommend that soldiers contact their unit voting assistance officer, or access the Federal Voting Assistant Program Web site (www.fvap.gov) for state-by-state details.

The Web site also includes an automated tool that allows service members to register and request a ballot through a secure server.

Brig. Gen. Reuben D. Jones, the Army adjutant general and director of the Military Postal Service Agency, said the FWAB and online Web site is especially helpful for service members from states and territories that held, or will hold, late primaries.

States and territories with late primaries are Alaska, Arizona, District of Columbia, Delaware, Florida, Guam, Hawaii, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New York, Rhode Island, Virginia, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin and Wyoming.

Because the Military Postal Service Agency plays a critical role in the absentee voting process, Jones and his staff face a continuous challenge in keeping service members and families apprised of voting regulations for each of the states and territories.

“It would be so much easier if we could tell soldiers that there was one common system for voting,” Jones said, “and if they wanted to they would vote electronically.”

“It would be a huge improvement for the military voting process if service members routinely could get their ballots online,” Jones said.

“Even if soldiers would have to send the ballots back by regular mail, such a change would shorten the voting process by up to 30 days.”

Jones said that for the upcoming election more than 700 military postal operators have been trained in handling voting materials

About 5,700 people – typically junior officers and senior NCOs – have been trained as unit voting assistance officers.

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Sexual ‘Cleansing’ in Iraq – Violent Religious Extremists Target and Murder Homosexuals

VCS Note: Some of the links in this article will take you to sites containing images of violence which you may find disturbing.

September 25, 2008 –  The “improved” security situation in Iraq is not benefiting all Iraqis, especially not those who are gay. Islamist death squads are engaged in a homophobic killing spree with the active encouragement of leading Muslim clerics, such as Moqtada al-Sadr, as  Newsweek recently revealed.

One of these clerics, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, issued a fatwa urging the killing of lesbians and gays in the “most severe way possible“.

The short film, Queer Fear – Gay Life, Gay Death in Iraq, produced by David Grey for Village Film, documents the tragic fates of a several individual gay Iraqis. You can view it here. Watch and weep. It is a truly poignant and moving documentary about the terrorisation and murder of Iraqi lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people.

Since this film was made, the killings have  continued and, many say, got worse. For gay Iraqis there is little evidence of the transition to democracy. They don’t experience any newfound respect for human rights. Life for them is even worse than under the tyrant Saddam Hussein.

It is a death sentence in today’s “liberated” Iraq to love a person of the same sex, or for a woman to have sex outside of marriage, or for a Muslim to give up his or her faith or embrace another religion.

The reality on the ground is that theocracy is taking hold of the country, including in Basra, which was abandoned by the British military. In place of foreign occupation, the city’s inhabitants now endure the terror of fundamentalist militias and death squads.

Those who are deemed insufficiently devout and pure are liable to be assassinated.

The death squads of the Badr organisation and the Mahdi army are targeting gays and lesbians, according to UN reports, in a systematic campaign of sexual cleansing. They proudly boast of their success, claiming that they have already exterminated all “perverts and sodomites” in many of the major cities.

You can view photos of a few of the LGBT victims of these summary executions here and here.

My friends in Iraq have relayed to me the tragic story of five gay activists, who belonged to the underground gay rights movement, Iraqi LGBT.

Eye-witnesses confirm that they saw the men being led out of a house at gunpoint by officers in police uniform. Yes, Iraqi police! Nothing has been heard of the five victims since then. In all probability, they have been executed by the police – or by Islamist death squads who have infiltrated the Iraqi police and who are using their uniforms to carry out so-called honour killings of gay people, unchaste women and many others.

The arrested and disappeared men were Amjad 27, Rafid 29, Hassan 24, Ayman 19 and Ali 21. As members of Iraq’s covert gay rights movement, for the previous few months they had been  documenting the killing of lesbians and gays, relaying details of the murders to the outside world, and providing safe houses and support to other gay people fleeing the death squads.

Their abduction is just one of many outrages by anti-gay death squads. lslamist killers burst into the home of two lesbian women in the city of Najaf. They shot them dead, slashed their throats, and also murdered a young child who the women had rescued from the sex trade. The two women, both in their mid-30s, were members of Iraqi LGBT. They were providing a safe house for gay men on the run from death squads. By sheer luck, none of the men who were being given shelter in the house were at home when the assassins struck. They have since fled to Baghdad, and are hiding in an Iraqi LGBT safe house there.

Large parts of Iraq are now under the de facto control of the militias and their death squad units. They enforce a harsh interpretation of sharia law, summarily executing people for what they denounce as “crimes against Islam”. These “crimes” include listening to western pop music, wearing shorts or jeans, drinking alcohol, selling videos, working in a barber’s shop, homosexuality, dancing, having a Sunni name, adultery and, in the case of women, not being veiled or walking in the street unaccompanied by a male relative.

Two militias are doing most of the killing. They are the armed wings of major parties in the Bush and Brown-backed Iraqi government. The Mahdi army is the militia of Moqtada al-Sadr, and the Badr organisation is the militia of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), which is the leading political force in Baghdad’s governing coalition. Both militias want to establish an Iranian-style religious dictatorship. The allied occupation of Iraq is bad enough. But if the Mahdi or Badr militias gain in influence and strength, as seems likely in the long-term, it could result in a reign of religious terror many times worse.

Saddam Hussein was a bloody tyrant. I campaigned against his blood-stained misrule for nearly 30 years. But while Saddam was president, there was certainly no danger of gay people being assassinated in their homes and in the street by religious fanatics.

Since his overthrow, the violent persecution of lesbians and gays is much worse. Even children suspected of being gay are abducted and later found shot in the head.

Lesbian and gay Iraqis cannot seek the protection of the police, since the police are heavily infiltrated by fundamentalists, especially the Badr militia. The death squads can kill with impunity. Pro-fundamentalist ministers in the Iraqi government are turning a blind eye to the killings, and helping to protect the killers. Some “liberation”.

Iraqi LGBT is appealing for funds to help the work of their members in Iraq. Since they don’t yet have a bank account, they request that cheques should be made payable to “OutRage!”, with a cover note marked “For Iraqi LGBT”, and sent to OutRage!, PO Box 17816, London SW14 8WT.

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Sep 25, VCS in the News: Veterans Tell VA, ‘Open Front Door’ to Disability Claims

Sullivan places responsibility for the current problems squarely at the White House doorstep. “Responsibility lies with the president of the United States,” he said. “He started the Iraq war and he had no plan to care for the casualties.”

September 25, 2008 – As the number of veterans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan grows, vets and members of Congress are stepping up demands that the long wait many endure before disability claims are accepted must be drastically shortened.

On Sept. 22, New York Democrats Sen. Hillary Clinton and Rep. John Hall joined with Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America to announce introduction of a Senate equivalent to the Disability Claims Modernization Act (HR 5892), passed by the House in July. The bill would revise the disability rating system, update the way the VA decides claims and extend key benefits to veterans’ families.

Citing HR 5892 as among several positive developments in Congress, Paul Sullivan, executive director of Veterans for Common Sense (VCS), said between 600,000 and 800,000 vets are now waiting an average of more than six months for the VA to decide about their disability benefits. Even those figures are distorted by the VA’s practice of mixing statistics for the quicker pension claims with those for disability, he said.

“If the veteran files a claim for a mental health condition like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), the decision usually takes about a year,” Sullivan, a former VA staffer, said. If a veteran has to appeal because the VA denied the claim, awarded an incorrect amount or set a wrong effective date, an appeal can take three or four more years, he added.

VCS and Veterans United for Truth are co-plaintiffs in a class-action lawsuit on behalf of thousands of wounded Iraq veterans whose claims were rejected by the VA. While calling the VA’s performance “troubling,” a judge ruled in July that overhauling the system was beyond the court’s jurisdiction. The two veterans’ groups have appealed.

In a fact sheet updated earlier this month, VCS said nearly 1,718,000 soldiers have been deployed to the Iraq or Afghanistan war zones, and about half are now eligible for VA services. Nearly 350,000 veterans from the two wars have been treated at VA hospitals, including nearly 150,000 diagnosed with mental health problems.

Sullivan emphasized that military doctors and medical personnel “are doing a superb job. They are saving more soldiers than have ever been saved in combat. The VA doctors and medical personnel really care and are doing a heroic job. The president and Congress need to act immediately to make sure veterans’ caregivers are recognized and supported in their heroic efforts.

“The VA’s biggest problem is the front door. VCS wants the VA to stop turning away suicidal patients, to confirm disability benefits and provide care “faster and without all the red tape,” Sullivan said, citing several widely publicized cases in which suicidal Iraq war veterans were refused medical care in an emergency, with fatal consequences.

After the lawsuit was filed, the VA set up a suicide prevention hotline, which has received tens of thousands of calls, with the VA reporting some 1,600 “rescues,” he said.

Sullivan places responsibility for the current problems squarely at the White House doorstep. “Responsibility lies with the president of the United States,” he said. “He started the Iraq war and he had no plan to care for the casualties.”

Another organization fighting for prompt, effective care for veterans is Disabled American Veterans. DAV spokesperson Thom Wilborn pointed out that vets must go through a two-tier system to get their disability status recognized: first through the military – sometimes spending as long as two or three years in a medical holding company before being discharged, and then through the VA.

Wilborn told of his conversation with a young soldier who was among those routing Saddam Hussein from his underground hideout. The young man, who suffers from PTSD, has been waiting for months to get both local and Pentagon approval for his combat infantryman’s badge – needed to prove his status as a combat veteran so his claim can be decided.

Emphasizing that his organization is “non-political” and doesn’t endorse candidates, Wilborn said DAV’s rating of the two major presidential candidates’ Senate performance showed Barack Obama with an 80 percent rating on disabled vets’ issues, compared to just 20 percent for John McCain.

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VA Under Fire Over Delays in New GI Bill

September 26, 2008 – Lawmakers angrily criticized Veterans Affairs officials Wednesday for possible delays in implementing the new GI Bill benefits by the August 2009 deadline, calling for more urgency and ingenuity by department leaders.

Keith Pedigo, assistant deputy undersecretary for veterans benefits administration, told members of the House that the VA does not have the technical expertise or manpower to handle the transition from the old education benefits system to a larger, more complex formula.

As a result, the department expects to contract out the work. But he said the 11-month window left to get that work done will create challenges for the program.

House Veterans Affairs Committee Chairman Bob Filner, D-Calif., charged that officials aren’t working hard enough to find solutions.

“I could find a geek to do this stuff for $1 million,” he said.

“We’ve got kids all over the country that could do this work. Maybe it’s a little more complicated than your normal computer work … but it’s not that conceptually difficult.”

The new GI Bill benefits, passed by Congress in June, mandate a $1,000 monthly housing stipend and four years of tuition at any state university for all veterans who served at least three years on active duty since Sept. 11, 2001.

Under the old system, veterans received a flat rate for their education based on their contributions into the system. Veterans Affairs officials said the new system will be much more complicated, calculating different rates for every recipient based on how long they served, what school they attend and where they live.

“The difference between the concept and getting it so payments arrive on time is huge,” said Stephen Warren, principal deputy assistant secretary for the Department’s information and technology office.

“It’s extremely complicated.”

Representatives on the committee raised concerns about contracting out the work to a private company, asking what safeguards and contingency plans are in place if the new system is not ready in time.

Meanwhile, Defense Department officials said they’re confident the computer systems designed to share personnel records with Veterans Affairs will be ready by March of next year.

“Right now it’s just a question of format. We don’t know how the contractor or the VA is going to want the data,” said Curtis Gilroy, director of accession policy for the DOD personnel office.

“Once that is determined, it will not be difficult.”

Veterans groups told lawmakers they want assurances that if a contractor takes over the check-issuing responsibilities, Veterans Affairs officials will still be the final arbiters for questions surrounding benefits.

But most importantly, they want the system to be ready by the fall semester next year.

Patrick Campbell, chief legislative counsel for the Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America, said he worries that thousands of veterans could enroll for classes next summer only to discover a few months later their government-promised reimbursement isn’t coming.

“I don’t care how they do it,” he said. “Veterans must get these benefits on time.”

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