Waterboarding Victim Granted VA Disability

March 20, 2008 – Mobile, AL — The Department of Veterans Affairs has reversed earlier rulings and granted a rare disability claim by an Eight Mile veteran who says he suffered long-term emotional problems after being waterboarded during a Navy survival course in April 1975.

The Board of Veterans Appeals in Washington, D.C., ruled in favor of Arthur McCants III, 60, following a series of stories in the Press-Register, dating back to Dec. 2, about McCants’ case.

Steve Westerfeld, a VA spokesman in Washington, confirmed the appeal ruling in a phone interview Tuesday and said that VA officials considered information in the articles as well as testimony from veterans who responded to the stories and described their waterboardings at the survival school in California.

“I’m happy. … I feel a whole lot better,” McCants said Tuesday. He said he is scheduled to undergo eight weeks of post-traumatic stress disorder counseling in a dormitory setting at VA facilities in Biloxi, starting next week. He will also get free medication.

He said he has struggled with drugs and alcohol for decades — as well as suicidal thoughts — since he underwent waterboarding at the survival school in the San Diego area.

Westerfeld said that it has not yet been determined what amount of disability payments that McCants will receive. That will be decided by the VA Regional Board in Montgomery, Westerfeld said. McCants could also get back-payment compensation from the time his claim was first denied in 1986.

“Waterboarding” is a controversial procedure that simulates drowning; some denounce it as torture.

McCants said he was in the Navy, undergoing Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape training with about 30 others during April 1975. He said that at one point, the course instructors took the role of guards, and the students were POWs.

He said the instructors strapped McCants, who is black, to a board slanted at a 20-degree angle. “Your feet are higher, and your head is lower,” he said.

He said guards told another POW that if he didn’t talk, “The black one will suffer.”

When the other POW refused to give anything more than name, rank and serial number, McCants said, “they poured buckets of water over my face.” He said the water “was constantly coming” and that he passed out.

McCants said he regained consciousness just moments later, and the procedure was repeated, only this time water was poured through a T-shirt over his face. “I was now sucking water through the T-shirt. I was trying to break the straps, and my whole body was arcing.”

The next day, McCants said, an instructor threatened to subject him to more waterboarding. “I broke into tears. My knees buckled. I knew I couldn’t handle it again,” he said. “I would have lost my mind.”

McCants said he presently must live on $1,500 a month: $1,300 in disability from the Postal Service and $200 from the VA for an injury he received during his more than five years in the Navy.

He said he’s facing foreclosure on his home because he has been unable to meet the payments in recent months, and he fears he will have no home to return to after completing the eight-week course in Biloxi, where he will not get a weekend pass until his fourth weekend in treatment.

Westerfeld said that after the Press-Register articles came to their attention the case was given priority on the docket because of “financial hardship.”

Along with the articles, the Press-Register sent names and information on veterans who contacted the newspaper following the articles, veterans who said they, too, were waterboarded at the same survival school.

Among the evidence McCants had previously offered to the VA, was a report by a VA analyst concluding that McCants suffered from PTSD as a result of the waterboarding.

VA officials had said they did not doubt he had PTSD but said in a previous ruling that there was no record of “the curriculum” at the school in 1975. The VA said then there was no proof the PTSD was caused by an “in-service or service-related” incident.

In its reversal of the earlier ruling, the new ruling concludes, “The veteran has been diagnosed with PTSD that is medically attributed to a stressor he experienced during his service.” It adds, this time as a “conclusion of law,” that “the criteria for service connection for PTSD have been met.”

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Is Barack Obama a Hawk or a Dove?

March 18, 2008 – Washington, DC — Scott Gration grew up in Congo as the son of U.S. missionaries in the 1950s, fled to Kenya as a war refugee in 1964 and lived on half a glass of water a day as a hospital volunteer in Uganda during the collapse of Idi Amin’s regime in 1979.

Now a retired air force major general and the veteran of 274 combat missions into Iraq, Gration, 56, is part of Barack Obama’s inner circle and shares with Obama’s other key advisers a worldview rooted in the traumas of failed states and transnational threats: nuclear proliferation, climate change, disease, poverty, ethnic conflict and clashes over natural resources.

His advisers are helping the U.S. presidential hopeful shape a post-Cold War foreign policy that would address these cross-border problems while helping rebuild America’s global reputation and ensure its security.

“In different ways, we all have a 21st-century” concept of how U.S. power should be exercised after 9/11, said Susan Rice, a 43-year-old who was assistant secretary of state for Africa under President Bill Clinton and now advises Obama.

“We live in a world where globalization means threats can emanate from anywhere and flow anywhere,” Rice said.
Among the three leading candidates – Obama, an Illinois senator; Hillary Rodham Clinton, a fellow Democrat and a New York senator; and John McCain, a Republican senator from Arizona – Obama’s team seems most attuned to “soft power,” says Joseph Nye, the Harvard University professor who coined the term for the use of economic and cultural persuasion, as opposed to military force, in international diplomacy.

“The election of Obama would do more to restore American soft power than anything else,” said Nye, a veteran of the Carter and Clinton administrations who is impressed by Obama and is not advising any campaign. “We need to export hope rather than fear.”

No matter how much Obama embraces a policy of confronting cross-border problems, he is likely to remain loyal to certain immutables, including support for Israel and military bases overseas. Still, Obama advocates positions that make it tough to label him a hawk or dove: While he would talk to enemies without preconditions, he also would destroy Qaeda targets in Pakistan if the U.S.-allied leadership in Islamabad refused to act.

In an April speech that laid out his foreign policy vision, Obama said that the ill-fated invasion of Iraq was “based on old ideologies and outdated strategies.” He wants to shift U.S. attention to the Israeli-Palestinian crisis, target terrorists, secure nuclear arms in the former Soviet republics and rebuild alliances with the aim of arresting pandemics and containing ecological threats.

While President George W. Bush has invested billions of dollars in fighting AIDS in African nations, that initiative has been overshadowed by the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Obama wants to add more than 90,000 troops to the U.S. military and envisions expanding their mission to stabilizing and rebuilding nations or confronting mass atrocities, he wrote in Foreign Affairs magazine. He would double foreign aid to $50 billion by 2012.

For many U.S. allies and adversaries, the perspective of a biracial, half-Kenyan American who spent years as a child in Indonesia holds the promise of a departure from what they see as Bush’s unilateral policies. Obama’s approach is pragmatic, nonideological and open to critical voices, his advisers say.

“The idea of an African-American president who grew up playing in rice paddies,” Nye said, “who transcends some differences we have, who has relatives in Africa – that gives a very different image to the world than a preppie from Texas who had been abroad only a few times.”

Obama and his advisers will not deal only with “Brussels and Moscow – while that’s very important – but are also looking to Djibouti and Indonesia,” said Ben Rhodes, Obama’s foreign-policy speechwriter, for help in rooting out terrorism and building bridges to Muslim nations.

Obama’s core team ranges in age from Rhodes, 30, to Anthony Lake, 68 and a former national security adviser to President Clinton. Lake is credited with laying the groundwork for peace deals in Bosnia and in the Eritrean-Ethiopian civil war. And until she resigned over critical comments she had made about Hillary Rodham Clinton, one of Obama’s closest advisers was Samantha Power, a 37-year-old Harvard professor whose focus is genocide.

The foreign policy teams for Clinton and McCain include many whose frame of reference was shaped by debates over deterrence and superpower struggles, including former the UN ambassador Richard Holbrooke for Clinton, and the former national security adviser Brent Scowcroft for McCain. Most of them supported the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Obama’s circle includes people who cut their teeth on post-Cold War problems like ethnic conflict, humanitarian interventions and Islamic extremism. A thread that unites them is their opposition to the Iraq invasion and support for withdrawing most forces.

In policy deliberations, outsiders, including Republican graybeards, are sometimes asked to offer opposing views. The senator comes to his opinion and then, true to his training as a constitutional law professor, “argues the other side,” to see if his position holds up, Rhodes says.

One Obama adviser, Greg Craig, a former director of policy planning at the State Department, says that style provides insight into how the candidate would act as president: “He would listen to the world.”

 

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Vet in a Suit: Testimony from the Iraq Veterans Against the War

March 17, 2008 – It’s been determined that taxi drivers have the most dangerous job in Iraq, and if the Iraq Veterans Against the War Winter Soldier event this past weekend had taken place in Baghdad, my taxi driver might have gotten us both killed. Luckily, it occurred at the National Labor College in Silver Spring, Md. On Friday morning, as we entered the campus from the Beltway, a dozen or so protesters held signs denouncing the testifying soldiers: “WINTER SOLDIER MY ASS,” one read. Security was tight. The Montgomery County sheriff’s department operated out of a mobile unit that looked so innocuous you might have assumed they were selling corn dogs after a Little League game. But the paramilitary attire of the nearby riot-ready cops would quickly disabuse you of that notion. By the campus’ entryway stood a group of IVAW supporters acting as further security. My taxi driver tried to dodge them but got held up by a burly, middle-aged guy. “What is going on?” asked the driver.

What was going on? Approximately 55 former members of the U.S. military were preparing to testify about the ongoing military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan—or what the IVAW consistently refers to as “occupations.” No brainchild of the Pentagon, IVAW modeled its conference after the controversial 1971 Winter Soldier event that vivified (some say fictionalized) war crimes, human rights abuses, and military waste then occurring in Vietnam. The IVAW has three unifying aims: immediate withdrawal of all American troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, reparations for the Iraqi people, and consistent and reliable medical care for all veterans of the war. Over the course of four days, the conference planned to address the continual breakdown and failure of military rules of engagement, the long-term societal cost of the war in the form of broken families and broken minds, the drastic privatization of the war in Iraq, racism and sexism in the military, and the future of GI resistance. And with Winter Soldier, the IVAW hoped to gain more media attention for the anti-war movement.

Entering the hall where the testimony was taking place, you might have thought you were at a “peace and social justice” conference at a Pacific Northwest liberal-arts college. Many of the audience members sported gray ponytails, and some of the security staff were members of Vietnam Veterans Against the War. But most of the IVAW soldiers testifying were born after 1982. For them, the Vietnam War brings up images of Pvt. Pyle from Full Metal Jacket and Martin Sheen in Apocalypse Now. Many participants of Winter Soldier 1971 had worn combat fatigues, and the event had come together catch-as-catch-can, with few resources and little polish; but Winter Soldier 2008 felt like a finely produced corporate workshop. The women I saw testify were in business attire. And while some of the men were in faded fatigues and desert boonie caps, hip-slung jeans, and hoodies, just as many wore suits or sport jackets. These are the new anti-war vets, and they know how to use image and technology to their advantage.

Jose Vasquez, IVAW board member and president of the New York chapter, told me, “I’m interested in professionalizing the organization.” Vasquez served nearly 14 years in the active-duty Army and the Army reserve, initially as a cavalry scout and later posting as a training NCO for battle medics. It looked to me as though he’d left the barracks just hours ago. He made me—a former Marine—want to shave my unruly beard, tuck in my shirt, and knock out 20 four-count push-ups for good measure.

Born in the Bronx, Vasquez grew up in California and signed up for the Army in 1992 at the age of 17. Now pursuing a Ph.D. in anthropology, he’s a soft-spoken man who cared deeply for the Army and the soldiers he warmly calls “Joes”; he’d planned to spend 30 years serving his country. After 9/11, he would have served in Afghanistan with few reservations; but by the time his unit got the call for Iraq in 2005, he’d been having doubts not only about the efficacy of the war but about the morality of serving. As a medic, he patched soldiers’ wounds so that they could head out on another mission and kill again. After “a lot of soul-searching,” Vasquez applied for conscientious-objector status, and more than a year later he separated from the Army with an honorable discharge. When he described the day he told the men he led that he was not going to Iraq with them, Vasquez sounded remorseful and sad. He misses the Army and his Joes.

Critics will instantly identify any soldier testifying about immoral behavior on the battlefield as a bad seed. So Vasquez implemented an exhaustive process to confirm the veracity of the testimony being offered; his title is “IVAW verification team leader.” Drawing on his background as an anthropologist, he trained 14 team members, mostly combat vets, in the verification process. Membership in IVAW was not required in order to offer testimony. “We were willing at least to take testimony from anybody, whether or not they were a member. They didn’t even have to agree with our points of unity. If you had a story to tell about Iraq and you were able to prove your service, then we would give you a venue to spread that word.” All told, approximately 140 people have come forward to offer testimony. It wasn’t possible to have everyone testify this weekend, but Vasquez vows that IVAW will give anyone with a story to tell the venue to do so.

Clifton Hicks, a dead ringer for a young Matt Dillon, served in the Army as a tank driver and .50-caliber machine gunner from 2003 to 2004. His own testimony—among other things, he recalled watching a five-building apartment complex full of civilians being riddled with gunfire from a warplane—troubled him deeply. When I spoke to him Saturday morning, the totality of the first day of Winter Soldier was wearing heavily on him. He told me that for the first time since becoming an anti-war activist, he felt like quitting. Re-experiencing the destruction of war and thinking about friends who had died made him feel again “that I no longer cared about my life. … I felt like the only way I could make things right is to just strip my clothing and walk naked back to Florida, you know. … Just pay a penance or something.” A panel on Friday about the rules of engagement, Hicks said, was “hard-hitting.” During it, much of the testimony was of witness: abuse of Iraqi prisoners and detainees, indiscriminate firing in urban areas, the quick erosion of the rules as soon as someone in a unit died. As Hicks told me, “That [panel] was the personal shit, the upfront shit. I murdered shitloads of people. Not ‘I saw shitloads of people die from a distance and thought it was funny.’ ”

Jon Turner, a former Marine and current resident of Burlington, Vt., looks like he’d be more comfortable playing footbag or Frisbee than firing a weapon. On Friday afternoon, he’d given some of the more dramatic testimony. He opened by saying, “There is a term, ‘Once a Marine, always a Marine.’ But there is also a term, ‘Eat the apple, F the corps.’ ” He then ripped off the ribbons pinned to his shirt, threw them to the ground, and declared, “I don’t work for you no more.” He had served two tours in Iraq with Kilo Company, 3rd Battalion of the 8th Marines, operating in Ramadi and Fallujah. He then played a few videos he’d made while in Iraq. The first video he played was of his executive officer, after having called in a 500-pound bomb, saying, “I think I just killed half the population of northern Ramadi. Fuck the red tape.”

Then he played video of a missile attack on a Ministry of Health building. He spoke about the standard procedure of a “weapon drop”: When mistakes are made, you drop a weapon on the innocent dead man so it appears he was a combatant. He showed photos of a man’s brain. “This wasn’t my kill, it was my friend’s,” he stated.

When the next image of a corpse appeared on the big screens in the hall, he continued, “On April 18, 2006, I had my first confirmed kill. Ahh. This man was innocent. I don’t know his name. I call him the Fat Man. He was walking back to his house, and I shot him in front of his friend and father. The first round didn’t kill him after I hit him up here in his neck area. And afterward he started screaming and looked right into my eyes. So I looked at my friend who I was on post with and said, ‘Well, can’t let that happen.’ So I took another shot and took him out.” It took seven members of the Fat Man’s family to move his body.

After his first kill, Turner says, “My company commander personally congratulated me as he did everyone else in our company. This is the same individual who had stated that whoever gets their first kill by stabbing them to death will get a four-day pass when we return from Iraq.”

On Saturday, Turner and I sat outside on a bench. Some of his buddies were playing Frisbee nearby and a mutt dog named Resistance ran around on the grass, yapping among the former soldiers. Jon had a number of tattoos, nothing new for a military guy, but the ones that most interested me were the five small crosses on his left wrist, for the five KIAs of Kilo Company, and the Arabic script on his right wrist, which, he claimed, meant “fuck you.” He had this on his right wrist because, as he said during his testimony, it was his “choking wrist.” He left us all to imagine what that meant.

Jon has shaggy blond hair and a scraggly beard and a comely, easy smile. In him, I saw the ghost of a young, sweet kid who had joined the corps because he loved his country and he wanted to help protect it. And I saw the hardened and haunted young man who spends a lot of time chasing demons he thought he’d left in Iraq, among them the Fat Man and a man who had the unfortunate luck of bicycling by Jon’s checkpoint on a day when Jon simply wanted to kill and the media embed was with another platoon, so his platoon had free rein.

Jon has PTSD. Jon has quit drinking and smoking. He still dips tobacco, but that’s a minor thing, considering. He doesn’t do therapy—got tired of that—but he talks to his friends from IVAW, better therapy than anything. He’s started making art, and with a buddy in Burlington he makes combat paper—he reconstitutes camouflage uniforms Marines have worn in combat, turning the uniforms into paper that he binds into books. He’s writing some poetry. He’s trying to make something good from the waste that was Iraq.

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Editorial Column: Iraq War: A Colossal Failure

March 18, 2008 – Nearly five years into a war that might drag on for decades, Vice President Dick Cheney visited Iraq and declared, “If you look back on those five years, it has been a difficult, challenging but nonetheless successful endeavor.” Really, Mr. Vice President? How so?

About 4,000 American troops have died since our baseless invasion of Iraq, and the Department of Veterans Affairs is overwhelmed by the sheer volume and dire condition of wounded soldiers who manage to return alive.

Conservative estimates hold that nearly 80,000 Iraqi civilians have died, but a study published in 2006, which included those who have died of disease and other issues related to the war, indicated that 650,000 Iraqis had perished. About 2 million of the country’s population has been internally displaced while 2.5 million have left Iraq.

Our presence in Iraq has hindered our ability to fight the good fight in Afghanistan and the $12 billion-per-month costs of remaining in Iraq have no doubt left our government in a tough spot in dealing with our current economic woes.

On Monday, when Cheney did his victory lap/public relations tour around Baghdad, the Los Angeles Times reported 52 Iraqis and two U.S. soldiers died as a result of bombs and mortars that wounded more than 80 people. Perhaps the vice president didn’t have the chance to visit with the families of the six children who were also killed that day.

We could think of a million words to describe the war but it takes a twisted mind to see it as a “successful endeavor.”

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Jonathan Foster: Weekly Series Puts Faces on San Diego’s Homeless

March 18, 2008 – Though it’s a few miles outside his congressional district, Rep. Bob Filner stopped by San Diego’s temporary homeless shelter on March 7, located this year in a Petco Park parking lot, and gave something of an “it takes a village” speech about the plight of the homeless.

“It’s an issue that’s really a moral blot on our nation,” he said, promising to do everything in his power to direct more money to homeless services. Filner heads the Committee on Veterans Affairs; it’s estimated that around 25 percent of people living on the streets are vets.

Jonathan Foster’s not exactly living on the street, but he’s without a home. A tall, lanky Vietnam vet with a persistent grin, Foster had been at the shelter for about a week on the day Filner stopped by.

Foster was born into military life—literally—60 years ago at the Balboa Park Naval Hospital. He spent four years in the Navy, including 13 months in Vietnam, where he manned a Patrol River Boat (shorter than a Swift Boat, a PRB is the kind of boat featured in Apocalypse Now).

“Thirteen months of gun fight at the OK corral,” he says of the experience.

Six months ago, Foster was working as a commercial landscaper in Arizona. A massive heart attack left him unable to return to work and, as a consequence, he lost his apartment and decided to move back home to San Diego. He gets $260 a month in disability pay from the military, he said, because he was wounded twice.

Before he moved to Arizona, Foster logged more than 2,000 hours as a volunteer at St. Vincent de Paul, where he taught adult general-education classes and served as a translator—he speaks a half-dozen or so languages. “I have an ear,” he says. Wherever he was stationed with the Navy, he picked up the language.

With the shelter closing on March 15, Foster was able to secure a spot at St. Vincent’s short-term shelter, where he’ll be able to stay up to four months. After that, he hopes to move into St. Vincent’s long-term facility. He jokes that his volunteer hours earned him a slot, but the reality is that because of his medical condition, he gets priority. St. Vincent’s handles all of his prescriptions and medical care—better there than the VA, Foster noted.

“The VA could take a page from his book,” he says of Fr. Joe Carroll, St. Vincent’s patriarch. “I have little faith in the VA system,” he said, “but I guess that’s a Vietnam thing.”

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Mar 20: The Good Soldier – Profile of Iraq War Veteran Advocate Andrew Pogany

March 20, 2008 – Do you like green eggs and ham?

I do not like them, Sam-I-am. I do not like green eggs and ham!

It was September 28, 2003, Andrew Pogany’s second day in Iraq, and he was steering a Land Rover through the night toward Samarra with another Special Forces soldier on board and an M4 rifle in his lap. This stretch of road, which ran through the especially nasty enclave of insurgent strongholds called the Sunni Triangle, was known for ambushes of Army convoys just like his. “This is Indian country down here,” a Green Beret had told him earlier in the day. “You’ll be lucky to make it out alive.” Pogany should have been completely focused on the road, scanning the surroundings for signs of trouble, but he was a little distracted.

Would you like them in a house?

Would you like them with a mouse?

A 32-year-old staff sergeant stationed at Fort Carson, Pogany been assigned to fill a vacancy in a highly trained, twelve-man Special Forces A Team just two weeks before they shipped out to fight in the still-young war. And now he was learning something about one of them. Sitting next to Pogany, gripping his own rifle, medic Ken Lehman had decided it was the perfect time to recite lines from Dr. Seuss. Over and over again.

Would you eat them in a box?

Would you eat them with a fox?

It seemed to be the only way Lehman could calm himself, but it was rattling Pogany. On and on it went — in a car, in a tree, on a train, in the rain. Pogany told him to shut up, asked him, begged him, and finally managed to plug him up with a cigarette.

What an introduction to war, Pogany thought to himself later that night after the convoy had made it safely to Samarra and he tried to fall asleep in a mortar-scarred barracks, gunfire echoing through the city. He didn’t have much time to reflect. Soon, explosions sounded in the distance, and truck engines roared nearby. Outside, Pogany found chaos: Soldiers were screaming and running through the compound as smoke billowed around them. A strange, metallic odor filled the air. It was the smell of blood.

There had been an ambush; several Iraqis had been captured and brought back to the compound. All that was left of one of them was in a body bag — a body bag being unzipped as Pogany turned to look. Six seconds. That’s how long the bag was open, but that was all it took. It was enough to see exactly how the heavy artillery round had ripped straight through the man’s torso. Enough to make out all the blood and shredded flesh. Enough to know it was difficult to call what was left a body.

Pogany turned away and went back to his room. He had the fortitude to stomach this, he told himself. He’d trained for war for years, and before that he’d been a volunteer firefighter. He’d received stellar military reviews and had been recommended for immediate promotion. Most important, he was Special Forces. But the body bag had set something off inside his head, something that didn’t make sense. Everything started moving in slow motion. Then came nausea, trembling and terror. He tried to sleep again, had horrible dreams, and woke up to discover his room exploding around him. A mortar must have exploded, he thought, as he watched the ceiling cave in.

It was all in his head. Pogany realized later that he’d been hallucinating.

The next day, he told his team sergeant he needed help, that he was having a nervous breakdown. An Army psychiatrist agreed. “Solider reported signs of symptoms consistent with those of a normal combat-stress reaction,” he wrote in his report. But Pogany’s commanding officers wouldn’t hear of it — he had to start acting like a soldier. It wasn’t as simple as finding some guts and going back to work, Pogany replied; there had to be something physically wrong with him. “So, well, if you can’t help me here,” Pogany said, “I guess you are going to have to send me home.”

They did so on October 7, and a week later, Pogany received his coming-home present: The U.S. Department of Defense charged him with cowardice. It was a military crime that hadn’t been used to convict a soldier since 1968 — and it was punishable by death. With a hook like that, national media was all over the story. Jessica Lynch, America’s hero, was just then front-page news. Now Pogany was America’s coward. 

“I am not trying to screw the Army,” the staff sergeant tells Pogany. They’re sitting in a chow hall at Fort Carson, the massive Army installation south of Colorado Springs, early one bright morning several weeks ago. “But I am looking out for myself,” he says. “I’ve been here for twelve years, and to get treated like this? Hell, no.”

The Army has told the 31-year-old staff sergeant that he’s no longer fit for duty because he has sleep apnea, a medical condition involving breathing problems during sleep. An Army medical evaluation recently concluded that his problems aren’t related to combat, so he’ll be sent home with a single severance check. No retirement pay, no access to life or health insurance. Before he knows or understands it, he’ll be out of the Army, and his problems will be a matter for others to deal with. The great military machine will move on, recruiting new soldiers to replace him, able-bodied men and women who aren’t broken.

But the staff sergeant knows something’s different inside of him, something beyond sleep problems. It’s been that way ever since a mortar exploded next to him in Iraq. He walked away without any physical wounds, any outward signs of damage — but something was wrong. “When I got back from Iraq the last time, I was irritable, and lately it’s been worse. It’s rough when I can’t sleep, and I get home and get in an argument with my wife…” His voice trails off.

Pogany, now 36, listens quietly, his eyes trained steadily on the soldier — the only part of Pogany that doesn’t seem to be in constant, agitated motion. His legs bounce absentmindedly; his hands, sheathed in his black leather jacket, pull thoughtfully on the brown goatee adorning his boyish face when they aren’t flipping through the documents the staff sergeant has brought with him. On one document, he notices something.

“According to this, you have a mild traumatic brain injury,” he says. Traumatic brain injuries, caused by sudden head trauma such as a mortar attack and marked by lingering psychological and physical symptoms like sleep apnea, have become a common memento of the war. In fact, Fort Carson has reported in a study that nearly 18 percent of its soldiers returning from war had suffered a traumatic brain injury. And that’s not the only baggage they were coming home with: Since 2003, the base has also diagnosed 2,189 cases of post-traumatic stress disorder.

“What are they doing for that?” he asks the staff sergeant.

“Nothing.”

Pogany’s heard enough. A TBI is serious enough to warrant medical retirement and benefits. “That diagnosis was not included in your [medical evaluation]. The question is why.” Pogany wants to see all of the staff sergeant’s medical records. They’re going to appeal his medical evaluation, he says, and the soldier doesn’t need to worry about legal fees. Pogany’s going to get him a pro bono lawyer.

Four years after being charged with, and later acquitted of, cowardice, after riding his own tumultuous wave through the Army, Pogany is a Denver-based soldiers’ advocate helping veterans who are living through much the same experiences he had.

Over the past few years, he’s worked for several veterans organizations, and in January he was hired as a special investigator for the Washington, D.C.-based National Veterans Legal Services Program (NVLSP) to seek out stories like this, soldiers who are coming back from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and finding the Army has deemed them expendable. Retired from the Army, he’s a one-man civilian commando unit, working to untangle the bureaucracy behind the Defense department’s medical, military justice and veterans’ benefits systems — and if that doesn’t do the trick, he can always call his powerful contacts in the press corps or on Capitol Hill to help him.

There’s lots to keep him busy. The Army, which begins its sixth year of war in Iraq this week, has been hammered on multiple fronts for its poor treatment of injured soldiers, especially those suffering from mental and psychological injuries. Fort Carson, with 17,500 military personnel assigned to it, has become a flashpoint in the extended controversy, with soldiers there claiming they’ve been punished or kicked out of the Army without proper benefits because they have TBIs or mental-health problems like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The allegations have led to front-page headlines, investigations by U.S. senators and military officials, and promised improvement by Fort Carson brass.

Pogany has been in the center of it all, working to help the soldiers, telling reporters and Congress about the problems, and pushing for changes that are now starting to happen. And he certainly has the attention of Fort Carson’s new commander.

“I have talked to Andrew on several occasions,” says Major General Mark Graham, who took charge of Fort Carson last September. “I think Andrew has much the same goal as we do, which is to help soldiers and their families. Andrew has raised some concerns to us, and I appreciate him doing that.

“I think we are showing that multiple deployments is tough on soldiers and their families,” Graham adds. “But I think the good part of this is that we have a system in place where we talk to soldiers and tell them we are always open. We tell them it is a sign of strength, not weakness, to come forward and say they need some help. We are changing the culture. It takes time, but I think we are making some progress in that area.”

Pogany agrees that Fort Carson and the Army are making progress — but there are still soldiers who need help, like the staff sergeant sitting across from him. “They made it look like I was trying to get out of going to Iraq again,” he tells Pogany with a snort. “I have been to Iraq twice. I’m not scared to go.” Still, he adds, bad stuff did happen over there — stuff he can’t shake.

“You need to be completely re-evaluated for a traumatic brain injury,” Pogany tells him. In fact, does he have time to go to Fort Carson’s traumatic brain injury clinic right now? No need to worry about making an appointment; people at Fort Carson are used to Pogany’s unannounced visits.

The staff sergeant will make time. “The Army uses you and uses you,” he says, “and then throws you out.”

Pogany knows exactly how that feels. 

Pogany says he doesn’t like talking about his past, his voice betraying no hint of an accent, no hint of growing up in Germany as Georg-Andreas, the son of an expat Hungarian insurgent who fought against the Soviets in his country’s failed 1956 revolution. It took months for Pogany’s girlfriend, Jen Collins, to learn about his time in the military, about how, after he emigrated to the United States as a college student and studied criminal justice at the University of South Florida, he joined the Army and was trained as an interrogator. And it’s been years since he’s signed off his e-mails with the Special Forces’ motto, “De oppresso liber” — liberator of the oppressed — which he started doing, even though not a Green Beret himself, after he was assigned to the 10th Special Forces Group at Fort Carson in 2001. Instead, Pogany prefers to quote from the Bodhisattva or The Art of War, or tell a wry joke adorned with a few choice selections of his still-vibrant barracks vocabulary.

But driving through Fort Carson after dropping off the staff sergeant at the clinic, it’s hard to escape his past. The brick office buildings, the “GI Jolt” coffee shop in the base strip mall, the fenced-off trucks and cargo containers waiting to be shipped to the desert thousands of miles away — everything comprised by “greatest home town in America,” as the guards at the entrance gates are required to call it — bring back memories. Last week at the Army hospital, for example, Pogany ran into Lehman, the Green Eggs and Ham guy, whom he hadn’t seen in years. Lehman said he was messed up, that he had PTSD and a TBI, and that he was in trouble with the law.

Pogany knew what Lehman felt like, lost and alone in the middle of Fort Carson. This was where Pogany returned after being charged with cowardice and ordered to complete one menial on-base task after another. It was where he struggled through the diminishing but still debilitating symptoms of his mysterious condition — blurry vision, balance problems, stomach ailments — and tried to make sense of the cowardice charge.

“I never bought into what they were saying,” he says. “The question was, ‘What happened?’ This was not me. I didn’t understand what had happened.”

To try and figure it out, Pogany called a soldiers’ advocate he’d heard of: Steve Robinson, a Gulf War veteran and head of the Washington, D.C., veterans’ advocacy group National Gulf War Resource Center (NGWRC), who agreed to help.

“I believe the military realized it was in a different fight in Iraq. It was no longer limited tank battles; it was going to be up-close urban combat, and that was going to create fear in the soldiers, and fear is like a cancer in a war,” Robinson says now. “This guy Andrew had an emotional reaction to this broken and destroyed body, and they decided they were not going to put up with it. They said, ‘Let’s kill this cancer right now.’ It had a chilling effect throughout the entire military.”

Pogany and Robinson dug in, trying to find out what, exactly, was wrong with Pogany, looking for a smoking gun — and they believed they found it in Lariam, a commonly used anti-malarial drug he’d been prescribed by the military for Iraq that was known to cause serious psychiatric side effects in some people. Military officials told Robinson they weren’t prescribing Lariam in Iraq, but Pogany still had the blister pack of Lariam they’d given him; he’d taken three pills, the third on the day of his breakdown.

Soon other soldiers who’d served in Iraq were contacting Robinson — and the media — saying they, too, had been given Lariam and were experiencing troubling side effects. With that news, Pogany began boning up on his pharmacology. He learned about a medical study showing that 29 percent of 500 travelers and tourists who took the drug had experienced neuropsychiatric side effects. He talked to reporters who linked the drug to instances of suicide. He read about Canadian troops who’d beaten a boy to death in Somalia in 1993 and about three Special Forces soldiers at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, who’d killed their wives and then themselves in 2002. They’d all taken Lariam. Soon reporters stopped calling Andrew Pogany, coward, and began calling Andrew Pogany, Lariam expert.

The Defense department began to feel the pressure. It dropped the cowardice charge, instead accusing Pogany of dereliction of duty, for which he could spend six months in prison and receive a dishonorable discharge. But they’d underestimated him.

“They picked the wrong person to call a coward,” says Collins, his girlfriend. “He turned it around and came at them with a vengeance.”

As his protracted legal battle wore on, Pogany heard disturbing news that increased his suspicions about Lariam. On March 14, 2004, a 36-year-old Fort Carson soldier who’d just returned from Iraq threatened his wife with a revolver in their Monument home and then, when the police arrived, shot and killed himself. The solder, it turned out, was William Howell, who had been part of Pogany’s twelve-man team in Iraq.

In May of that year, Pogany’s supervisors agreed to send him to a specialized Naval medical lab in San Diego for proper diagnosis. There, in a doctor’s written notes, he received his vindication: “Drug toxicity antimalarials…. Likely Lariam toxicity.”

Later, after he’d similarly diagnosed several other soldiers and his findings had reached the press, the doctor changed his tune; he was no longer certain if Lariam was the culprit. But the damage had been done. The Army dropped all charges against Pogany and, on April 14, 2005, he was medically retired because of permanent brain-stem damage due to Lariam toxicity. “Then I was unceremoniously walked to the door and told to take off,” Pogany remembers. “I was told to never set foot on the 10th Special Forces Group compound again.” 

Peace is every step.

The words are written in elegant cursive on a strip of paper pasted inside the windshield of Pogany’s Volkswagen, above the dreamcatcher dangling from the rearview mirror and the tangle of wires covering his center console that powers his cell phone — which, as he makes his way across Fort Carson, is ringing constantly, filling the car with a Monty Python ditty: Always look on the bright side of life… An NPR reporter wants to meet with him in Colorado Springs. Pogany, juggling the phone and the steering wheel, schedules it into his electronic calendar.

Always look on the bright side of life… It’s the screenwriter who’s pitching a movie about Pogany. He’s thinking Colin Farrell could star in it, or maybe Matt Damon.

Always look on the bright side of life… A soldier found one of the business cards Pogany distributes around the base; he’s hoping Pogany can help him. “Send me an e-mail with everything that happened, including your deployment dates. Do you have any of your medical records? Do you have copies of your mental-health care records?” he says before hanging up. “That will be a new case” — one of the handful he may get today.

This is Pogany’s mobile workplace, one he drives to and from Fort Carson several times a week, on workdays that usually begin at 6 a.m. It’s an extension of a home office in the basement of his brick bungalow in central Denver that features a heavily armed G.I. Joe doll, faded prayer flags on the wall, bookshelves stocked with veterans’ benefits guides and mental-disorders manuals, and boxes and boxes of soldiers’ case files. He pulls his VW office over at a barracks building and flashes the ID card hanging around his neck to the guard in the front lobby. He is there to meet with Nicholas.

“Fucking wild,” Nicholas, 21, says of the twenty or so roadside bomb explosions he was exposed to in Iraq. “You hear it, but it’s more like your ears start immediately ringing. It feels like a very strong, hot wind that knocks you back when they go off.” He only realized their lasting toll once he got back from the war and ran a guy off the road in an inexplicable fit of rage. Later, he recounts with a wry laugh, he flipped out during a training exercise and put a gun to a passerby’s head. “I just kind of lost it for a while.”

Things weren’t so funny when Nicholas’s mother first called Pogany several months ago, the night her son was taken to the Evans Army Community Hospital for having suicidal thoughts. Nicholas had just been told he was being redeployed in four days — even though he’d been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder, a fractured femur and a traumatic brain injury, and labeled temporarily unfit for deployment.

Because of privacy considerations, the Army can’t respond publicly to allegations such as Nicholas’s, says Fort Carson Public Affairs Officer Dee McNutt in an e-mail. “Each case needs to be looked into separately, and the Army cannot release or discuss information regarding specific cases without a soldier’s expressed written consent.” But “soldiers are human and will tell their side of the story as they see it,” she adds.

As for claims that Fort Carson has been deploying injured soldiers to Iraq, she says, “Medical personnel are responsible for making recommendations to commanders on what resources or level of care a soldier requires to be considered fully capable for deployment. Commanders know the assets available to them in theater and what accommodations can be made for the limitations of each individual soldier. Many times soldiers require care that is readily available in theater.”

Pogany helped Nicholas’s mother, Dawna Lynn, track down documents proving that his ailments and no-deployment status had been ignored. He encouraged her to contact a congressional subcommittee on military affairs, Fort Carson’s inspector general and the installation’s commanding general. Soon her son’s story was one of the examples reporters were using to demonstrate that the Army was improperly shipping out injured soldiers in order to fill diminished ranks. “There was no way I could have sorted through the military bureaucracy if I didn’t have somebody tell me how to do it,” she says. “If I hadn’t been aggressive and had the right person tell me what to do, my son would have been sent back to Iraq without the proper medical care.”

Instead, Nicholas’s deployment was called off, and he’s expecting to be medically retired. For him, that moment can’t come too soon. “I hate this job,” he says. “I needed some help, some support. They didn’t want to give it to me. They didn’t care.” 

Pogany was angry like Nicholas once, especially during the months leading up to his medical retirement. Angry at the Army for being his whole world and then turning on him and making him a national pariah. Angry that his injury didn’t make any sense — whoever heard of a soldier laid low by a stupid pill? Angry that, despite all he’d been through, he still ended up better off than some of his teammates, like Howell or his team sergeant, Kelly Hornbeck, who was killed by a roadside bomb in Iraq.

“Sometimes I feel like I was the luckiest guy in this whole war,” he says. “I went over for what, fifteen days, and came home with two arms, two legs.” And he was angry that he was entering civilian life with no job and no idea what he wanted to do with his life. “I was in the toilet,” he says now.

He took time off, traveled to Europe. He met Claude AnShin Thomas, a Vietnam veteran turned Buddhist monk who told him, “Once a soldier, always a soldier. It’s what we do with the experience that makes a difference in our lives.” And then, finally, he got it. “I had to come to grips with the fact that I was shattered. That I was broken. And that being broken wasn’t such a bad thing,” he says. “And, in a nutshell, I had a choice. I could either get busy living, or I could get busy dying.”

He soon found something to live for, something perfectly suited to his background. While he was still in the Army, soldiers had started coming up to him, asking for help. They knew no one else to turn to other than the guy who’d taken on the system and won. A month after leaving the Army, Pogany started working with Robinson at the NGWRC, helping him build on veterans-advocacy tools first developed by Vietnam veterans, shifting the programs to focus on a new generation of soldiers.

“I felt that now that Andrew had successfully survived his battle, he could become a powerful advocate. Intellectually, he was very well put together. He had the intelligence-gathering skills and paperwork skills and organizational skills to be very effective,” says Robinson. “The people who are most passionate about these issues are the ones who’ve dealt personally with them.”

The two men, first at the NGWRC, then at Veterans for America, discovered that they had their work cut out for them. While soldiers were no longer returning with apparent Lariam side effects — the drug is still commonly prescribed to people traveling to regions where malaria is resistant to some other anti-malarials, but the Army has stopped using it — they were coming home with other problems, like PTSD and TBIs.

More than 1.6 million soldiers have been deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, and they’ve been finding that these battlefields are very different than those of their predecessors. In Vietnam, one soldier was killed for every two and a half wounded. Now the survival rate is one killed for every sixteen wounded. The Veterans Administration is expecting to treat an estimated 333,000 Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans in 2009 alone, and many of these injuries will be mental, brought on by constant, omnipresent danger dotted with brain-rattling roadside bombs.

“Combat in Iraq is 360-365,” says Paul Sullivan, executive director of the non-profit Veterans for Common Sense. “That means our service members are completely surrounded, all day, every day, for a year.”

The undersecretary for health at the Veterans Health Administration recently noted that of the 300,000 veterans of the wars treated at VA hospitals, more than half were diagnosed with a mental health condition, 68,000 of which were PTSD. In addition, 30 percent of veterans treated at Walter Reed Army Medical Center have been diagnosed with a traumatic brain injury. These are injuries that aren’t as gruesomely simple to treat as a lost arm or leg — and much easier for the Army to overlook or ignore.

Pogany put his Army interrogator training to good use tracking down and helping soldiers with these injuries. He began digging into Army regulations — military justice volumes, medical manuals — and hanging around Fort Carson, finding those who needed help as well as those who could help them.

He worked within the system, making sure to distance himself from anti-war groups. “It’s not an issue about the war, and it never has been for me,” he says. “When that question is brought into the picture, it becomes very political. And when it becomes very political, you tend to not open as many doors.”

While Robinson helped document abuses at the Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, D.C., leading to front-page headlines and several prominent military leaders stepping down, Pogany trained his sights on his former Army post.

“Andrew has proven to be a tireless and dedicated advocate for troops suffering from invisible injuries such as PTSD,” says Republican senator Kit Bond of Missouri, whose office has used Pogany as a resource. “He knows the challenges these warfighters face in getting the care they need because he has lived the experience.”

Pogany, the “Puppet Master,” as his girlfriend jokingly calls him, was soon traveling to other states, poking around their military installations. In upstate New York, he discovered soldiers at Fort Drum were waiting six to eight weeks to get a mental health appointment. In California, Pogany and Robinson reported to the press that at Camp Pendleton, Marines with post-traumatic stress disorder were being given little treatment or respect. And at Alaska’s Fort Richardson, Pogany found only three social workers, two substance-abuse counselors and zero psychiatrists for almost 4,000 soldiers.

“Everywhere, I found the same problems: People left and right falling through the cracks,” he says. “There was this huge disconnect between what happens in the trenches and what the Pentagon and Army put out.”

Until he was hired full time by Veterans for America, Pogany worked for little or no pay, cramming his investigations into nights and weekends when he wasn’t working a security job at Buckley Air Force Base. His new position with the NVLSP program is similar to his past work, with one major advantage: He can connect his cases with one of the NVLSP’s network of 1,000-plus pro bono lawyers, many from major law firms. The Army has long had its phalanx of legal mavens; now Pogany has one, too.

Not everyone appreciates his crusade. “Chain of command doesn’t like that I am talking to you,” Nicholas says to Pogany as they wrap up their meeting. “They said you are out to bash the Army.” Pogany gets this a lot. For a while, there were posters plastered around Fort Carson with his face on them, warning people to call military police if they spotted him. In 2005, Colorado Springs mayor Lionel Rivera withdrew his promised support of Operation Just One, a program Pogany created to connect soldiers with off-base therapists, reportedly because he was skeptical of Pogany’s motivations.

“We aren’t the bad guys. This is not about ending someone’s career,” says Pogany. “While they are calling me names, I am going to be presenting facts. We are going to keep moving the pieces across the chessboard, and one day it’s going to be checkmate.” 

It’s a beautiful day,” Teresa Mischke tells Pogany as he pulls into her driveway, greeting him like an old war buddy. They’ve been through a lot together.

Her husband Darren’s story is so long, so convoluted, it’s sometimes hard for her to know where to begin. There was his first deployment to Iraq in 2003, before he met Teresa, when his soft-skin Humvee was rammed by an Iraqi truck. There was no blood, no obvious damage, so he went right back to work. Sure, when he got home and met Teresa, there were some headaches, but nothing to be concerned about. Then, during his second deployment in 2005, a mortar hit his vehicle, blowing a hole in the turret right by his head. At the time, Darren considered himself lucky to be alive. But back in Colorado Springs in December 2006, right around the time the two got married, he stopped acting like himself. He’d get real quiet, lash out at unexpected moments and forget the most basic things. Training simulators became impossibly mystifying, his hands and mind rebelling against him, and bright flashes plagued his vision.

Then there was the night he brought his battle demons home and shoved Teresa. She called 911 — not to have him locked up, but to get help. Still, he was arrested and pleaded guilty in exchange for counseling. When his superiors heard that he was on probation and could no longer carry a weapon, they had grounds for an administrative discharge.

But Darren was getting worse. He started having seizure-like attacks, and for a while, doctors had him on twenty different medications. The military thought he was making it all up, says Teresa, to avoid going back to Iraq.

Teresa’s tale didn’t surprise Pogany when she first called him last spring. He’d heard lots of stories of soldiers too sick or injured to serve who’d found themselves removed from the Army without what they believed was proper treatment and support. Like Darren, some were discharged because of legal or discipline problems and were never fully medically evaluated for underlying mental-health problems. Others who did undergo a Medical Evaluation Board process claimed the assessments ignored serious injuries like PTSD and TBIs and instead focused on minor ailments or diagnosed them with general pre-existing conditions like “personality disorders” that made them unfit for duty but not eligible for pension, health and life insurance.

Army spokeswoman McNutt counters these claims, saying Evans Army Community Hospital at Fort Carson “has an outstanding Medical Evaluation Board section which takes pride in dispositioning soldiers in a comprehensive and timely manner. All soldiers undergoing the Medical Evaluation Board process receive a thorough examination to ensure that all medical and behavioral health issues are documented. During the process, if additional medical issues are identified, they may be added to the record. In addition, soldiers are counseled and afforded multiple opportunities to appeal decisions made during the Medical Evaluation Board, the physical evaluation board and the physical disability rating process. Anytime we become aware of something that may have been missed or inadvertently overlooked, we ensure the error is corrected.”

So Pogany connected Darren and Teresa with the right medical experts, who agreed he had signs of head injury as well as dementia — and a brain scan this past October found multiple lesions on his brain. And now, finally, Teresa tells Pogany they seem to be getting somewhere. Darren was just sent to a Veterans Affairs medical center in California for evaluation and treatment. And the chief psychiatrist at the Evans Army hospital noted that “disinhibited behavior is quite common amongst individuals with brain injuries of this kind, and may have contributed to his episodes of behavioral dyscontrol in the past 6-8 months.” Teresa’s hoping it’s enough to convince the district attorney to throw out his domestic-violence conviction and to get the Army to switch his administrative discharge process to a medical retirement with benefits.

Darren’s potential medical retirement is the latest of several promising developments at Fort Carson. The installation and others like it have implemented “warrior transition units,” where soldiers with physical or psychological injuries are allowed downtime for care and rehabilitation.

“In response to an identified need that soldiers and leaders required further awareness and education on mental health, Fort Carson developed a training program to help leaders and soldiers better understand how to identify behavioral health problems and provide assistance to their battle buddies,” says McNutt.

The Behavioral Health Department at Evans has also stepped up its mental-health care efforts, she says, developing programs to readily identify and treat these problems. “With very few exceptions, soldiers can walk into the clinic without an appointment,” she says. “By implementing these changes, it will reduce the time it takes to get an appointment and time spent waiting in the clinic to see a provider.”

And — most surprising — Pogany, whose mug was once on Wanted posters across the base, now has the ear of Fort Carson’s commander. 

The phone calls are endless. Always look on the bright side of life… Soldiers, mothers, wives, looking for someone, anyone, who will listen, understand, maybe even help. Always look on the bright side of life… They come at night, on weekends, even during vacations. Always look on the bright side of life… They’re calls Pogany has a hard time ignoring. One of the latest is from Denver resident Joel Hunt, a former Army specialist who was medically retired in October for chronic foot pain, a disability his Fort Carson superiors concluded didn’t warrant a medical pension or health insurance. But Pogany has met with Hunt and knows that this veteran, who had a hard time filling out his own forms, has more problems than just a bad foot.

Collins, Pogany’s girlfriend, worries about the constant phone calls. Maybe it’s genetic, she thinks, a rebellious gene passed down from his insurgent father: “Asking him not to do this is like asking him not to breathe.” Sometimes she wonders if it’s something else, if he’s fighting the same battle over and over again that started with his cowardice charge. “I think he struggles to keep balance in his life,” she says. “What’s his quote? ‘If you want peace, fight for justice.’ I think that’s what drew him to the military, and that’s why he does what he does now. I don’t know anyone who is so persistent and committed.”

Pogany’s friends and colleagues say he’s come a long way since he left the Army, since he was stuck in the toilet. He’s found his calling, they say, and it’s helped him get busy living. But even Pogany admits he’s still broken, shattered — a fact he lives with every day. “It’s a process,” he says. “I’m definitely not all the way there. You have to understand, healing is ongoing. It’s not something you do once and it’s done.”

Every time he drives through Monument on the way to Fort Carson, for example, he sees the face of his teammate Bill Howell, who put a gun to his own head and pulled the trigger. He used to dream about Howell, him and Kelly Hornbeck, his team sergeant who was killed in Iraq. “The Bill Howell dream was always the same. He and I meet up and talk. And he just says, ‘Everything is going to be fine. Everything is gong to be okay. You will be okay.'” His dreams of Hornbeck, who called him a coward and refused him help in Iraq, aren’t so encouraging. In one, Pogany runs into an old girlfriend at an airport. “She said, ‘Hey, I want you to meet my new husband,'” Pogany remembers. “Then the guy turned around and it’s Kelly, and half his head is blown off.”

Now there’s another casualty from his Special Forces team. Pogany just got the call: Lehman, the medic who’d passed out the Lariam pills, the Green Eggs and Ham guy, had checked himself into an on-base hotel last week, numbed his arm with Lidocaine, and then sliced himself up and bled to death — the day after Pogany had seen him. “What are the odds of me running into him the day before he takes his own life?” Pogany wonders, shaking his head. “I wish I could have…”

He trails off, thinking of their brief conversation. Lehman had talked about Iraq; how, in hindsight, Lariam had messed up everyone on the team. “Manic Mondays,” they’d call the days they took the pills. Laughing, he even brought up the Green Eggs and Ham thing. But Lehman, looking disheveled, also mentioned his problems now, his PTSD and TBI, and said was hoping Pogany could help him. Pogany gave him his card, and then that was it. “He took his green beret out of his pocket, put it on and walked out the door,” Pogany remembers. “That was the last time I saw him.”

They next time he sees him may be in his dreams.

Posted in Veterans for Common Sense News | Comments Off on Mar 20: The Good Soldier – Profile of Iraq War Veteran Advocate Andrew Pogany

Mar. 20, Our View: The Five Year Anniversary of the Iraq War Brings New Facts, Yet Few Solutions

In the reality-based world here in America, the fifth anniversary of the start of the Bush administration’s failed war brought terrible news. The financial cost of the war is expected to range from $2 trillion to $5 trillion, a number widely reported in the press. In March 2003, VCS predicted that these things would come to pass in a letter to the President signed by 1,000 veterans.

Report All Our Casualties. Sadly, many reporters still fail to tell the people about the full scope of human casualties from the war. For example, the number of U.S. battlefield casualties hit 73,500, and the number of U.S. walking wounded veterans hit 300,000. Your support of VCS helps get these facts out. Click here to make sure that Veterans for Common Sense can continue publicizing the true casualty statistics from the war zone. The more the public knows about the war, the better chances we have to responsibly return our veterans home.

In addition to the battlefield losses, our economy lies in ruins, the stock market is in panic, the housing market crashed, our roads and schools are falling apart, and yesterday widespread public protests against the Iraq War shut down many major urban areas.

White House Delusion. However, as if disconnected from anything sane or real, on the fifth anniversary of the start of President George W. Bush’s Iraq War fiasco, he and Vice President Dick Cheney called their Iraq War a success. They invoked fear again, by falsely claiming that their lies that started the Iraq War keep us safe. They live on an imaginary public relations cloud.

The situation on the ground in Iraq continues worsening. The number of Iraq civilian deaths tops one million, the number of internally displaced hit two million, and the number of international refugees hit two million. Electricity, jobs, water, schools, roads, government and society in general have devolved into bloody chaos. That is not success.

How did it get so bad? Gulf War veterans know. This March also marks another horrible anniversary associated with Iraq. Seventeen years ago, after Desert Storm, U.S. soldiers in Southern Iraq stood by with a sense of helplessness as the Iraqi Republican Guard mercilessly slaughtered thousands and thousands of Iraqi civilians who were rising up to overthrow Saddam Hussein at the urging of President George H. W. Bush. Gulf War veterans knew the Iraqis would never greet us with flowers, as the current administration claimed in 2002.

Catastrophic Consequences. Now, seventeen years after the Gulf War cease fire, the millions of Iraqi children abandoned by the Gulf War Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney, are now the young adult suicide bombers running into crowded markets and blowing up scores of people to mark the visit of Vice President Cheney. At home, our deeply psychologically traumatized Iraq War veterans, many on their third combat deployment, are turned away from VA hospitals when they seek help.

Here is our message to the Administration: Our young veterans are filling up VA hospital waiting rooms, and we will not allow another generation of veterans to be abandoned. Our new war veterans are speaking out. The Winter Soldier hearings commemorate the 5th anniversary of the Iraq War. In an echo of the 1971 Winter Soldier hearings, the veterans documented the Horrors of War.

We can learn from the past to improve the lives of veterans. In an illustration of the incompetence used in dealing with veterans of the first Gulf War, a scientific review finally links soldiers’ exposure to chemicals to Gulf War Illness.

VCS is depends on your contributions to keep speaking truth to power about the true cost of war. Please give to VCS today.

Thank you,

Paul Sullivan
Executive Director

Veterans for Common Sense

VCS provides advocacy and publicity for issues related to veterans, national security, and civil liberties. VCS is registered with the IRS as a non-profit 501(c)(3) charity, and donations are tax deductible.

Posted in Veterans for Common Sense News | Comments Off on Mar. 20, Our View: The Five Year Anniversary of the Iraq War Brings New Facts, Yet Few Solutions

Karen Kwiatkowski: The Soldier Who Spoke Out

March 18, 2008 – Karen Kwiatkowski spent two decades as a career military officer in the United States Air Force before being assigned in the spring of 2002 to a post as a political/military desk officer at the Defense Department’s office for Near East South Asia (NESA). Her new assignment was to work on policy papers for the Secretary of Defense and other top brass at the Pentagon. Shortly thereafter, she was assigned to a newly-formed bureau inside the Pentagon called the Office of Special Plans, which was created to help the Pentagon deal with issues in Iraq.

As Huffington Post Senior Editor Marc Cooper wrote in a profile of Kwiatkowski for LA Weekly:

Though a lifelong conservative, Kwiatkowski found herself appalled as the radical wing of the Bush administration, including her superiors in the Pentagon planning department, bulldozed internal dissent, overlooked its own intelligence and relentlessly pushed for confrontation with Iraq.

Deeply frustrated and alarmed, Kwiatkowski, still on active duty, took the unusual step of penning an anonymous column of internal Pentagon dissent that was posted on the Internet by former Colonel David Hackworth, America’s most decorated veteran.

Kwiatkowski retired from the military in 2003, just as the U.S. was invading Iraq. She spoke with Huffington Post about what going on at the Pentagon in the run-up to the war, and her reflections on the fifth anniversary of the invasion. A selection of her thoughts are below:

On her arrival at her new assignment and what she found was going on at NESA and the Office of Special Plans:

The biggest shock I had in May 2002 was finding that the war plan for invasion of Iraq was in its second draft – it was ready to go. We were ready to invade Iraq in the Spring of 2002. What had not happened, was the public case for this had not been made yet. So what I got to watch was the public case for war being made, and in part being made by people who worked in the Pentagon – mainly political appointees. You know military people like me, we are not creating agendas. And if military people were [going to be] creating agendas, you know, they would be conservative – small “c” conservative. But what we had were these political appointees creating an agenda to go along with the direction that Centcom had already received from Rumsfeld, and Cheney I guess, but primarily Rumsfeld. And that direction was “we’re going into Iraq.” I man, I was surprised that we were so ready to go when there was no intelligence justification for it, and no public case for war had been made at all. But that, of course, was beginning to happen. But that public case for war was made after the actual decision to go to war, I think. The decisions were made a long time in advance, but on what basis these decisions were made we’re not 100 percent sure.

On the mood inside the Pentagon among career military officers:

There was a good sense of betrayal and also anger. And not just in me, but in a lot of the folks that I worked with – the colonels and a lot of the folks I worked with. The civilian leadership, with no justification, with no intelligence rational,e and with no real planning was pushing forward with this war and they were going to do it on the cheap, and they were going to invade, and they were going to make up reasons why. We were angry. We were feeling like we were being manipulated. This was a time of anger and frustration and it was across the board, across the military. I don’t think there were too many senior military people who didn’t feel like their advice was not being taken. And the guys in the Defense Intelligence Agency felt that their assessments were being rejected. And the only folks who weren’t being rejected – and there were some in those agencies and there were some military guys, you know, the Petraeus kind of guy, even though Petraeus wasn’t a factor then – but these highly politicized guys who will say whatever the political leaders want regardless of the facts. Those guys were the only ones, and that frustrated the military guys. We’ve always had contempt for those guys who will truth and their own integrity to go along with the chance for getting in good with the boss. It was amazing how many military people were not on board at all with what these civilians were doing. And yet we take our orders, we do what we’re told or we quit.

On her decision to start publishing anonymous columns:

We had gotten instructions that anything we wrote in policy papers that mentioned weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, or Iraq would not be written by us through consultation with intelligence, which is how we used to do it. We would just call [the Office of] Special Plans, and Special Plans would give us the talking points. And we would use those. Now as we were doing that, and I was doing that in September of 2002, President Bush and Vice President Cheney were giving speeches and they were echoing these classified talking points that were getting from the Office of Special Plans. And we knew they weren’t true! So it is one thing to be lied to by an agency, “oh this is how you do it,” but then apparently the President is either being lied to – or is the source of this false information – or the Vice President is being lied to – or is the source of this false information.

So you know, there was this huge sense of betrayal, and of something not being right. But it was the President’s and Vice President’s speeches in September and early October 2002 that brought me to write. Now, I was frustrated before then and wrote some of these dark humor essays that were later published anonymously.

As I am seeing this I am talking to intelligence people and they are shaking their heads. There was a lot of frustration. But I really didn’t intend to push them out there until I realized this was larger than stupid mismanagement at the Pentagon, and it was bigger than that. Now this war plan had been finalized for months before and the President still hadn’t made his case, and to the extent that he was making his case his was making it on false information.

On how people dealt with their frustrations at work:

What people did was they left their jobs. If they were close enough to retire, they did. A lot of folks, if the had a three-year tour, they called back their services and said “get me out of here.” I worked with two guys who got different positions.

I retired and wrote, anonymously, of course, because I didn’t want to go to Leavenworth. That was pretty disloyal of me. I mean, heck, they shut down the military blogs. They got people so they couldn’t put stuff on YouTube. There’s a lot of stuff that you probably see as being honest that the military historically and today sees as being disloyal. So that would certainly have fallen into that category.

On her reaction to what has happened over the past five years:

Kind of resignation in many ways. It seems very superficial, you know, the public trial and hanging of Saddam Hussein. I mean, why kill him so quick? Because he is part of the story they didn’t want told. You know, these false assurances of this we were doing and that we were doing.

And this fantasy that the surge has improved things. The partitioning of Iraq – you have to wonder if that happened by design. Because certainly that’s counter to everything that Saddam Hussein as a national socialist was working for. You know, he was turning people into Iraqis. And I think that’s what we wanted to get rid of. You know, we didn’t want a strong modern Arab nation sitting on top of the 3rd largest oil reserves in the world. You know, that’s not justification for war; that’s not constitutional.

Everything that has rolled out since that invasion has continued along the same politicized cover story in Iraq. And you know, where are the reporters in Iraq? They’re in the Green Zone. If they’re out of the Green Zone, they’re dead. They’re dead people. There’s no news. It’s all artificial. Unless of course, for the 4,000 dead soldiers and the 100,000 people with PTSD.

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Five Years Into War, Soldiers Speak

March 19, 2008 – Washington, DC — Today marks the fifth anniversary of the day President Bush announced from the Oval Office the “opening stages of what will be a broad and concerted campaign” to invade Iraq. On that day, he invested the military with a great and grave responsibility.

    “To all the men and women of the United States Armed Forces now in the Middle East, the peace of a troubled world and the hopes of an oppressed people now depend on you,” Bush said. “That trust is well placed.”

    Five years later, more than 200 of those men and women joined last week in Silver Spring, Maryland, to reject that trust, to speak out against that mission and to invest their government with the responsibility to end it. During the Winter Soldier testimonies, they told their own stories of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan; the realities of life on the ground, not of the Oval Office. They told of the killing of civilians, the destruction of houses and farms, the mishandling of war dead, the use of illegal weapons, the dehumanization of the “enemy” and the pain that war has etched onto their own lives.

    Over the course of four days, from March 13 to 16, they testified against the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. They found them guilty.

    “We were not bad people,” testified Cliff Hicks, a 23-year-old Iraq veteran, expressing the sentiment of many of his peers, who spoke of wrestling with guilt, shame and fear. “We were all good people in a bad situation, and we did what we had to do to get through.”

    The event was in some ways a revival of the first Winter Soldier, in 1971, in which more than a hundred Vietnam veterans gathered to mourn their own acts of violence and speak out against the war that perpetuated them.

    Last week’s Winter Soldier comprised the largest-ever gathering of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans. Like the Vietnam-era veterans, their aim is larger than the sum of their personal testimonies. They hope to play an integral role in ending the occupation, according to Kelly Dougherty, executive director of Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW), the organization behind the event.

    “Though we may get down at times, we should be proud that we’re standing up and moving forward,” Dougherty said, introducing Winter Soldier’s first panel. “As we enter the sixth year of this occupation, the voices of veterans and service members, as well as civilians on the ground, need to be heard by the American people, and by the people of the world, and by other veterans so they can find their voice to tell their story.”

    The winter soldiers’ testimonies spanned a broad range. Some confronted the killing of civilians and other actual violations of the Geneva conventions, while others detailed incidents that are often overlooked, like racism toward Iraqis, gender discrimination within the military and the waste and destruction of environmental resources.

    The panels of testifying veterans were often backed up by slides and video: a screaming mother watching her house being ransacked, a mosque minaret shattering under repeated gunfire from soldiers “tak[ing] out aggression,” a bomb hitting a government building – their firsthand, uncensored footage of life at war.

    Speaking from the Oval Office on that March day five years ago, Bush predicted a clearly defined, broadly honorable relationship with Iraqis.

    “The enemies you confront will come to know your skill and bravery,” Bush said. “The people you liberate will witness the honorable and decent spirit of the American military. I want Americans and all the world to know that coalition forces will make every effort to spare innocent civilians from harm.”

    Winter Soldier aimed to break down that fiction of do-no-evil military nobility, according to Perry O’Brien, one of its lead organizers, who served as an Army medic in Afghanistan.

    The problem, O’Brien told Truthout, is the “mythology of the bad apple as war criminal, instead of the war itself as criminal.” After incidents like those in Haditha, Fallujah and Abu Ghraib, Americans generally assumed they were caused by individual “bad soldiers.”

    “The average soldier on the ground understands that this is much more widespread,” O’Brien said. “It’s the reality of occupation.”

    Aaron Hughes, an Iraq veteran who initiated the Winter Soldier effort, adds “democracy” – a key part of Bush’s stated mission in Iraq – to “honor” and “decency” on the list of amorphous concepts that eschew the brutal reality of life on the ground.

    “When the military’s talking about the heroic nature it embodies, we want to make sure that people know that what the military’s for is to kill people,” Hughes told Truthout. “You don’t learn about democracy in basic training, you learn how to kill people.”

    Those kinds of “lessons” can take a toll on one’s health. In addition to disclosing civilian killings and shattered villages, Winter Soldier revealed the internal battle soldiers continue to fight after returning home. A panel focused on the “crisis in veterans’ health care” showed a large-scale deficiency in the Department of Veterans’ Affairs’ (VA’s) treatment and diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder.

    Accordingly, the conference offered resources for vets’ psychological needs: Mental health professionals were available on site, along with massage therapists, acupuncture, yoga and information about how to make the most of the VA’s resources.

    But one of the most important modes of psychological healing available at Winter Soldier, according to O’Brien, was the simple presence of the other testifiers. Before and after their testimony, veterans pre-briefed and debriefed for at least an hour, working through the emotions tangled up inside their stories. Over the course of the four days, vets worked to solidify their bond with each other – a key tool for both psychological support and political action.

    “We’re a community, a family,” O’Brien said. “The camaraderie, the brotherhood and sisterhood that we felt when we were serving certainly carried over into our activism. There’s a sense of shared experience around that community that’s really powerful and has helped us have the courage to come forward and tell our stories.”

    The winter soldiers’ voices, organizers hope, will continue to echo in the weeks, months and years beyond last weekend in Silver Spring. Congressman Dennis Kucinich, who attended the conference on Friday, plans to enter their testimony into the Congressional Record.

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Ex-US Attorney Cites GOP voter Abuse

March 17, 2008 – David Iglesias, the former U.S. attorney for New Mexico, recalled receiving an e-mail in late summer 2002 from the Department of Justice suggesting “in no uncertain terms” that U.S. attorneys should immediately begin working with local and state election officials “to offer whatever assistance we could in investigating and prosecuting voter fraud cases,” Iglesias writes in his forthcoming In Justice: Inside the Scandal that Rocked the Bush Administration.

I obtained an early copy of the book last week. It is scheduled to be published in June.
 
Iglesias was one of nine U.S. attorneys who were fired in December 2006 for reasons that appeared based on partisan politics. His name was added to a list of U.S. attorneys selected for dismissal on Election Day in November 2006.
 
Earlier this month, Congress filed a civil lawsuit against Joshua Bolten, President Bush’s chief of staff, and Harriet Miers, the former White House counsel, in an attempt to compel them to testify before Congress about the White House’s role in the U.S. attorney firings and to turn over documents to a congressional committee.

Miers and Bolten were subpoenaed by Congress to testify last year, but Bush refused to allow their testimonies citing executive privilege. Last month, Congress held Miers and Bolten in contempt for failing to respond to the subpoenas.

Attorney General Michael Mukasey said he would not convene a federal grand jury to consider the contempt charges. Congress sued the White House officials shortly thereafter.

In a chapter titled “Caged,” Iglesias recounts how the Department of Justice aggressively pushed him and other U.S. attorneys to prosecute voter fraud cases, an issue the former U.S. attorney says the DOJ became unusually obsessed with. 

“The e-mail imperatives came again in 2004 and 2006, by which time I had learned that far from being standard operating procedure for the Justice Department, the emphasis on voter irregularities was unique to the Bush administration,” Iglesias says.

‘Caging’

Iglesias says that Republican officials in his state were far less interested in election reforms and more intent on suppressing votes.

“But there was a more sinister reading to such urgent calls for reform, not to mention the Justice Department’s strident insistence on harvesting a bumper crop of voter fraud prosecutions. That implication is summed up in a single word: ‘caging.’
 
“Not only did the [Bush] administration stoop to such seamy expedients to press its agenda in 2004,” Iglesias wrote. “It had the full might and authority of the federal government and its prosecutorial powers to accomplish its ends.”
 
Vote caging is an illegal tactic to suppress minorities from voting by having their names purged from voter rolls when they fail to respond to registered mail sent to their homes.

The Republican National Committee signed a consent decree in 1986 stating it would not engage in the practice after it was caught suppressing votes in 1981 and 1986.

Last July, in a letter to then Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, Senators Sheldon Whitehouse, D-Rhode Island, and Edward Kennedy, D-Massachusetts, said, “caging is a reprehensible voter suppression tactic, and it may also violate federal law and the terms of applicable judicially enforceable consent decrees.”

Senators Rockefeller, D-West Virginia, and Whitehouse have called for a Justice Department probe into the practice, which has not been initiated thus far.

Documents released last year showed that Republican operatives engaged in a widespread effort to “cage” votes during the 2004 presidential election in battleground states, such as New Mexico, Nevada, Florida, and Ohio, where George W. Bush was trailing his Democratic challenger, Sen. John Kerry.

The efforts to purge voters from registration rolls were spearheaded by Tim Griffin, a former Republican National Committee opposition researcher and close friend of Karl Rove.

Griffin resigned from his post as interim U.S. attorney for Little Rock, Arkansas, when details of his involvement in vote caging were reported. Griffin’s predecessor at the U.S. attorney’s office, Bud Cummins, was one of the nine U.S. attorneys forced to resign.

Coddy Johnson was another Republican operative involved in the effort to cage votes during the 2004 presidential election. Johnson worked as the national field director of Bush’s 2004 campaign and spent time in the White House as an associate director of political affairs, working under Karl Rove. Johnson’s father was Bush’s college roommate at Yale.

Mythical Fraud

Last week, Iglesias testified before the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration probing the “myth” of in-person voter fraud and whether it leads to the disenfranchisement of individual voters.
 
During his testimony, Iglesias told the panel that he established an election fraud task force in September 2004 and spent more than two months probing claims of widespread voter fraud in his state.
 
“After examining the evidence, and in conjunction with the Justice Department Election Crimes Unit and the FBI, I could not find any cases I could prosecute beyond a reasonable doubt,” Iglesias told the Senate committee last week. “Accordingly, I did not authorize any voter fraud related prosecutions.”
 
No concrete evidence of systemic voter fraud in the United States has surfaced. Many election integrity experts believe claims of voter fraud are a ploy by Republicans to suppress minorities and poor people from voting.
 
Historically, those groups tend to vote for Democratic candidates. Raising red flags about the integrity of the ballots, experts believe, is an attempt by GOP operatives to swing elections to their candidates as well as an attempt to use the fear of criminal prosecution to discourage individuals from voting in future races.
 
In his book, specifically in the “Caging” chapter, Iglesias says that right when the Bush-Kerry race began to heat up, some Republicans in Bernalillo County, led by local Bush/Cheney campaign chairman Sheriff Darren White, showed up at the county clerk’s office demanding to know if there were any questionable voter registrations on file.

White is campaigning for the congressional seat that will be vacated by Heather Wilson, the Republican congresswoman who is the subject of a House ethics probe regarding phone calls that she may have improperly made to Iglesias inquiring about the timing of indictments prior to the 2006 mid-term elections.
 
In the months leading up to the 2004 presidential election, Bernalillo County had been the target of a massive grassroots effort by the group Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN) to register voters.

The effort apparently paid off as registration rolls in the county increased by about 65,000 newly registered voters.

Challenges

Sheriff White, Iglesias wrote, intended to challenge the integrity of some of the names on the voter registration rolls. Mary Herrera, the Bernalillo County clerk, told White that there were about 3,000 or so forms that were either incomplete or incorrectly filled out.

White seized upon the registration forms as evidence that ACORN submitted fraudulent registration forms and held a press conference along with other Republican officials in the county to call attention to the matter.
 
In testimony before the Senate committee last week, Iglesias said when he announced the formation of his election fraud task force in September 2004 he fully expected to uncover instances of voter fraud based on numerous stories that appeared in New Mexico media that said minors received voter registration forms and that “a large number” of voter registration forms turned up during the course of a drug raid.
 
“Due to the high volume of suspected criminal activity, I believed there to be a strong likelihood of uncovering prosecutable cases,” Iglesias said. “I also reviewed the hard copy file from the last voter fraud case my office had prosecuted which dated back to 1992.

“My intention was to file prosecutions in order to send a message that voter fraud or election fraud would not be tolerated in the District of New Mexico.”
 
Meanwhile, New Mexico Republicans had filed a civil suit in an attempt to force changes to the state’s voter identification statutes.
 
“The case was duly dismissed,” Iglesias wrote his book, “which only served to stoke the fires of voter fraud frenzy.”
 
Iglesias’s by-the-book work ethic only appeared to incite Republicans in New Mexico who expected the federal prosecutor to put loyalty to the Republican Party above the law.
 
“My announcement of a dedicated task force notwithstanding, the firebrands were still not placated,” Iglesias, wrote. “I got an angry e-mail from Mickey Barnett, an attorney, who, like me, had worked on the Bush-Cheney campaign and who berated me for ‘appointing a task force to investigate voter fraud instead of bringing charges against suspects.’”
 
In his testimony before the Senate committee, Iglesias said the task force received about 108 complaints of alleged voter fraud through a hotline over the course of about eight weeks.
 
“Most of the complaints made to the hotline were clearly not prosecutable – citizens would complain of their yard signs being removed from their property and de minimis matters like that,” Iglesias testified before the Senate committee.

“Only one case of the over 100 referrals had potential. ACORN had employed a woman to register voters. The evidence showed she registered voters who did not have the legal right to vote. The law, 42 USC 1973 had the maximum penalty of 5 years imprisonment and a $5,000 fine.

“After personally reviewing the FBI investigative report and speaking to the agent, the prosecutor I had assigned, Mr. [Rumaldo] Armijo, and conferring with [a Justice Department official] I was of the opinion that the case was not provable. I, therefore, did not authorize a prosecution.

“I have subsequently learned that the State of New Mexico did not file any criminal cases as a result of the” election fraud task force.

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