Fundamentalist Christians Have Already Penetrated Highest Military Echelons

The Military Religious Freedom Foundation has made a grim discovery of manuals created by a coalescence of American fundamentalist Christians motivated by a theocratic thirst for power.

In the words of Mikey Weinstein, Founder/President of the Military Religious Freedom Foundation: “Armageddon is not an exit strategy for the multitude of monumental errors created in Iraq and Afghanistan.”

In their ominous own words: The Campus Crusade for Christ goal of reaching the world through the military is becoming manifest with a terrifying speed:

“utilizing  various strategies to use to fulfill the “Great Commission” from Matthew 28:19 — Go and make disciples of all nations” by recruiting, creating, and sending out government-paid missionaries from U.S. Military training installations.”

This an overview of the divisions and subdivisions that come directly under Campus Crusade for Christ.  (This is only a partial list, showing the primary divisions. There are numerous other organizations that have connections to these, either through individuals or organizational affiliations, some of which actually have DoD contracts for their programs.)

The Campus Crusade Strategy:

The first tier is:

1. CHRISTIAN EMBASSY (targeting the Pentagon.)

2. MILITARY MINISTRY (targeting all other military installations.)

The second tier, operating under MILITARY MINISTRY, includes:

1. MILITARY GATEWAYS (Targets Basic Training installations, and other training locations such as the Defense Language Institute.)

2. MILITARY CAMPUS MINISTRY (Targets U.S. Military Academies.)

3. VALOR CADET AND MIDSHIPMAN MINISTRY (Targets ROTC.)

MILITARY GATEWAYS is then subdivided into branch specific organizations:

1. AIRMEN FOR CHRIST (Operating at Lackland Air Force Base.)

2. SAILORS FOR CHRIST (Operating at Great Lakes Recruit Training Command &

Navy Training School Command.)

3. WARRIORS FOR CHRIST (Operating at Parris Island .)

MILITARY GATEWAYS has no specific subdivision for the Army because there are many Army basic training locations, while all recruits for the other three branches pass through  a limited amount of  locations, primarily those listed above. MILITARY GATEWAYS is already operating at Fort Jackson , the largest Army basic training location, and list on their website Fort Benning , Fort Leonard Wood, and Fort Sill as the next three targets, as well as listing others on their current “Strategy Sheet.”

Quotes such as the following are typical those found on the websites and throughout the literature of  these organizations. 

Campus Crusade for Christ’s first strategic objective:

“Evangelize and Disciple All Enlisted Members of the US Military.  Utilize Ministry at each basic training center and beyond. Transform our culture through the US Military.”

(Source: Campus Crusade’s website and various Campus Crusade publications.)

From Military Ministry’s Executive Director, Maj. Gen. Bob Dees (ret.):

“We must pursue our particular means for transforming the nation — through the military. And the military may well be the most influential way to affect that spiritual superstructure. Militaries exercise, generally speaking, the most intensive and purposeful indoctrination program of citizens….”

(Source: “Life and Leadership,” the newsletter of Campus Crusade’s Military Ministry, Oct. 2005.)

Detailed instructions for carrying out the “Great Commission” can be found in the strategy manuals of the Military Ministry and the Military Missions Network, recently uncovered by the Military Religious Freedom Foundation.

These are few of the many examples of Christian Embassy and Officers’ Christian Fellowship members who also work for or endorse the Campus Crusade for Christ’s Military Ministry. Some are still active duty and some are recently retired.  Recently retired officers should not be dismissed here. A big part of the Campus Crusade’s strategy includes utilizing retired officers as “insiders” with unrestricted access to the targeted military installations.

Lt. Gen. Jeffrey W. Oster, USMC (ret.), who led the Christian Embassy Discipleship Group for “Retired Generals & Admirals” in 2003 and 2004, is also the Executive Committee Chairman for Military Ministry.  The dates are significant here because Gen. Oster was active in both organizations when the Military Ministry’s “Strategy” handbook came out.  Gen. Oster retired from the Marine Corps in 1998, but from February through July of 2004 served as the Deputy Administrator and Chief Operating Officer of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq .

Brig. Gen. Robert L. Caslen was one of the officers in the Christian Embassy video.  He also led the “Joint Staff” Christian Embassy Discipleship Group in 2001 and 2002.. CDR Chris Williams was a Christian Embassy Discipleship Group leader from  2001 to 2004. Both Gen. Caslen and CDR Williams have been elected members of the Officers’ Christian Fellowship (OCF) Council.

The OCF website and the Christian Embassy website both link to the Campus Crusade Military Ministry website, so Caslen and Williams are prominent members of both of these two organizations that endorse the Campus Crusade Military Ministry. As members of the OCF Council, they are responsible to “Determine the OCF’s mission, purposes, and strategic direction” and “Provide policy and Ministry guidance.”

Col. Keith Morgan was a Christian Embassy Discipleship Group leader in 2003 and 2004. He is also the Family Ministries Director for the Military Ministry.

From the Military Missions Network (MMN) Board of Directors bios:

“Chaplain, Colonel Tom Blase is Wing Chaplain at Lackland AFB, Texas .  He is the senior chaplain of the largest USAF Chaplain Service team which ministers to Team Lackland personnel.  Lackland is the “Gateway to the Air Force”, where all enlisted members receive Basic Military Training.”

According to (MRFF) own army of private investigators: The MMN and the Campus Crusade Military Ministry are inextricably connected in so many ways that they are almost one and the same.

For example: The founder and president of MMN (Gary Sanders) is also an Associate Staff member of the Military Ministry of Campus Crusade For Christ.

The National Director of the Military Ministry of Campus Crusade For Christ (Col. Chuck Macri (ret.)), is also on the Board of Directors of MMN.

A number of other MMN board members, staff, and volunteers (some active military and some retired or former military) who are also associated with the Military Ministry, Campus Crusade for Christ itself, and other connected organizations, such as the Officers’ Christian Fellowship.

Besides their connections to each other, both MMN and Military Ministry are equally part of this story because one of the “strategy” manuals we found is from MMN, and the other is from Military Ministry. 

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Nov 28 Update: VCS on ’20/20′ this Friday; VCS Begins End of Year Fundraising

Nov. 29 Update: VCS on ABC’s ’20/20′ This Friday

Dear VCS Friends:

Veterans for Common Sense has two items for you in this week’s update.

First, VCS will be featured on the news program ’20/20′ this Friday, Nov. 30. ABC News investigative reporter Brian Ross interviewed VCS’s Paul Sullivan about the growing drug abuse problem in our military and among our veterans, especially our returning Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans.

Second, we are launching our End of Year fundraising drive. Your generous tax deductible donations to VCS make a big difference in the lives of the 1.7 million U.S. service members deployed into combat for the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.

With your financial support, this year VCS scored several major policy and public relations victories. Here is a partial list of our VCS accomplishments:

On the policy side:

* In May, our VCS expertise helped add $1.8 billion in new funds so VA could hire thousands of more doctors and claims processors that our veterans desperately need.

* VCS helped craft and push for S 1606, the Wounded Warrior bill that will streamline healthcare and benefits for veterans, approved by both the House and Senate. Final passage of a revised bill is expected soon.

* VCS fought hard to remove VA Secretary Jim Nicholson, who eventually quit in July as VA’s funding, planning, and capacity crises became public and America became outraged at the Walter Reed and VA scandals.

* All year, VCS used the Freedom of Information Act to obtain VA documents that were used by Harvard University to estimate the human and financial costs of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars: 700,000 patients with a price tag of $700 billion.

* In July VCS filed a major class action law suit against VA to force VA to provide prompt medical care and benefits, especially for veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder.

* VCS testified twice before Congress. We called for an end to the illegal military practice of discharging wounded soldiers suffering from traumatic brain injury and post-traumatic stress disorder on trumped-up claims of a personality disorder. VCS called for the automatic approval of PSTD claims by VA, and for a national anti-stigma campaign so veterans want to seek VA treatment.

On the public relations side, VCS put a human face on the difficulties facing our veterans by working with both local and national reporters:

* In February, in a major cover story, Newsweek magazine and VCS highlighted VA’s failure to plan for the 264,000 new Afghanistan and Iraq War veterans already treated at VA.

* In February, ABC Evening News anchor Bob Woodruff interviewed VCS Executive Director Paul Sullivan about the hundreds of thousands of veterans already being treated at VA – the first time the public knew about the enormous scope of battlefield casualties.

* In March, the Boston Globe profiled our VCS efforts to publicize the growing casualties from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.

* In October, the Charlotte Observer, working with VCS, highlighted the endless wait for many veterans to see doctors at some VA hospitals – 93 percent of Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans with traumatic brain injury waited longer than 30 days to see a VA doctor.

* Two weeks ago, CBS News interviewed VCS and publicized the growing epidemic of veteran suicides. Working with the University of Georgia, CBS News reported that veterans aged 20 to 24 are four times more likely to commit suicide than non-veterans of the same age group.

* This Friday, ABC News interviews VCS and highlights the growing drug abuse crisis among our veterans. Left without screening and treatment, combat veterans turn to self-medication for the physical and mental pain from war.

Because of your support, the world knows that the alarms are sounding and the lights are flashing red for our veterans. The impact of the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars is devastating. Record divorces and broken homes. Unemployment and job discrimination. Rising alcoholism and drug abuse. Homelessness. Suicides.

We are a Nation at war. That means we have a collective duty to care for our service members, our veterans, and our freedoms. VCS asks you to please make a donation so that we can continue our publicity efforts to highlight veterans’ needs and concerns and our policy efforts that bring real change at the national level.

Next year Congress and the press will be focused on elections, and VCS will work hard to make sure that national security, civil liberties, and veterans needs remain front and center in the discussion. Will you help VCS today?

Thank you,

Paul Sullivan
Executive Director
Veterans for Common Sense

Veterans for Common Sense November 2007 Fundraising Campaign Goal: $10,000

Help us meet our monthly goal by November 30, 2007.

Multiple Ways to Support Veterans for Common Sense

Make a donation through PayPal

Give by credit card through Groundspring.org

Designate VCS to benefit from your eBay auction

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Send a check to:
Veterans for Common Sense
1101 Pennsylvania Ave., SE, Suite 203
Washington, DC 20003

 

 

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Army Asks Several Wounded Iraq War Veterans in New York for Refunds

November 26, 2007 – Several New York veterans have been asked to repay part of their signing bonuses after war injuries prevented them from completing their tours of duty in Iraq and Afghanistan, Sen. Charles Schumer said.

Hundreds of veterans nationwide may have been affected by what the Army characterizes as a mistake, said Schumer (D-N.Y.), who along with lawmakers including Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) has called for legislation to guarantee that signing bonuses won’t be reduced.

Schumer said his office had received calls from several New York soldiers who complained that the Army had docked their bonuses.

“They’re shocked and there’s a sense of betrayal,” Schumer said at a news conference yesterday in Manhattan. “Everyone knows the Army is a huge agency and sometimes the left arm doesn’t know what the right hand is doing but … this one tops the cake in terms of its unbelievability.”

The issue surfaced earlier this month when a soldier who was partially blinded by a roadside bomb in Iraq told media outlets that the Army asked him to repay $2,800 of his $7,500 enlistment bonus because he had only completed about a year of his three-year service.

Former Pfc. Jordan Fox, 21, of Pittsburgh, received the bill in late October and a week later received a notice that he could be charged interest if he didn’t make a payment within 30 days.

Army officials said the incident was a mistake, and told Fox he did not have to repay the bonus. Soldiers who are injured or become ill while on active duty can keep all sign-up bonuses due them, the Army said.

“This is an anomaly,” Army spokesman Lt. Col. Rob Cain said yesterday. “It shouldn’t have happened. It doesn’t pass the common sense test.”

The Army is conducting a review to determine how many wounded veterans have been asked to repay part of their bonus or have not received their full bonus.

Cain said wounded veterans whose bonuses have been revoked should call the Wounded Soldier and Family Hotline at 800-984-8523.

“There is a policy in place to protect these soldiers,” he said. “It’s going to be corrected.”

Clinton last week pledged to introduce legislation in the Senate that would require the Department of Defense to pay wounded veterans all remaining bonuses within 30 days of their discharge. U.S. Rep. Jason Altmire (D-Pa.) has introduced a similar bill in the House.

Yesterday, Schumer called on the Department of Defense to conduct a full internal investigation and audit to determine which soldiers have received the bills and said the military should contact them individually.

ENLISTMENT BONUSES

Soldiers recruited for active duty may be eligible for a combination of enlistment bonuses of up to $40,000. Army Reserve recruits may be receive bonuses of up to $20,000. Following are examples of specific offers:

Applicants with skills including proficiency in certain foreign languages, X-ray certification or with specialties in animal care may be eligible for a $5,000 bonus.

Individuals who speak certain Middle Eastern languages and enlist as translator aides in the Army Individual Ready Reserve are eligible for a $10,000 bonus.

Applicants who have not served before and enlist for three to six years may receive bonuses for prior civilian education, including $4,000 for a bachelor’s degree.

Wounded veterans whose bonuses have been reduced may call 800-984-8523 or e-mail sfsupport@conus.army.mil.

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Philanthropist Offers $4 Million for Veterans’ Education

November 16, 2007 – Some returning veterans are finding that their education benefits aren’t enough to cover the high cost of college.

To help bridge the gap, financier Jerome Kohlberg, a World War II navy veteran, has established a scholarship for veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan.

The honorary board of advisers for the new Fund for Veterans’ Education includes actors Lauren Bacall, Harry Belafonte and Paul Newman; journalist Bill Moyers; author Gore Vidal; former senators Bob Dole and Warren Rudman; and former Rep. Pete McCloskey.

Kohlberg said in a statement that he has committed $4 million. The goal is to provide scholarships to at least one veteran from every state for the 2008 spring and fall semesters.

Kohlberg, a resident of Mount Kisco, is a senior founding partner of Kohlberg, Kravis, Roberts & Co., a private equity firm.

He says his own college tuition was paid in full by the GI Bill of 1944.

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The Peace Drug

November 25, 2007

THE BED IS TILTING!

Or the couch, or whatever. A futon. Slanted.

She hadn’t noticed it before, but now she can’t stop noticing. Like the princess and the pea.

By objective measure, the tilt is negligible, a fraction of an inch, but she can’t be fooled by appearances, not with the sleep mask on. In her inner darkness, the slight tilt magnifies, and suddenly she feels as if she might slide off, and that idea makes her giggle.

“I feel really, really weird,” she says. “Crooked!”

Donna Kilgore laughs, a high-pitched sound that contains both thrill and anxiety. That she feels anything at all, anything other than the weighty, oppressive numbness that has filled her for 11 years, is enough in itself to make her giddy.

But there is something more at work inside her, something growing from the little white capsule she swallowed just minutes ago. She’s subject No. 1 in a historic experiment, the first U.S. government-sanctioned research in two decades into the potential of psychedelic drugs to treat psychiatric disorders. This 2004 session in the office of a Charleston, S.C., psychiatrist is being recorded on audiocassettes, which Donna will later hand to a journalist.

The tape reveals her reaction as she listens to the gentle piano music playing in her headphones. Behind her eyelids, movies begin to unreel. She tries to say what she sees: Cars careening down the wrong side of the road. Vivid images of her oldest daughter, then all three of her children. She’s overcome with an all-consuming love, a love she thought she’d lost forever.

“Now I feel all warm and fuzzy,” she announces. “I’m not nervous anymore.”

“What level of distress do you feel right now?” a deeply mellow voice beside her asks.

Donna answers with a giggle. “I don’t think I got the placebo,” she says.

FOURTEEN YEARS AGO, Donna Kilgore was raped.

When the stranger at the door asked if her husband were home, she hesitated. Not long, but long enough. That was her mistake.

“That was it,” Donna, 39 now, is saying. “He pushed in. I backed up and picked up a poker from the fireplace. I was screaming. He says, ‘I’ve got a gun. If you cooperate, I won’t kill you.’ He unzipped his jacket and reached in. I thought, this is it. This is how I’m going to die. My life didn’t flash before my eyes. I wasn’t thinking about my daughter. Just that one cold, hard fact. I checked out. I could feel it, like hot molasses pouring all over my body. I went completely numb.”

She dropped the poker.

Afterward, she stayed strong. She wasn’t going to make the classic victim’s mistake of blaming herself for provoking the attack. She had no doubts about that. She’d screamed and screamed until the police came through the door. (They later reported that her attacker jumped up, clutching for his pants, saying, “She said I could!”)

And, bottom line, she’d survived. She’d be fine, she told herself. She was wrong.

“It was what it must feel like to have no soul,” she says. She quit all her hobbies. A passion for tennis died. Devastating nightmares woke her in the dark, her heart racing and palms slick. She dreamed of explosions, tornadoes, bears eating people.

“Psychologists will tell you to go to your happy place,” she says. “Well, my happy place had bears in it.”

Five years passed. Whatever went wrong, or right, in her life, it felt like it was happening to someone else. She found a wonderful, loving man — she could still recognize those qualities, even though she couldn’t respond to them fully — and remarried. She had more kids. But even her family felt alien. It was “almost like going overseas and being an exchange student, living with someone else’s family . . . I didn’t like being close to people, and my children didn’t understand that. Mommy was always busy.” She was often irritable, and felt an unaccountable anger, which sometimes morphed for no obvious reason into a heavy-breathing, sweat-streaming rage. Almost worse, she couldn’t feel the love she knew surrounded her. “I was afraid it was gone — when you look at your child and say, ‘I would die for that child in a heartbeat,’ I didn’t feel it — and I was afraid I would never get it back.”

As she says this, she never breaks eye contact. Talking about her trauma and her treatment is a decision she’s made, she says. “It’s important.” But it is also, obviously, hard, and she looks a little pale as she explains what it was like for those five years: “I would put my finger on my arm, and it would be like touching a dead body.”

Incredibly, she didn’t see a connection to the rape. Then, one evening, she was sitting on her couch watching a disaster show on TV — she calls her interest in the genre “an addiction”– when her apartment door opened. Something about the angle of it seemed odd. As she looked at the door, the room began to swirl. “It was kind of like a whirlwind, make-you-dizzy moment, and I saw the whole thing, that man pushing through the door, the warm molasses pouring down, my body going numb. I call it, ‘when I left my body.'”

Now she understood: She had left her body — and never come back.

The panic attacks began at work one Friday. She felt butterflies in her stomach, then couldn’t breathe. “I thought: ‘Oh my God, I’m dying. I’m having a heart attack.'”

It passed, but she was shaken, especially because she’d also been having fainting spells and migraine headaches. She went to a neurologist “sure they were going to find a brain tumor.”

The doctor was getting ready to order an MRI scan when Donna just blurted it out: “Things don’t feel real to me.”

The doctor turned. “Oh? There’s a word for that,” she remembers him saying. The word is dissociation, which happened to be a prime symptom of post-traumatic stress disorder, or PTSD.

PTSD is usually triggered by combat, rape, childhood abuse, a serious accident or natural disaster — any situation in which someone believes death is imminent, or in which a significant threat of serious injury is accompanied by an intense sense of helplessness or horror. Not all or even most trauma victims develop PTSD, but enough do so that nearly 24 million Americans, or 8 percent of the population, have suffered from it at some point in their lifetime. It is estimated that in any given year, more than 5 million Americans have active PTSD — a costly problem in humanitarian and economic terms. Drug and alcohol abuse are all-too-frequent consequences of PTSD, as is loss of productivity and the need for expensive, long-lasting medical treatment.

The ever-lengthening Iraq war will count among its other costs a legacy of thousands of veterans in need of psychiatric treatment. The government estimates that already more than 50,000 soldiers — about 4 percent of those who have been deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan — have been treated for symptoms of PTSD. Many more might actually have it: Military studies put the number at 12 to 20 percent of those returning from Iraq and 6 to 11 percent of those returning from Afghanistan. And the news gets worse.

“Vets with PTSD are particularly costly to the [Veterans Affairs] system,” says Linda Bilmes, a lecturer in public policy at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. “They constitute 8 percent of the claims, but 20 percent of the payments.” Bilmes, who has studied the ongoing costs of the wars, estimates that treating Iraq vets with PTSD over the next 50 years will cost taxpayers $100 billion. This is based on findings that one-third of vets with PTSD will remain unemployable, and all suffering with PTSD will have a much higher than normal likelihood of needing treatment for physical ailments. And that’s just the direct costs to the budget. “Assuming that the war continues, though with lower deployments, through 2017,” she says, and assuming the rate of PTSD isn’t being underreported, the cost of lost economic productivity to the U.S. economy will be in excess of $65 billion.

Whatever the cause, the symptoms of PTSD are fairly consistent, and Donna’s — which rated severe on a standard diagnostic test — were typical. Her prognosis was not great. Some antidepressants can diminish symptoms, and various forms of psychotherapy can, long term, sometimes untangle the psychological knot at the root of the problem. But the nature of PTSD makes therapy problematic. The very symptoms — acute anxiety, heightened fear, diminished trust and inability to revisit the trauma — are a direct roadblock to healing. At least one-third of people with PTSD never fully recover.

On that day of Donna’s first diagnosis, the doctor sent her up to the seventh floor, the psych floor, to begin years of therapy and medication, none of which helped much, Donna says.

And then she found Michael Mithoefer and became the first to take one of his little white capsules.

THE CAPSULES RESIDE IN A SAFE, armed with an alarm and bolted to the floor of Mithoefer’s office, a 1950s-vintage cottage on the road between downtown Charleston and Sullivans Island. It’s been tastefully remodeled to create a softly lit, high-ceilinged sanctuary in the back, scattered with art and furnished with, among other things, the ever-so-slightly inclined futon where Donna got crooked.

The elaborate security is occasioned by what is inside the capsules: MDMA, a synthetic compound that is a chemical cousin to both mescaline and methamphetamine. Unabbreviated, MDMA is a real mouthful — 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine — but it is far better known by its street name, ecstasy, millions of doses of which are synthesized in criminal labs from the oil of the sassafras plant. At one point, Mithoefer recounts, agents of the Drug Enforcement Administration, there to inspect the security arrangements, inquired about the therapist who rents the office adjoining the safe room.

“I guess they were concerned she might drill through the wall into the safe and steal the MDMA,” Mithoefer says. “Though there’s such a small amount in there, and it’s so readily available on the street in such large quantities, I don’t see how that would be worth the effort, even if she were so inclined.”

Mithoefer became a psychiatrist in 1991, after a decade as an emergency room doctor — he had found himself less interested in the bodily traumas his patients suffered than the psychological traumas that so often preceded their appearance in the emergency room. He’s got that mellow, empathic vibe that they just can’t teach at therapy school. He always seems moments away from a sympathetic chuckle, an understanding murmur or a sage observation. A fit 61, with a brown ponytail and relaxed dress code, Mithoefer has become the accidental point man of a movement to revive medical research into psychedelic drugs. His Food and Drug Administration-approved PTSD study that began with Donna Kilgore in April 2004 is now nearly completed, with 18 of 21 subjects having undergone the double-blind sessions. Two Iraq veterans with war-related PTSD, the study’s first, are cleared to begin. Close behind are similar studies in Switzerland and Israel. At Harvard’s McLean Hospital, researchers are set to evaluate MDMA therapy as a way to alleviate acute anxiety in terminal cancer patients. In Vancouver, Canada, the effectiveness of an ongoing program to treat drug addiction with another potent psychedelic drug, ibogaine, is under scrutiny. There is a proposal, based on case histories, to study the ability of LSD to defuse crippling cluster headaches.

All of these studies are directly or indirectly funded by a surprisingly robust organization whose roots stretch back 40 years to the psychedelic movement of the 1960s. Before Harvard lecturer Timothy Leary started channeling aliens and urging college kids to turn on and drop out, an intense cadre of doctors and researchers had come to believe that psychedelic drugs would revolutionize psychiatry, providing those with a wide spectrum of psychological problems — or even just ordinary life difficulties — the ability to, basically, heal themselves.

But Leary’s bizarre career, which morphed from doing research on psychedelics to cheerleading their widespread abuse, obscured whatever medical potential the drugs may have had. Instead, authorities focused on the risks, and often exaggerated them. Richard Nixon famously called Leary “the most dangerous man in America.” After a slow start, regulators and legislators cracked down hard. Millions of dollars in enforcement efforts were unable to end abuse of psychedelic drugs, but they effectively stamped out sanctioned research into their healing potential.

A small group of psychedelic researchers and therapists willing to break the law continued their work clandestinely. A much larger group did not flout the law, but waited in the wings and is now emerging. Experience had convinced these therapists that psychedelics, along with significant risks, had potential for even more significant benefits.

This may have been especially true of MDMA.

Mithoefer states the case in an article he wrote for a book of scholarly essays, Psychedelic Medicine: Social, Clinical and Legal Perspectives:”The reported results [of early therapeutic use] include decreased fear and anxiety, increased openness, trust and interpersonal closeness, improved therapeutic alliance, enhanced recall of past events with an accompanying ability to examine them with new insight, calm objectivity and compassionate self-acceptance.”

In short, a therapist’s dream. Or is it a hallucination?

THE PROMISE OF A BLOCKBUSTER TREATMENT, one that doesn’t just address symptoms but defuses underlying causes, is a particularly seductive vision right now. A report issued last month by the National Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Medicine emphasizes the uncertain effectiveness of current PTSD treatments, and the urgent need of returning soldiers who will suffer from it.

To a non-scientist, the very preliminary results of Mithoefer’s study would suggest that MDMA might be just what the doctors ordered. Of the subjects who have been through both the MDMA-assisted therapy and the three-month post-experiment follow-up tests, Mithoefer reports, every one showed dramatic improvement.

But scientists are a cautious lot. “It’s potentially nice to hear those things,” says Scott Lilienfeld, an associate professor of psychology at Emory University. But until results are statistically analyzed and peer-reviewed for publication, “you can’t really judge them. The plural of anecdote is not data.” Especially with a drug that has considerable risk, Lilienfeld cautions, it pays to be skeptical.

A.C. Parrott, a psychologist at Swansea University in Britain who has devoted a large part of his career to studying the dangers of MDMA, is far more than skeptical. “MDMA is a very powerful, neurochemically messy and potentially damaging drug,” he says. The government “should never have given it a license for these trials. Certainly I would not give it a license for any further trials.”

But one of the nation’s premier PTSD researchers, Roger K. Pitman, a professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, disagrees. Morphine is a powerful, potentially damaging drug, Pitman says, “and we use it to treat the pain of cancer patients. Sound medical reasons should trump.”

Current treatment for PTSD is “partial at best,” he says. “There’s a lot of room for improvement, and we need to be looking for novel treatments.”

Though Pitman calls the MDMA study “a fringe hypothesis” — “I’ve never heard anybody talk about it at any PTSD meeting I’ve ever attended in 25 years” — he also observes that, based solely on a description of the preliminary results, “this seems worth further study. A lot of new ideas meet with rejection and skepticism, and we need to be careful not to be prejudiced against something just because it seems wacky. If it has a 5 percent chance, or even a 1 percent chance, of being effective in treatment of PTSD, it’s worth pursuing.”

AS THE SESSION TAPE ROLLS TOWARD THE FIRST HOUR, the giggles have passed. Donna Kilgore is still on the crooked couch, but she sounds very level. She’s talking about her husband. Her voice is clear, calm, but you can hear something in it, something rising in the throat like water from a newly tapped spring.

“I just have a deep feeling of gratitude for all the love and understanding he’s shown. I know it’s been tough on him, not understanding what I’ve been going through and not knowing how to help. But if it wasn’t for him, I don’t think I’d be here.”

The study protocol requires that a hospital crash cart and a trauma doctor be present during all therapy sessions, in case the drug precipitates a medical emergency. They are waiting a room away, a reminder that this is a test of a potent experimental drug, though you’d never know that from the calm, sober tenor of the conversation. It’s really more of a monologue: Michael Mithoefer and his wife, Annie, a nurse and co-therapist, mostly listen, only occasionally murmuring supportively. This is their treatment plan: Construct a reassuring, protective environment and “let the drug do its work.”

“He used to spend a lot of time laughing and cutting up,” Donna continues about her husband, “but things have gotten so serious. I love him with all my heart, but there just hasn’t been that warm fuzzy feeling, how you get excited every time you see him. It’s put a damper on it. I don’t fully enjoy anything. I don’t enjoy my kids. I don’t enjoy my dog.

“It’s frustrating, just going through the motions day after day after day. I don’t get any joy out of it.”

She stops talking, and you can hear the faint strain of music coming from her headphones. She takes a deep breath. The blood pressure cuff, on a five-minute timer, starts to inflate.

“It sucks to just exist, and not live,” Donna announces.

FIRST SYNTHESIZED IN 1912 — A BYPRODUCT IN THE MANUFACTURE OF A DRUG TO SUPPRESS BLEEDING — MDMA was little known until a former Dow Chemical researcher named Alexander Shulgin tried it himself in 1977. Shulgin had made his reputation, and made Dow millions, by inventing the first biodegradable pesticide. After that success, he was able to work on whatever he chose. He chose psychedelic drugs, based on a transforming experience he had with mescaline in the late 1950s. “I understood that our entire universe is contained in the mind and the spirit,” he wrote. “We may choose not to find access to it, we may even deny its existence, but it is indeed there inside us, and there are chemicals that can catalyze its availability.”

Shulgin made it his business to find those chemicals. In a New York Times profile in 2005, when Shulgin was 79, he estimated that he’d synthesized 200 psychoactive compounds and tested them on himself. Their effects ranged from paralyzing him with fear to granting him ecstatic visions. With MDMA, he was convinced that he’d found something special.

“I feel absolutely clean inside, and there is nothing but pure euphoria,” he wrote in his field journal. “The cleanliness, clarity, and marvelous feeling of solid inner strength continued . . . through the next day. I am overcome by the profundity of the experience.”

It’s not well understood why MDMA, or any psychedelic drug, can produce extraordinary experiences. But in MDMA’s case, the crude explanation seems to involve a drug-forced rush of serotonin in the brain. Serotonin assists in the transmission of nerve impulses and plays a role in regulating a wide range of sensations and impulses, from mood, emotion, sleep and appetite to sensation, pleasure and sexuality. One recent study pointed out physiological similarities between a brain under the influence of MDMA and the post-orgasmic state, also known for producing emotional closeness and euphoria.

Whatever the cause, Shulgin saw in the overwhelming positive feelings the drug engendered huge potential as an aid in the psychotherapeutic process. “I made samples of it for a good therapist friend of mine, Leo Zeff, which brought him out of retirement and into the enthusiastic task of making it available internationally with his psychotherapy friends,” Shulgin recalls in an e-mail. “Its popularity spread in part by his enthusiasm, but in part by the fact that its ability to open the doors of communication made it widely popular as a social drug.”

BY MULTIPLE ACCOUNTS, MDMA EMERGED AS A STREET DRUG IN 1984 at a new and instantly hot Dallas nightclub called Starck. Sold at $12 a hit, MDMA — which Zeff’s crowd had nicknamed Adam, for its presumed potential to return man to innocent bliss — became ecstasy. Part of the drug’s appeal was that it made dancing feel great, and staying up all night easy. But there was more. Here’s an account of first-time ecstasy use from that period, recalled in the Austin Chronicle in 2000:

“The street lights got brighter, I could see the stars, car lights, even the shadows in this alley were, you know, more so. And I felt this tingle that began in my fingers and spread all over my body, coming in waves, just this indescribable feeling of aliveness. It was as if the nerves in my skin had been dormant all these years and were just now waking up and stretching. Just like that. And after this initial rush of pleasure came an overwhelming — and I mean over-[expletive]-whelming– feeling of total and complete positivity. Any and all fears I had harbored about doing my first drug were waylaid instantly. It was pure bliss, but it didn’t knock me off my feet, or feel scary in any way.

“My girlfriend . . . and I . . . lay in the wet grass and watched the stars and cuddled. And we talked. We talked for hours. We talked about everything. Everything. It was probably the best, most open and honest conversation I’ve ever had with anyone in my entire life.”

Word-of-mouth reviews such as that fueled an explosion of recreational use. From 1984 to 2001, the graph line for the number of first-time users of MDMA in the National Survey of Drug Use and Health quickly shot up, reaching a peak of nearly 2 million new users in 2001 alone. Concern about the drug, spurred by a spike in emergency room visits from rave bars and MDMA-related deaths, went up right along with it. Ecstasy use has since tapered off, though it is still substantial. The 2005 survey estimated that 11.5 million Americans had used ecstasy, and 615,000 had tried it for the first time that year. The average age skewed young. In 2001, 5.2 percent of eighth-graders and 11.7 percent of high school seniors had tried ecstasy (both numbers have been roughly cut in half in the most recent, 2006 survey).

When Zeff began his mission to spread the MDMA gospel in therapeutic circles, the drug was perfectly legal. But federal drug enforcement officials, who had taken half a decade to ban LSD, weren’t about to delay on ecstasy. Within months of the rave boom in Dallas, officials announced they intended to list MDMA as Schedule I, the category reserved for dangerous drugs with high potential for abuse and no accepted medical use.

Rick Doblin was waiting for them.

LIKE A LOT OF OTHER PEOPLE, Doblin had discovered psychedelic drugs in college in the early ’70s. By his own description a somewhat awkward, searching kid, he tried LSD in 1971 at New College of Florida, then a small, experimental liberal arts school in Sarasota. Very liberal and very experimental. “There was this tradition of all-night dance parties, until sunrise, under the palm trees, using psychedelics,” Doblin says. It was bacchanalian, yes, but Doblin found something else in the experience, something “therapeutic and spiritual.”

“I was like, man, this is the kind of energy, the kind of psychic stuff” that could lead him to the personal growth he had been yearning for. Ironically, says Doblin, “this was right as research into therapeutic uses was pretty much being shut down.”

Doblin’s world was legally circumscribed in another way as well. He was a draft resister. “What could I possibly do with my life, because I couldn’t be a licensed anything, doctor, teacher a professional of some sort. All that was closed to me because I was a criminal.”

As long as he was already an outlaw, Doblin reasoned, be might as well be one of those who disregarded drug criminalization and worked underground as a self-trained psychedelic therapist. When he encountered MDMA in 1982, he became convinced that he’d found the perfect therapeutic tool, one that had an LSD-like power to hurdle psychic roadblocks but lacked the frightening disorientation. Plus, it was still legal, and by then, so was Doblin — President Jimmy Carter had pardoned draft resisters in 1977. Now Doblin had a vision: He would return to the mainstream and bring psychedelic therapy with him.

When, in 1985, prohibition of MDMA came, as everyone knew it would, Doblin had already prepared his case with a coalition of like-minded pro bono lawyers, researchers and therapists. He even won a round — an administrative law judge ruled that MDMA met the standards for having a legitimate medical application and being safe enough for medical use. But the DEA rejected that recommendation and MDMA remained banned.

Doblin, decided he couldn’t win in the courts and switched his crusade to the lab. He would focus on fostering the science that would prove the benefits of psychedelic therapy outweighed the risks. In 1986, he founded a nonprofit organization — the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies — to raise money for the research. (Knowing he would need to navigate through the obstacle course of federal bureaucracy, he entered Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and, in 2001, received a PhD in public policy.) On the elaborate MAPS home page — alongside a psychedelic research library, the organization’s financial statements, elaborate news updates and notices of psychedelic art for sale — is a splash box featuring the MAPS “Rites of Passage Project.” It’s an extended pitch for the idea that “within responsible limits” parents can sometimes find great benefit in doing psychedelic drugs with their adolescent children, and includes an archive of testimonials with taglines such as “Mother-Son Peyote Ritual . . . a beautiful rite of passage a mother shared with her teenaged son, strengthening his family connection, his sense of self, and his bond with nature.”

Doblin is frank about his passionate desire to defuse the drug war, which he believes is counterproductive and an assault on personal liberties. He doesn’t think the government should be able to tell Americans what to put in their bodies, and he has even volunteered in interviews that he sometimes finds it useful to consider important personal and strategic issues with psychedelic assistance. He acknowledges that his outspokenness caused a schism in the original coalition that fought against relegating MDMA to Schedule I — many of his colleagues wanted to stress their support for the criminalization of any nonprescription use. He has seen it jeopardize one of his most prized accomplishments — MAPS funding of the Harvard MDMA-cancer study almost killed it. Doblin had to withdraw MAPS as a sponsor and persuade a donor to give the money directly to Harvard instead. He must realize he is handing his critics a potent argument, i.e.: Don’t be fooled by the careful science and limited goals of the current studies; the real goal is unrestricted use of psychedelic drugs.

So, why does he do it? “Sometimes, it’s just a relief to say, ‘This is what I believe,'” Doblin says.

His honesty has apparently been no impediment to soliciting cash from fellow believers, which, fortunately for MAPS, include some entrepreneurs with a high regard for the psychedelic experience — and a distaste for government drug policies — who struck it rich in the tech boom. Last year, MAPS donations topped $1 million.

MAPS continues to fund Mithoefer’s study, which is estimated to cost $900,000 through completion. And Doblin will raise money to support the much more expensive next step — Phase III trials, which involve multiple sites and multiple therapists who will treat hundreds of people suffering from PTSD. If it proves safe and effective, MDMA would be certified as a prescription drug. That all could take five years and $5 million, Doblin says. “But if it took twice that long and cost twice that much, it would be worth every penny.”

Mithoefer speaks far more cautiously of his eventual goal. “If MDMA indeed proves an effective treatment for PTSD,” not only should the drug require prescription, but it should be administered only in licensed clinics with specially trained therapists, “like methadone,” he says. Regarding Doblin’s controversial views, Mithoefer says: “I respect his openness. I think it’s a good thing that there’s nothing sneaky about Rick, but that’s not what I’m oriented toward. I’m oriented toward doing medical research. There are real patients suffering with real problems, and I’m trying to learn through good science if there are some methods to help people heal.”

MITHOEFER DOES NOT WANT TO TALK ABOUT HIS PERSONAL EXPERIENCE WITH MDMA, except to say that it occurred when the drug was legal. But it must have stuck with him. “I was working in the emergency department, looking for some deeper way to address people’s problems,” he recalls. “Stan Grof’s work really got my attention.”

Stanislav Grof, a Czech psychiatrist and one of the first to research therapeutic uses of LSD, believed that the West had lost touch with the healing potential of non-ordinary states of consciousness. When psychedelic drugs became illegal in the United States, Grof created an alternative called holotropic breathwork. The idea was that hyperventilation, combined with music and a ritualistic setting, could foster an altered consciousness, through which patients could be guided into insight and problem resolution. Mithoefer went to California to train with Grof, then began to use breathwork in his own practice. And though he says it is often effective, he wondered how much more could be accomplished using MDMA. In 2000, Mithoefer approached Doblin to ask if he knew of a country in which a study of MDMA-assisted therapy might be permitted.

“You can do it here,” Doblin said. “And we’ll help.”

Doblin says his optimism was based on a change in leadership and culture in the federal bureaucracy. When he first founded MAPS, Doblin says, “the FDA was refusing to permit all the studies we proposed,” even one attempting to use MDMA therapy to ease the fears of a dying cancer patient who had found solace using the drug before it was banned. “The FDA said, ‘No, we have to protect him from brain damage,'” Doblin says.

Then in 1992, after six years of refusals, the FDA approved a MAPS-funded human safety study. Safety studies are required before any drug can move on to Phase II — studies of a specific medical application. In MDMA’s case, this was particularly important because many believed the drug to be so toxic. Even talking about the possibility of therapeutic benefits would only make more people want to try it, some believed, and that would inevitably lead to more emergency room visits. And deaths.

More than 200 fatalities involving ecstasy use in the United States were reported to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration from 1994 to 2001. Many of these deaths were related to traffic accidents and the use of other drugs and alcohol or other incidental causes. Of deaths directly related to ecstasy, most were caused by heatstroke. MDMA exerts a stress on the body similar to strenuous exercise and increases core body temperature, so dancing all night in a hot, crowded bar can quickly go from fun to deadly. More rarely, some ravers, paranoid about hyperthermia, have reportedly consumed so much water, many gallons, that the water itself became toxic and killed them.

But, even in the context of uncontrolled doses and settings, deaths from MDMA are relatively infrequent events, considering the estimated tens of millions of doses taken.

Perhaps of even greater concern was the possibility that MDMA could cause permanent brain damage. Though research is ongoing and hotly debated, it’s clear that test animals injected with high doses experienced lasting deformation of serotonin receptors in the brain.

There were worrisome human studies as well: In some, long-term recreational users of ecstasy performed more poorly on tests for short-term memory and some other cognitive functions than control groups, though the meaning of these results is complicated by the fact that most long-term ecstasy users also use other dangerous drugs.

The new safety study was not testing the dangers of MDMA under the conditions of illegal use. Eighteen people were given dosages similar to those that would be used in psychotherapy sessions, and the settings were comparable to the calm of a psychiatrist’s office. The gist of the findings: MDMA given under those circumstances produced no acute harm or evidence of brain impairment. These results were bolstered by a Swiss study in which people who had never before taken MDMA were given brain scans before and after being given a single therapeutic-range dose of the drug. Comparison of the before and after scans showed no damage.

Given those results, Doblin figured the time was right for persuading regulators to approve Mithoefer’s proposal, a placebo-controlled, double-blind study (meaning that neither doctor nor patient would be told who got the real drug). The safety study, and others done elsewhere, had made the case: Many valuable medicines have been developed from far more problematic drugs.

Doblin and the Mithoefers spent 18 months developing an elaborate protocol for the study: Research subjects would be limited to people who’d struggled with the disorder for years, and whom conventional treatments hadn’t helped. The cases would be relatively severe, as scored on the standard diagnostic test, and subjects would be required to undergo multiple non-drug therapy sessions with the Mithoefers before and after the two MDMA sessions to prepare them for the experience and to help them process it afterward. The protocol dealt with such details as what kind of touching would be permitted (supportive, non-sexual), and what kind music would be played on earphones (soothing).

Submitted to the FDA in October 2001, it was approved a month later.

Then, in September 2002, the institutional review board engaged to guarantee the study’s ethics — de rigueur for human medical research — abruptly withdrew its support. A study published in Science magazine found that relatively small doses of MDMA had created severe damage to the dopamine system in the brains of squirrel monkeys and orangutans. Dopamine damage could put human users at risk of developing Parkinson’s disease, among other problems. In the case of the primate test subjects, the Science article said, the drug was so toxic that two of 10 animals died, and two more were in such bad shape that the researchers didn’t give them a planned third injection.

After 2 1/2 years of work, the PTSD study appeared to be doomed.

A year later, Science printed a retraction: The vials containing the drugs that so damaged the monkeys’ brains had been mislabeled. It wasn’t MDMA after all, but methamphetamine. A new review board quickly signed on to support Mithoefer’s study, but the irony of the wasted year wasn’t lost on him: The misidentified drug that had been deemed too toxic to evaluate for medical use, the drug that was far more toxic than MDMA, was already a prescription drug.

Meanwhile, in the four years the MDMA study lingered between concept and reality, Donna Kilgore had been driven to the brink. She took “every anti-depressant you can name,” tried a dozen therapists and an almost equal number of therapeutic approaches. But nothing made that numbness, panic and rage recede.

“I was getting to the point,” she recalls, “where it was either go sit on a mountaintop or go dive off a cliff.”

That’s when a therapist told her about the Mithoefers’ experiment. She applied, and became patient No. 1.

DONNA SPENDS A LOT OF HER TIME ON THE CROOKED COUCH holding the Mithoefers’ hands, one on each side. She needs that reassurance now, recalling the rape.

“I was backed into a corner, nowhere to go, desperate. I kept telling him I wouldn’t tell anybody,” she says.

Can she feel that desperation now?

“A little bit, yeah.”

Minutes pass. On the tape, you can hear the blood pressure cuff whir to life as the amplified beat of her heart thumps faintly in the background.

Finally she speaks, her voice rising with conviction.

“I feel protected. I do. I feel completely protected. I don’t feel like I’m hanging out there anymore . . . It feels good to be loved. It feels good to be protected.”

Minutes pass. She is lost in a vision, she will say later. She can see herself standing on a ridge, high above a valley shrouded in mist. Down in the valley, she knows, is a battlefield, containing all kinds of terrors. Her terrors. She knows they are there, but can’t see their shape through the fog. Now the fog is lifting. Now she can begin to see.

“You’re right,” she says, as if in response to an assertion that hasn’t been made. “I am angry. I’m angry at myself. It changed from being afraid to being mad at myself, that I allowed it to happen . . .

“And not just that,” she says. There’s a sudden, involuntary intake of breath. “I think that a lot of this baggage I’m carrying around is really stuff that I put in there myself. I stacked the luggage. Either in disappointment in myself or self-blame. Don’t get me wrong. Under no circumstances do I think that I deserved it or I asked for it or that I did something to bring that on. I don’t feel that way at all . . . It’s like you take your base line [which is] fear, and you throw some self-doubt on top of that, and then you throw some desperation on top of that, and, before you know it, you got a seven-layer burrito going there. I mean I can feel every one of them. I don’t know how to express it, but I can feel them . . . just one right on top of the other, and maybe I’ve done that for so long, that when the rape happened, that was maybe the straw that broke the camel’s back, and my mind said, ‘Okay, that’s enough, you’re cut off, no more.’ There’s no more room on the pile.”

The Mithoefers murmur sympathetic words as Donna continues unburdening herself.

“It’s not just about the rape. It’s not just about any one thing. It’s so many different things . . . All I can remember feeling, as far as I can remember, is fear. Heart-stopping, gut-dropping fear . . . I’ve kept all this inside for so long, and it feels so heavy . . . these emotions — it’s like I’ve been trained to be this way as long as I can remember — to be seen and not heard. Just from that point on, I’ve tried to make myself as small and inconspicuous as possible. And then the rape happened, and you’re headline news . . . I was ashamed.”

The study protocol calls for the therapists to periodically ask the subjects to rate their level of distress on a scale of zero to 10.

“Zero,” Donna says quickly. Another pause. “No, that’s not entirely true. That’s a lie. I would say about a two. It’s a disturbing revelation, I guess you could say.”

Once again, she pauses.

“I feel calmer, a whole lot calmer,” she says. “Kind of putting it all together, rather than just throwing it all in a box.”

“OH, MAN, I’M IMPRESSED,” SAYS MARK WAGNER, a clinical psychologist on faculty at the Medical University of South Carolina in Charleston, an expert in psychological testing and an independent evaluator conducting the before and after PTSD assessments in Mithoefer’s study. “I didn’t know much about the clinical use of MDMA before this,” Wagner says, “But I’ve seen each and every one of these patients, and, just as a clinical psychologist, it is impressive to see the degree of treatment response these folks have had. There are a couple of areas in medicine, like hip replacement, where one day you are bedridden, and the next you’re out playing tennis. Or with Lasik surgery, you’re blind, and then you can see. Nothing in psychology is like that. But this was dramatic.”

Lilienfeld, the Emory psychologist, is less enthusiastic. “These subjects knew if they got the drug or the placebo,” he says. “Particularly when you have a very dramatic and powerful intervention, people may change but not in a longstanding way.”

Wagner points out that two subjects who got the placebo were convinced they had gotten MDMA, and others who did get it weren’t sure. The people who wrongly believed they’d gotten the drug initially showed improvement, but quickly relapsed. “The chance that a placebo effect would last for three months is very slight,” Wagner says. “And for it to last for a year or more, which anecdotally we believe might be the case here, would be extremely remote.”

But if MDMA does work, the question remains, why? “Patients in our study had a fear of the fear,” Wagner says. “Something about the MDMA made it possible for them to approach the feared thought, the feared ‘place’ in their mind — and when they got there, it wasn’t as terrible as they thought. A lot of these people, the light bulb went off, they had the insight, but there’s still a lot of work to do. They’ve had this for years, it’s shaped their lives, and now they have to rebuild them.”

In Mithoefer’s Psychedelic Medicine article, he theorizes that the breakthroughs came from having the psychic calm — the feeling Donna had of being protected — that allowed subjects to meaningfully reexperience and reassess the events that traumatized them, and at the same time be able to feel a powerful new connection to positive aspects of their lives. In Donna’s case it was the love of her husband and children. Another patient told Mithoefer: “I had never before felt what I felt today in terms of loving connection. I’m not sure I can reach it again without MDMA, but I’m not without hope that it’s possible. Maybe it’s like having an aerial map, so now I know there’s a trail.”

For some subjects, the most significant part of the experience seemed to be a physical release of mental anguish. In Mithoefer’s article, he says one subject exclaimed: “I can relax! Forty-three years of fear and not being able to feel my body. Now I can feel my body without pain.”

Another subject, a 50-year-old woman named Elizabeth, had one of the more dramatic physical releases. “I thought it was supposed to be talk therapy, that I was supposed to talk about things, but it doesn’t have to be,” she says. “The drug itself will do the work.”

Her trauma centered on a stepfather who viciously abused her and her brother from an early age. She describes him as “a truck driver, ignorant, uneducated, Southern, moonshine-drinking, swearing, wife-beating idiot. He thought kids were there for his entertainment, amusement and personal use.”

From an early age, Elizabeth was stuck in a grim survival mode. “Doesn’t matter what you do to me, you will never touch me,” is how she described it. “It was a feeling, all self-defense, all self-protection, nobody gets in.”

Her whole life evolved, pathologically, from that premise. Running away as an adolescent from the horrors at home, she was raped, twice, by men who picked her up as she hitchhiked. With no real concept of love and nurture, she got involved in a series of physically and emotionally abusive relationships. When something triggered memories of her abuse, she froze in a nearly catatonic state, caught between fight and flight, unable to do either.

During her MDMA session, Elizabeth says, she remembered that after her mother divorced her stepfather, she’d confided to Elizabeth that he had been the best lover she’d ever had.

As she talked about how that made her feel, Elizabeth recalls, Mithoefer “was pushing me verbally. I was mad, and he was pushing me, provoking me to feel it. I just kept getting madder and madder, hitting the bed. Then the drug just took me and slammed me down. I was sitting one second, then down on my back in the next. I became very rigid, the tension was so powerful. I remember lying on the bed where I slammed down, looking at Dr. Mithoefer . . . like I’m mad at him for putting me through this, and this wave of energy just slammed through me, and it was just a release of a tremendous amount of this negative energy. It was powerful, and it was explosive. I felt like I’d been through something significant . . . My mother traded my childhood for sex!”

In the weeks following the therapy sessions, Elizabeth says, she would be standing in the kitchen, or just sitting in a chair at work, and without warning that powerful release would move through her body. Afterward, she says, “I felt at ease, a level of ease I was not familiar with, just being comfortable within myself, within my body.”

That feeling of ease has given her a new relationship with her life, she says. Difficulties continue, but “I’m not having as much problem with the puzzle. I’m able to just keep slugging away. I don’t feel so much like going to bed and sucking my thumb.”

The problems don’t disappear, Mithoefer says, they just become something that can be managed.

“All subjects have told us they found MDMA helpful,” Mithoefer says in his article. “Some have felt the effect . . . was dramatic and even lifesaving: however, others have reported disappointment that MDMA was not a “magic bullet” to remove all their symptoms, or have said it would have been helpful to have one or a few additional sessions.”

Parrott, the MDMA critic from Britain, worries that in some cases MDMA magnifies negative feelings instead of positive ones, and can bring up difficult memories that may be overwhelming. It’s problematic, he says, that the outcome of therapy sessions can be so dependent on the skill of the therapist.

Mithoefer acknowledges that this is an issue and says that’s precisely why he believes that, if MDMA is ever prescribed, it should be administered only in licensed clinics by specially trained therapists.

Still a problem, says Parrott. “Those patients who had good experiences on the drug would often want further-on MDMA sessions (just like many novice recreational users),” he writes in an e-mail. “This scenario is very worrying for many obvious reasons: reducing efficacy but increasingly adverse effects following repeated usage; drug seeking elsewhere when it stopped being forthcoming from the clinic etc; regular use leading to a variety of psycho-biological problems.”

Wagner, who questioned all of Mithoefer’s subjects in detail about their post-therapy attitudes, thinks Parrott is way off mark. “I didn’t see a single individual who thought: ‘Oh, yeah, this is great fun. I’m going to try to go out and use this for recreational use.’ All of them took this very seriously and therapeutically. They saw it as hard, but important, work.”

Amy, a woman in her 40s, is a case in point. She remembers being psychologically and physically abused by her father “from birth,” culminating one winter when he locked her in the basement for three weeks. She had a reaction to MDMA very different from Donna’s instant giggles. When the drug started to take effect, she says, “It just hit me, and it wasn’t pleasant. I felt like I was going to throw up. So I said, Okay, when’s this happy, lovey feeling going to happen? I went to lie down on the couch and waited to go higher, but the drug took me down instead. [Mithoefer] was taking notes. I felt like he was drawing circles around me, but he showed me his notes, and they were just notes. That’s when I saw that my internal world and external world didn’t match up, and I connected with that. I saw myself as a baby wrapped in a white blanket, my family members standing there, and I realized, It wasn’t my fault . . . I was flooded with feelings of peace and safety. ‘It wasn’t my fault. I didn’t do anything,’ I kept saying. ‘I was a little girl. I was a baby.’

“After the first session, I felt exhausted, like I had a really bad hangover. But everything continued to unfold. I started to make connections. Like going into the grocery store, I used to feel very alienated. I couldn’t connect with the other shoppers. But after the first session, I realized I could look at the people, and I wasn’t afraid, like they were going to hurt me. I made the connection between the way I was always sizing up my environment, the alienation and the numbness that I felt, and the abuse.

“It felt weird at first, but kind of nice, that I could look at someone, and they would look back, and we’d smile at each other.”

But like several other of the test subjects, Amy also confronted difficult new terrain. “Sometimes to go forward you have to go backwards,” she says. “I knew that, but it wasn’t comfortable to go there, back into the basement, into the abuse, into the beatings. I was apprehensive. I had already started feeling more grounded, but I’d functioned so long on autopilot that feeling things was difficult.”

Difficult, but also better. “So many things happened,” she says. “Before, I never wore a seat belt. I would look at it but not wear it. It was self-sabotage. But after therapy, without even thinking about it, I just automatically started putting it on.”

FOR A YEAR AFTER HER TWO MDMA SESSIONS, Donna Kilgore says now, she was symptom-free.

“To me, the biggest breakthrough — it meant the world to me to be able to look at the fear, to look at the shame. I didn’t know I was ashamed. It was like I’d been wearing the scarlet letter. It was so heavy. When I got out of that session, I felt a hundred pounds lighter.

“Before, I knew the path was through the battlefield, but I just could not get through it. [But during the MDMA therapy] I knew I could walk through it, and I wasn’t afraid. The drug gave me the ability not to fear fear.” Otherwise, she says, “I would have not been able to do it.”

Donna’s sense that she’d had a breakthrough was supported when she retook the evaluation test on which she’d rated as an extreme case just weeks earlier. Her score had declined dramatically — Mithoefer says that he can’t give an exact number before publication of results — but if she had been taking the test for the first time, she would not have been considered to have PTSD at all.

It’s now been more than three years since her MDMA sessions. Donna is “still extremely grateful for the experience,” she says. But problems are starting to crop up again.

“I’ve had a lot of stressors recently,” she says. Her husband got laid off from a good job; they had to move; she had a difficult job at a dental practice for children.

Donna was doing paperwork in the office. “It wasn’t in the best part of town,” she says, “and I started to have catastrophic thinking again.” It was the resurgence of the paralyzing, unreasonable fears characteristic of PTSD that she’d had before the MDMA sessions. “I just started being convinced that someone was going to come in with a gun and start shooting. And then I just couldn’t listen to the children screaming in the next room . . .”

She says she had to quit the job. She begins to cry.

“I know I can work through it,” she says, her voice breaking a little. “I know what I’m fighting now, and I can fight it.”

Does she think it would help if she could have another MDMA therapy session?

“Yes,” she says quickly. “But I can’t. It’s illegal.”

Tom Shroder is editor of the Magazine. He can be reached at shrodert@washpost.com. He will be fielding questions and comments about this article Monday at noon at washingtonpost.com/liveonline.

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Nov. 26: VCS on ABC News — The Looming Catastrophe of Drug Abuse Among Our Iraq War Veterans

HIGH AT THE MOUNTAIN POST – FORT CARSON 

ABC News broadcasts their investigative report on rising drug abuse in the military among Iraq War veterans.   The news segment airs on Nov. 30.  Also during the week, ABC News will feature other parts of this major story.  Veterans’ advocacy groups charge that the problem of substance abuse is much greater than the Army wants to publicly acknowledge, and it’s growing. “I’ve met with veterans from coast to coast, and I will tell you that there is a catastrophe on the horizon,” said Paul Sullivan, director of Veterans for Common Sense.  “The military right now can say whatever they want, but the truth on the ground is that the soldiers are in a lot of pain, emotional and physical pain, and they’re turning to drugs in order to alleviate that,” said Sullivan.

Part One of the Series: ‘Coming Home: Soldiers and Drugs’

November 26, 2007— Editor’s Note from Brian Ross: In the third year of a joint project with the nonprofit Carnegie Corporation, six leading graduate school journalism students were again selected to spend the summer working with the ABC News investigative unit.  This year’s project involved an examination of whether, as happened in the wake of the Vietnam War, Iraqi war veterans were turning to drugs as a result of the trauma and pain of war. The U.S. military maintains the percentage of soldiers abusing drugs is extremely small and has not increased as a result of Iraq. The students’ assignment was to get the unofficial side of the story from soldiers, young men of their own generation. Today’s report is the first in a series of five reports. Watch Brian Ross’ exclusive investigation, “Coming Home: Soldiers and Drugs,” Friday on “20/20” at 10 p.m. EDT

Watch Brian Ross Here: http://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/Story?id=3898810

They were prepared for war. They were prepared to die for their country. But Fort Carson soldiers say they weren’t prepared to come home and fight a different battle — addiction to illegal drugs. Many of this country’s bravest men and women who volunteered to defend America in a time of war have come home wounded — physically and mentally — and are turning to illicit drugs as they adjust to normal life, according to soldiers, health experts and advocates.

“Lots of soldiers coming back from Iraq have been using drugs,” said Spc. William Swenson, who was deployed to Iraq from Fort Carson. “Right when we got back, there were people using cocaine in the barracks; there were people smoking marijuana at strip clubs; one guy started shooting up,” he said.

Fort Carson, just outside Colorado Springs, is home to 17,500 active duty personnel. Four thousand eight hundred service members are currently deployed in the “sand box,” as soldiers call Iraq and Afghanistan.

ABC News spoke to more than a dozen soldiers who described widespread abuse of illegal drugs at Fort Carson by service members back from the war.

Spc. Alan Hartmann was a gunner on a Chinook helicopter flying missions from Kuwait into Iraq in 2003. He described the high of flying and the feeling that “nothing can touch you” as well as the terror of being shot at.

After sustaining a neck injury in Iraq, Hartmann returned to Fort Carson. Having regularly ferried the bodies of American soldiers killed in combat — with the helicopter exhaust blowing warm air and the smell of death through the craft — Hartmann said he had trouble sleeping. The nightmares were too bad, he said.

To help Hartmann deal with his physical and emotional pain, Army doctors prescribed painkillers and anti-depressants — two typewritten pages’ worth since he’s been back. But Hartmann said he didn’t like how the drugs made him feel, and instead he turned to self-medication with methamphetamines.

“The nightmares were killing me from being over there. The pain was so bad I didn’t want to deal with it. Well, amphetamines is a real quick way to get rid of it,” Hartmann said. “I was snorting it, and I was smoking it, and then I was hot railing it, and then I got to the point where I was actually injecting it in my arms,” said Hartmann, who eventually checked himself into rehab and is now clean.

“[Soldiers are] coming back, drinking, fighting, putting $1,000 tabs down at a bar and drinking four to five hours, getting to the point where you don’t give a crap about anything anymore [or] anybody, don’t care if you live or die&the point where you do drugs,” Hartmann said. “[Drugs] have been in Fort Carson like crazy.”

Another former Fort Carson soldier, Michael Bailey, said he was discharged from the Army after testing positive for cocaine.

Bailey served two tours, one in Iraq and another in Kuwait. The stress of his deployment combined with marital problems overwhelmed Bailey who said he twice tried to commit suicide.

“The dose [of anti-depressants] I was on wasn’t working, so I was trying an extra one and that wasn’t working,” Bailey said. “So I started drinking, and at one point I did cocaine.”

Baily said he failed a drug test the very next day. Even though he was in the process of receiving mental health counseling from the Army, Bailey said he was discharged over his drug use. At the time of his interview with ABC News, Bailey was unemployed and still grappling with feelings of depression and anxiety.

And then there’s combat engineer William Swenson who was injured on what was to be his final mission in Iraq when his vehicle drove over a 200-pound improvised explosive device. The blast injured Swenson’s spine, and he developed syringomyelia — a condition in which cysts form on the spinal cord.

Swenson said a laundry list of prescribed painkillers was ineffective so he turned to marijuana, the only substance that he said would numb his physical and emotional pain. Swenson failed a drug test after testing positive for marijuana as well as cocaine.

“I think a lot of people using drugs, soldiers mainly, coming back from Iraq, it’s just to get an escape from&all those horrible things that came into their mind when they were over there,” Swenson said.

Army Denies Growing Drug Abuse Problem

Fort Carson’s leadership declined to discuss substance abuse issues with ABC News despite numerous interview requests. Fort Carson also said it could not comment on the individual cases of the soldiers we interviewed, citing privacy concerns.

In interviews with ABC News at the Pentagon, however, the U.S. Army strongly denied there was an increase in drug abuse among soldiers deployed to Iraq.

According to Dr. Ian McFarling, acting director of the Army Center for Substance Abuse Programs, less than one half of one percent of soldiers in Iraq have tested positive for illegal drugs.

“That’s a testament to the kind of leadership we have is that they believe that that’s not the place that they should be doing drugs,” said Dr. McFarling.

But Dr. McFarling said that once soldiers return from Iraq, the positive rate for drug tests doubles to more than one percent. In addition, Dr. McFarling said five percent of soldiers back from Iraq seek help for substance abuse issues from clinical providers.

The U.S. Army does offer treatment for soldiers dealing with drug abuse, and Fort Carson has a busy Army Substance Abuse Program.

But some soldiers are forced off post because Fort Carson offers no inpatient services; others get treatment in the community to avoid the stigma associated with seeking help, soldiers and advocates said.

Since the Iraq war started in 2003, Colorado Springs hospitals and counseling services have seen a dramatic increase in active duty soldiers seeking treatment for substance abuse. Penrose-St. Francis Health Services went from treating no active duty soldiers for substance abuse before the war to between 30 and 40 now, said Phillip Ballard, the hospital’s inpatient psychiatrist.

According to Ballard, “Now that we have larger numbers than the military facilities can treat&it falls upon the civilian community to treat those patients.”

Veterans’ advocacy groups charge that the problem of substance abuse is much greater than the Army wants to publicly acknowledge, and it’s growing.

“I’ve met with veterans from coast to coast, and I will tell you that there is a catastrophe on the horizon,” said Paul Sullivan, director of Veterans for Common Sense.

Three thousand fifty-seven veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars were potentially diagnosed with a drug dependency from fiscal year 2005 through March 2007, according to figures provided to ABC News from the Veterans Health Administration. From 2002 through 2004, only a total of 277 veterans were diagnosed with drug dependency, the numbers show.

“The military right now can say whatever they want, but the truth on the ground is that the soldiers are in a lot of pain, emotional and physical pain, and they’re turning to drugs in order to alleviate that,” said Sullivan.

Photos: Coming Home: Soldiers and Drugs

Wounded Warriors

More than a dozen Fort Carson soldiers talked to ABC News about their drug use, including some willing to be interviewed on camera about their experiences.

— William Swenson was injured in his final mission in Iraq. Prescription drugs provided little relief from physical and emotional pain, Swenson said, so he turned to marijuana and tried cocaine. The Army court-martialed Swenson and threw him in jail for 20 days.

— Michael Bailey said he tried to commit suicide twice because of the combined stress of his deployment to Iraq and marital problems. He failed a drug test after using cocaine during a night out on the town.

— Matthew McKane worked as a medic in Baghdad. To escape the daily chaos, he and another soldier tried propofol, a powerful anesthetic, McKane said. The other soldier overdosed and died. When McKane returned home, he tested positive for cocaine, he said. He is currently in prison awaiting a court-martial on misconduct charges. McKane believes he will soon be dismissed from the Army because of his drug use.

— Jeffrey Smith also worked as a medic in Baghdad and said he turned to illegal drugs to cope with emotional trauma inflicted during his deployment in Iraq. After testing positive for illicit drugs, he said he was kicked out of the Army on misconduct charges with no benefits.

— Alan Hartmann was a door gunner on a Chinook helicopter flying missions from Kuwait into Iraq. He suffered from chronic nightmares after returning home and turned to methamphetamines to stay awake, he said.

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Military Flight Logs Reveal Secret Rendition (and Torture) by U.S. Government

November 25, 2007 – The secret flight plans of American military planes have revealed for the first time how European countries helped send prisoners, including British citizens, to the Guantanamo Bay prison camp.

Despite widespread criticism of alleged human rights abuses and torture at the US base in Cuba, a Sunday Times investigation has shown that at least five European countries gave the United States permission to fly nearly 700 terrorist suspects across their territory.

Three years ago, The Sunday Times published flight logs of CIA civilian jets in Europe, setting off a controversy over the whether countries across the continent have been secretly involved in America’s rendition of terrorist suspects to countries that carry out torture.

The row is now set to be reignited. Inquiries by Ana Gomes, a Portuguese member of the European parliament, have uncovered not only more CIA flight logs but also more sensitive military flight plans, which until now have remained a closely guarded secret.

The logs show how most prisoners changed planes at a Turkish military airbase and flew across Greek, Italian and Portuguese airspace. Others reached Cuba after touching down in Spain, whose governing socialist party once expressed indignation at conditions in Guantanamo.

The flight logs show that three Britons — Shafiq Rasul, Jamal Udeen and Asif Iqbal — were flown across Europe to Cuba on January 14, 2002. Moazzam Begg, another Briton, was taken by the same route to Guantanamo on February 2, 2003; and Binyam Mohamed, a British resident whose release the British government is now trying to negotiate, arrived in Cuba after crossing Europe in a special flight in September 2004.

According to the flight plans, the first 23 prisoners to arrive at Guantanamo — including another British citizen, Feroz Abbasi, then 21, and an Australian, David Hicks — had arrived at the American naval base in Cuba after flying from the Moron airbase in Spain.

Abbasi has claimed in a statement that prisoners were abused within hours of arriving. “We were made to sit on our heels, one foot over the other, supported by one foot’s toes alone, for hours. Some of us were old, weak, fatigued, and injured — they were the ones to drop first in the searing Caribbean heat.”

Described by the Pentagon as the “worst of the worst” from Al-Qaeda and the Taliban, the images of prisoners such as Abbasi dressed in orange jumpsuits, their heads shaved and shackled by their wrists and ankles, shocked the world. Within a day, Donald Rumsfeld, then US defence secretary, announced that the Geneva conventions would not apply to what were now called “enemy combatants”.

Last week, Europe’s leading watchdog on human rights alleged that European countries had breached the international convention against torture by giving the US secret permission to use its airspace.

Thomas Hammarberg, the Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights, said: “What happened at Guantanamo was torture and it is illegal to provide facilities or anything to make this torture possible. Under the law, European governments should have intervened and should not have given permission to let these flights happen.”

Gomes added: “It’s clear to me that Guantanamo could not have been created without the involvement of European countries.”

Methods used at Guantanamo Bay, condemned by Britain’s Court of Appeal as a legal “black hole” and as a “monstrous failure of justice” by one law lord, have included the prolonged use of isolation, sleep deprivation, and use of stress positions. “These are methods that have been declared as unlawful by the European Court of Human Rights,” Hammarberg said.

The military flight plans show that all key flights arriving in Guantanamo had come across European airspace either through Spain or the Incirlik airbase in southeastern Turkey. The Sunday Times compared the military flight plans against a database compiled by Reprieve, the British-based charity that represents Guantanamo prisoners, of when prisoners first weighed in at the camp.

The investigation, cross-checked against other Pentagon documents, shows for the first time which prisoner arrived on which flight at Guantanamo, and by what route. At least 170 other prisoners flew over Spanish territory, more than 700 crossed Portuguese space, and more than 680 were transshipped at Incirlik. Most flights also crossed Greek and Italian airspace, according to a source in European air traffic control.

On February 2 2003, for example, a US Air Force C-17 Globemaster plane took off from Incirlik with 27 prisoners on board for Cuba. The same day, prisoner number 558 weighed in at 136lb (62kg) at the camp. He can be named as Moazzam Begg, now 39, from Birmingham, who was released in January 2005, and has never been charged with a crime.

Interviewed by phone last week, Begg recalled: “Inside the plane there was a chain around our waist, and it connected to cuffs around my wrists, which were tied in the back, and to my ankles. We were seated but it was so painful not being able to speak, to hear, to breathe properly, to look, to turn left or right, to move your hands, stretch your legs, or anything.” At the time flights were landing in Spain and crossing Spanish airspace, socialist leaders there were expressing “indignation” over conditions in Guantanamo. Now the socialists are in government after winning an election in March 2004 just after the Madrid train bombings and they are being asked to defend Spain’s continued collaboration with American operations. Under international law, government and military planes can cross another country’s territory only with diplomatic permission.

In a statement to the European parliament on the visits of CIA planes to Spain, the foreign minister Miguel Angel Moratinos has testified: “Our territory may have been used not to commit crimes on it, but as a stopover on the way to committing crime in another country.”

Spain, it has now emerged, had a specific agreement with the US to allow flights and visits to Spanish airbases for American planes.

In Portugal, the foreign minister Luis Amado has said flights across his country’s airspace took place “under the aegis of the UN and Nato and that Portugal naturally follows the principle of good faith in the relations with its allies”. Nato’s role in Guantanamo stems from a secret agreement made in Brussels on October 4 2001 by all Nato members, including Britain. Although never made public, Lord Robertson, the former British defence secretary who was later Nato’s secretary-general, explained that day that Nato had agreed to provide “blanket overflight clearances for the United States and other allies’ aircraft for military flights related to operations against terrorism”.

Today, Nato is more coy about its role in helping send prisoners to Guantanamo.

In a letter to Gomes, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the current secretary-general, said no Nato planes had “flown to or from Guantanamo Bay” and that Nato “as an organisation has no involvement or co-ordinating role in providing clearance or overflight rights for other flights”. Turkey, meanwhile, has declared that its agencies had “reached no findings regarding any unacknowledged deprivation of liberty conducted by foreign agencies within the territory of the republic of Turkey or any transport by aircraft or otherwise of the persons deprived of their liberty”.

In London, Clive Stafford Smith, legal director of Reprieve, said, with America threatening that Guantanamo prisoners faced the death penalty, European governments had made “pious statements” that they would never send prisoners to the US without obtaining assurances they would not be executed.

Stafford Smith added: “Some European governments, it’s now clear, systematically assisted in clandestine flights and illegal prisoner transfers to Guantanamo Bay. We need a full investigation and Europeans need to face their responsibility for these crimes.”

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Editorial Columnby Iraq War Veteran’s Wife: What Do You Know of War?

November 25, 2007 – The doors have opened on another holiday season. Utility workers have spent hours hoisting holiday decorations to the tops of buildings and attaching lights to all the telephone poles in town. It won’t be long before the entrance displays of massive armored fighting vehicles that represent the muscle of the Rock of the Marne at Fort Stewart, Georgia are covered with lights.

A few hundred yards down the road from the main gate of Fort Stewart, the newly built Chapel Complex was recently christened. Red brick, with angled lines and a pristine white steeple; looking more like a courthouse than a place of worship, the building stands ready for the soldiers who will be returning from their year long deployment to Iraq next spring.

Across the street, on the grounds of the PX shopping mall stands another display of shiny pinwheels planted in the ground. The sign behind the display reads, “These pinwheels represent the 138 cases of spousal abuse confirmed at Fort Stewart in fiscal year 2007.” In 2006 the sign read “131 cases of spousal abuse” and another read “191 cases of child abuse.” What will 2008 bring?

My husband filed a conscientious objector application in 2005. He did so because of his firsthand experiences with this war, and with the abusive treatment the soldiers and veterans faced as they struggled to fulfill the oath they took to serve their country. He did so to call attention to the threats and intimidation military personnel faced, and the lack of respect they received for their service.

The military command refused to accept the application, choosing to find a way to put my husband in prison as punishment for his choice instead. As we worked to see that due process was given to my husband’s choice, I had the opportunity, one evening, to be in the same room with the command sergeant major of my husband’s battalion. I took the opportunity to ask this senior NCO if he would mind my asking him some questions, civilian to civilian. He said “No” so I asked.

“Have you ever had to kill anyone?”

The man put his hands behind his head, stared up at the ceiling and responded: “Yes I have had to shoot to kill many times.”

“Didn’t it bother you at all to know that you had killed another man?”

With his hands still behind his head and one leg crossed over another, he leaned back in his chair and said “You know I’ve got 22 years in the Army. You learn that you don’t think about what you do, you just do it. I’ve never seen the results of my shooting. That’s the problem with the ‘boys’ they’re bringing in today. I tell them and tell them in training, don’t look back – just shoot ‘rat-a-tat-a-tat’ (holding his hand out as a weapon) and don’t look back. When we was first starting out, the soldiers I came in with and me, we all learned in training, shoot and look away – walk away but don’t look at what you’ve done. If I could get anything across to these new ‘boys’ it’s that they can’t look. I see them; they shoot and then look to see if they hit their target, if they did good, if they followed orders. I see their eyes and there’s fear, and I know right away if there’s going to be trouble with that one or the other by their face after they see the result of the explosion. We’ve got to teach these boys to shoot and look away, and they wouldn’t be so bothered by what they did.”

“What do you think of the war?”

The man didn’t move much. He hunched his shoulders a little, looked across the desk and said “That’s political stuff and I don’t get involved in none of that political stuff. I do my job. If I have to go back to Iraq I go, and I take care of my soldiers. I care about my soldiers, but I don’t have no business paying attention to whether the war is good or bad, or if the president did right. I have 22 years in, and I have to do what I’m ordered to do so I don’t ask no questions.”

“What do you think about conscientious objection?”

This time he leaned forward a little, stretched and took a breath before he re-crossed his legs and folded his hands back behind his head. “There ain’t no true conscientious objectors. I’ve been in a long time, and I’ve seen only one or two that might have been real religious. It’s been my experience that when a soldier brings in an application, I always sit and talk with them and ninety-nine percent of the time he’s not a conscientious objector he’s just got major problems with his command. Whenever anyone brings in one of those applications it’s because there’s a bad command and we got to do something about fixing that. If we do the soldier ain’t got no more problems and he can go on doing his duty, but we got to get him to talk and tell us what the command is doing wrong, ‘cause it’s not religion, it’s a bad command.”

Throughout the conversation my husband was standing beside me at parade rest, having invoked his right to not respond to any questions the sergeant major wanted to ask him. At the time he was under investigation by the command which claimed his conscientious objector application was simply a protestation of the war, not worthy of their time. The command sought to charge him with “making disloyal statements” and “disrespecting a superior officer’ for having spoken out in an effort to find help for the soldiers in his unit being threatened and abused by his command.

My husband went to prison. The sergeant major went back to Iraq.

Now, suicide rates are increasing among military personnel. Spousal abuse is becoming more of a problem and no doubt more children are afraid of the empty look they see in their returning parents’ eyes.

We tell the soldiers to do what they can to get out of the military – to avoid returning to Iraq. It will not solve the problem.

Building a multi-million dollar chapel complex on one military installation is not going to fix what has been broken inside a man or a woman who has been to war.

The anger and rage of those who have been in combat will not go away simply because we tell them to get out while they can, to “walk a different road” without showing them where that road will lead.

Going to prison to speak out about what is happening to our military personnel is not going to make things right, not unless we, those of us who claim to care about our “troops” find a way to work together to do our part.

We can’t think that simply taking someone out of the war also takes them out of combat. In war, the rage makes sense and the killing of an enemy can be easily justified. War doesn’t end when the soldier comes home, and the nightmare of combat only grows darker when the battle waged is waged inside; intended to protect a place and loved ones that once meant peace from the anger of an experience that cannot be left behind.

When these men and women return home and face those they love, that anger can become a seed inside which feeds and grows off of memories of the horrors, the nightmares and the need for release – but at home there’s no battlefield on which to let go, there are only children, a spouse, or themselves when they come to fear the damage they could do if left uncontrolled, and when “help” is only a word, too many will lose the battle.

People say they understand – trust me – you don’t; not if you haven’t felt it inside, or stood helpless wondering what more can be done to simply bring peace to the heart of the person you want so much to heal.

Holiday lights are far from bright enough to light the path of those who need the peace this holiday is meant to honor.

The pristine steeple on Fort Stewart’s new chapel complex may see the day when every seat in the building is occupied. Experience tells me that those in attendance may find sanctuary but they will not find peace, even if the room is full.

Men and women volunteered to put their lives on the line to defend the peace our laws were meant to give. Their service has been abused by everyone who has stood and watched this travesty of war unfold; offering words of help only to turn and look in another direction when more than words were needed.

People will write and say, “They volunteered. They got what they deserved.”

The war is coming home and if Americans are not willing to stand together to fix what we are all responsible for breaking, they will know firsthand what it means to “get what is deserved.”

It’s time to stare into the eyes of what we have allowed to happen.

Peace is not simply a word, and war does not go away when you look in a different direction.

What do you know of war?

About author:  Monica is the wife of Sgt. Kevin Benderman, a ten-year Army veteran who served a combat tour in Iraq and a year in prison for his public protest of war and the destruction it causes to civilians and to American military personnel. Please visit their website, www.BendermanDefense.org to learn more.

Monica and Kevin may be reached at mdawnb@coastalnow.net

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Iraq Uncovers Mass Grave From 1991 Shi-ite Revolt

November 20, 2007 – NAJAF, Iraq – Gravediggers uncovered the remains of at least 13 people from a mass grave on Tuesday which Iraqi officials said was the work of Saddam Hussein’s bloody crackdown on a 1991 Shi’ite rebellion.

Gravediggers crouched in a large rectangular pit chipping bone fragments out of the dry earth and cradling the dusty skulls they uncovered.

Police looked on as the remains were placed in piles after an excavation in a rural area north of Najaf, some 160 km (100 miles) south of Baghdad following a tip-off by a farmer.

Those in the grave had taken part in the Shaabaniya uprising, a 1991 revolt in southern Iraq against Saddam Hussein in which tens of thousands of Iraqis died, a spokesman for the Najaf provincial government said.

“There is knowledge that there is more than one mass grave in this area,” said spokesman Ahmed Diabil.

He said the remains of 13 bodies had been found by Tuesday afternoon and excavation was expected to continue on Wednesday.

The rebellion in Iraq’s primarily Shi’ite south, and a simultaneous one in Kurdish areas in the north, erupted after a U.S.-led coalition kicked Saddam’s army out of Kuwait in the first Gulf War.

Rebels seized control of many towns in the south but Saddam’s forces launched a counterassault, backed by tanks and helicopters, killing tens of thousands of those who rose up. Many others later died in prison.

Saddam’s cousin Ali Hassan al-Majeed, commonly known as “Chemical Ali”, is on trial with 14 other defendants, mostly former military commanders, for their role in crushing the rebellion. He has already been sentenced to death in a separate trial and is awaiting execution.

Separately on Tuesday, security spokesman Brigadier-General Qassim Moussawi said the number of bodies discovered last week in several locations in the mainly Sunni Arab area of Baghdad had risen to 50, from 30 originally found.

Moussawi blamed al Qaeda for those deaths.

(Additional reporting by Ali Abu Shish in Najaf and Aseel Kami and Waleed Ibrahim in Baghdad; Writing by Missy Ryan; Editing by Elisabeth O’Leary)

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Holocaust Denial, American Style

November 21, 2007 – Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad’s flirtation with those who deny the reality of the Nazi genocide has rightly been met with disgust. But another holocaust denial is taking place with little notice: the holocaust in Iraq. The average American believes that 10,000 Iraqi civilians have been killed since the US invasion in March 2003. The most commonly cited figure in the media is 70,000. But the actual number of people who have been killed is most likely more than one million.

This is five times more than the estimates of killings in Darfur and even more than the genocide in Rwanda 13 years ago.

The estimate of more than one million violent deaths in Iraq was confirmed again two months ago in a poll by the British polling firm Opinion Research Business, which estimated 1,220,580 violent deaths since the US invasion. This is consistent with the study conducted by doctors and scientists from the Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health more than a year ago. Their study was published in the Lancet, Britain’s leading medical journal. It estimated 601,000 people killed due to violence as of July 2006; but if updated on the basis of deaths since the study, this estimate would also be more than a million. These estimates do not include those who have died because of public health problems created by the war, including breakdowns in sewerage systems and electricity, shortages of medicines, etc.

Amazingly, some journalists and editors – and of course some politicians – dismiss such measurements because they are based on random sampling of the population rather than a complete count of the dead. While it would be wrong to blame anyone for their lack of education, this disregard for scientific methods and results is inexcusable. As one observer succinctly put it: if you don’t believe in random sampling, the next time your doctor orders a blood test, tell him that he needs to take all of it.

The methods used in the estimates of Iraqi deaths are the same as those used to estimate the deaths in Darfur, which are widely accepted in the media. They are also consistent with the large numbers of refugees from the violence (estimated at more than four million). There is no reason to disbelieve them, or to accept tallies such as that the Iraq Body Count (73,305 – 84,222), which include only a small proportion of those killed, as an estimate of the overall death toll.

Of course, acknowledging the holocaust in Iraq might change the debate over the war. While Iraqi lives do not count for much in US politics, recognizing that a mass slaughter of this magnitude is taking place could lead to more questions about how this horrible situation came to be. Right now a convenient myth dominates the discussion: the fall of Saddam Hussein simply unleashed a civil war that was waiting to happen, and the violence is all due to Iraqis’ inherent hatred of each other.

In fact, there is considerable evidence that the occupation itself – including the strategy of the occupying forces – has played a large role in escalating the violence to holocaust proportions. It is in the nature of such an occupation, where the vast majority of the people are opposed to the occupation and according to polls believe it is right to try and kill the occupiers, to pit one ethnic group against another. This was clear when Shiite troops were sent into Sunni Fallujah in 2004; it is obvious in the nature of the death-squad government, where officials from the highest levels of the Interior Ministry to the lowest ranking police officers – all trained and supported by the US military – have carried out a violent, sectarian mission of “ethnic cleansing.” (The largest proportion of the killings in Iraq are from gunfire and executions, not from car bombs). It has become even more obvious in recent months as the United States is now arming both sides of the civil war, including Sunni militias in Anbar province as well as the Shiite government militias.

Is Washington responsible for a holocaust in Iraq? That is the question that almost everyone here wants to avoid. So the holocaust is denied

Mark Weisbrot is Co-Director and co-founder of the Center for Economic and Policy Research. He received his Ph.D. in economics from the University of Michigan. He is co-author, with Dean Baker, of Social Security: The Phony Crisis (University of Chicago Press, 2000), and has written numerous research papers on economic policy. He is also president of Just Foreign Policy.

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