VA chairman eyes steps to ‘modernize’ GI Bill

 

Rep. Steve Buyer, R-Ind., chairman of House Veterans Affairs Committee, wants active-duty veterans to have more “flexibility” to use Montgomery GI Bill benefits. He also will consider making Reserve MGIB benefits “portable” so they can be used after reservists leave service.

But Buyer hasn’t endorsed that second change, or any part of an ambitious plan to “modernize” MGIB from a consortium of veterans groups known as the Partnership for Veterans Education, a senior committee aide explained.

Buyer’s comments at a Feb. 8 hearing on the Department of Veterans Affairs 2007 budget request had left some reserve advocates with a different impression.

“I welcome ideas and proposals such as one made by the Partnership for Veterans Education led by retired U.S. Navy Vice Adm. Norb Ryan,” Buyer said. “The Montgomery GI Bill, as good as it is, does not reflect the realities facing today’s servicemembers, especially those in the Guard and Reserves. We must modernize the GI Bill.”

Buyer wasn’t available to comment on what MGIB changes he supports. But Mike Brinck, staff director of the veterans affairs subcommittee on economic opportunity, provided the modest details.

Buyer, he said, wants to encourage more MGIB enrollees to use their benefits by allowing them to cover training costs for a wider variety of jobs. For example, the law now allows accelerated payment of benefits for short-term, high-cost technical training. Buyer wants accelerated MGIB for some nontechnical jobs too, such as training to become long-haul truck drivers.

Also, Brinck said, Buyer wants to study how Reserve and National Guard recruiting and retention might be affected if Reserve MGIB benefits are readjusted so they can be used after reservists leave the military.

Brinck said Congress enacted Reserve MGIB in 1977 to be a recruiting and retention tool. Reservists commit to an initial six-year obligation and then can draw some MGIB benefits as long as they remain in a drill status.

“Would [breaking that link] add to or subtract from the ability of the Guard and Reserve to recruit and retain their people? That has yet to be determined,” said Brinck.

A far more sweeping plan to modernize Reserve GI Bill benefits is being pushed by a consortium of veteran groups and service associations known as the Partnership for Veterans Education. It’s led by Ryan, president of the Military Officers Association of America. MOAA’s deputy director for government relations, Bob Norton, has been briefing Congress on details of the partnership’s plan, called the Total Force MGIB.

The plan, he said, is to recognize the changed nature of Reserve and National Guard service. As of Feb. 22, a total of 124,500 Guard and Reserve members were mobilized, most of them to Iraq and Afghanistan. Several hundred thousand more already have been to war. The “weekend warrior” image is gone. But Reserve education benefits haven’t been enhanced to match the sacrifice and commitment, Norton said.

“The idea that this small minority of Americans who are defending us in the war on terror don’t get a GI Bill they can take with them into civilian life, even though they serve in combat and on active duty, is ludicrous and patently unfair,” Norton said.

The Total Force MGIB plan calls on Congress to combine statutory authority for both active and reserve GI Bill programs under the Department of Veterans Affairs (Title 38 of the U.S. Code). This would mean moving Reserve GI Bill programs from the Department of Defense and shifting oversight responsibility to the VA committees from armed services.

The plan also calls for simplifying MGIB benefit levels and features into three tiers. One would be active duty MGIB. Benefits for full-time students are $1034 a month for 36 months of college or qualified vocational training.

Tier two would be Reserve MGIB for drilling members who sign for six years. But Reserve MGIB would be raised to equal 47 percent of active MGIB and kept there. Norton said for years Congress did adjust Reserve MGIB in lock step with active duty MGIB, staying at 47 percent of active duty rates. Since 1999, the armed services committees and Defense officials have been inattentive, he said. As a result, the current Reserve benefit for full-time students is $297 a month, or just 29 percent of active duty MGIB.

Tier three would be MGIB benefits for activated reservists but with changes to the Reserve Education Assistance Program (REAP) that Congress enacted in 2004. Technical problems had delayed full implementation of REAP. The first checks will go to thousands of waiting reservists this month.

REAP provides extra GI Bill benefits to reservists mobilized for 90 days or more since Sept. 11, 2001. Payments will be 40, 60 or 80 percent of active duty MGIB, depending on length of activation. As with Reserve MGIB, REAP provides 36 months of benefits but they end if reservists leave service.

Under Total Force MGIB, activated reservists would get one month of benefits, at the active duty MGIB rate, for each month of mobilization up to 36 months. Members would have up to 10 years to use active duty or activated Reserve benefits (tiers one and three) from the last date of active or reserve duty. A reservist also could use any remaining Reserve MGIB benefits (tier two) but only while in drill status or for up to 10 years after separation if the separation is for disability or qualification for retirement.

Brinck said portability for reserve GI Bill benefits is attractive to Buyer. But he is concerned about the effect on retaining reservists. He also noted that all features of the Total Force MGIB would cost $4.5 billion over the first 10 years, which is another hurdle.

Modernizing GI Bill benefits is “not going to be an easy thing,” Brinck said. He added that it took Congress seven years to pass the MGIB and four or five years to enact the World War II-era GI Bill.

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Hidden wounds of the war

When Christian Lopez began his second tour of duty in Iraq, he was “psyched.”

Then came the dreams. In them, the Marine watched friends die. He dreamed that an IED (improvised explosive device) blew off his leg. Eventually, he became too scared to sleep.

Lopez sought help but was rebuffed. When he protested, he was arrested, he said. He spent nearly two months in a military detention facility at Camp Lejeune in North Carolina.

The 23-year-old North Bergen native and Spotswood High School graduate was eventually discharged honorably. But he doesn’t know why his military career had to end this way.

Lopez considers himself “patriotic.” He supported the war. He always wanted to be in the military. When he came home, TV stations and newspapers recognized his achievements.

What happened?

“I was just in various bad situations,” said Lopez, who was recently diagnosed with bipolar disorder.

His case exemplifies how the American soldier — even those hailed as heroes — are vulnerable to the effects of combat.

“The horrors he saw but could not prevent, as well as some he may have directly participated in — it can create tremendous psychological pressures that can manifest,” said Maurice Elias, a Rutgers University psychology professor.

The Pentagon says it has greatly expanded its mental health services since the Vietnam War. Post-traumatic stress disorder is no longer treated as a weakness.

When soldiers come home, they’re often referred to Veterans Administration facilities that provide psychiatrists and psychologists. Or, they have access to support networks set up by military facilities.

Resources for soldiers currently serving, however, fall short, mental health professionals say. Some argue that the Pentagon hasn’t come to grips with illnesses that leave no physical wounds.

They point to Army surveys that show the suicide rate among soldiers jumped sharply in 2003, just after the war began. The numbers have since dropped, but psychologists fear for soldiers fighting a war that has no end in sight.

About 17 percent of all soldiers who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan have reported symptoms of depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder, according to a March 2005 study in the New England Journal of Medicine. That compares with about 15 percent of those who fought in the Vietnam War and the 1991 Persian Gulf War.

The Iraq war has no clear front line, psychologists say. Like the Vietnam War, soldiers have to live in constant fear that a bomb could blow up at their feet.

Elias noted the military uses techniques on the battlefield that are designed to stabilize and get soldiers “back in the game as quickly as possible.”

“This seems to help in the short term and even, for some, in the long term. But for others, it may not give them a full chance to process what has happened,” he said. “There is no one-size-fits-all effective treatment.”

Initially, Lopez didn’t have fears about war.

In 2003, Lopez celebrated his return from a five-month tour of duty in Iraq and Kuwait. Spotswood High School honored the 2001 graduate with a plaque on its “Wall of Honor.”

Last year, however, he noticed a change in himself while serving aboard the U.S.S. Ashland.

He felt stress over the war. His grandmother and best friend died. The year prior, his dad lost part of his leg in a motorcycle accident.

“The father’s injury, in this case, can be connected to guilt at having been away,” Elias said. “He was not there for his father.”

Lopez started to have feelings he never had before. He knew they couldn’t be ignored.

“I tried talking to several people on ship — I kept letting them know I have problems sleeping. I was having flashbacks to the war,” Lopez said.

Lopez said he pushed to seek help from people aboard the ship. The Marines, in fact, seemed to think he was pushing too hard.

Though Camp Lejeune declined to provide specifics, Lopez said the Marines later accused him of sexually harassing a female lieutenant while serving aboard the Ashland. Lopez said the charge isn’t true.

The Marines say Lopez initially required “medical restraints,” and some of his clothes were removed while he was detained at Camp Lejeune because he wanted to hurt himself.

Lopez said he didn’t want to hurt himself, either. He just wanted help.

“They made it worse,” Lopez said. “They didn’t destroy me, but they destroyed my career.”

The Coping column appears every other Tuesday. To suggest topics, write to Tom Davis, The Record, 150 River St., Hackensack, NJ 07601 or e-mail davist@northjersey. com. Please include your phone number with all correspondence.

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Swelling the ranks of an old crisis: our veterans

It was recently announced that according to Pentagon figures, more than 100,000 Middle East war veterans are likely to require mental health treatment in the years ahead. Typically, official bad news numbers are low, and the report explained that even if it’s accurate, the news is probably much worse than it sounds.

The New England Journal of Medicine studied members of four U.S. combat infantry units using an anonymous survey administered to thousands of subjects, either before their deployment or three to four months after their return from combat duty in Iraq or Afghanistan. In survey responses, major depression, generalized anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder ranked 15.6 percent to 17.1 percent after duty in Iraq, 11.2 percent after duty in Afghanistan, and 9.3 percent before deployment to Iraq.

Evidence shows that when post-traumatic stress disorder is military in origin, it is usually resistant to treatment and is often considered permanent. The kicker is that only about a third of the portion of those who admit a problem will seek mental health care; many don’t even realize the existence of the problem until they get home and realize they can’t hold a job, maintain a relationship, control their drinking, and/or exhibit signs of a condition known as “hypervigilance.”

These points only begin to expose the invisible problem, the true number of severely traumatized adults among us desperate for help but unable to ask for it. True exposure is realized later as their untreated problems surface in the forms of suicide, abuse of many sorts, divorce, and of straining the limits of hospital capacity and law enforcement. The subjects reported that their perception of stigma would be the major barrier to applying for mental health care and services; the study is recent but this is old news to the mental health-care community.

The mental health stigma is an ancient many-headed hydra that must be systematically dismantled so that the solutions may become accessible to those who need them, to open the door for our veterans who responded to the call to duty and who now so desperately need help themselves.

This can be accomplished by facing, teaching, revealing and explaining the human being’s vulnerability not only to the unspeakable violence of war but also, more to the point, to that of trying to survive in a society that does not accept the fact that mental disabilities are no more dishonorable than physical ones.

If Congress is willing to allocate hundreds of billions to support an illegal war based upon misinformation, perhaps it would consider starting to remedy the situation by allocating just a few of those billions to the war against misinformation that seeks to destroy us from within. Coming to recognize an enemy more insidious and threatening than terrorism, as it does not discriminate among those it decimates, would be a good start down the road to a much healthier future for all of us, and specifically for those upon whom, because of congressional actions, an unaffordable toll is being exacted.

Gilles Malkine is director of services, Action Toward Independence Inc., in Monticello.

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For Some, the War Won’t End

Editor’s Note: The following editorial from the New York Times demonstrates an ongoing assault against veterans.  Sally Satel of the American Enterprise Institute argues that many veterans who served in Vietnam are filing for compensation for post-traumatic stress solely in order to gain financial benefit. 

ACCORDING to a report from its inspector general, the Department of Veterans Affairs is now paying compensation for post-traumatic stress disorder to nearly twice as many veterans as it did just six years ago, at an annual cost of $4.3 billion. What’s more surprising is that the flood of recent applicants does not, for the most part, consist of young soldiers just returned from Iraq and Afghanistan. Rather they are Vietnam veterans in their 50’s and 60’s who claim to be psychologically crippled now by their service of decades ago.

This leads to an obvious question: Can it really take up to 40 years after a trauma before someone realizes he can no longer cope with the demands of civilian life? The answer: possibly, but it is often hard to know which applicants can be helped with short-term psychiatric care, which are seeking a free ride and which are truly deserving of the diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder and thus long-term care and payments of up to $2,300 a month for life. The task before the Veterans Affairs Department is to come up with criteria.

Medically speaking, there is some evidence to support what psychiatrists call “reactivated” post-traumatic stress disorder. The literature is dotted with cases of veterans of World War I, World War II and the Korean War who, after briefly showing signs of stress disorders in the immediate aftermath of their ordeals, led productive lives for decades before breaking down in their 60’s and 70’s. Little is known about the treatment of reactivated symptoms, but there is reason to be optimistic that patients will recover nicely in view of their having functioned well for so long.

But it’s also very likely that some of the veteran baby boomers who have filed claims in recent years did so not out of medical need but out of a desire for financial security in their retirement years. Indeed, 40 percent of last year’s claimants had been out of the military for 35 to 49 years.

In any case, the rush of applications for long-term disability entitlements reflects the extent to which the culture of the Department of Veterans Affairs since Vietnam has become fixated on post-traumatic stress disorder. While claims for all other forms of mental illness, like schizophrenia and bipolar illness, have declined by about 12 percent of patients at veterans’ hospitals over the last decade, the number of veterans receiving compensation for post-traumatic shock has nearly tripled.

Having worked as a psychiatrist at a Veterans Affairs hospital, I can attest to the good intentions with which the department created its post-traumatic stress disorder programs. But as the bureaucracy has become entrenched — and politicians and veterans’ groups have applied pressure — a culture of trauma has blossomed. If a veteran can demonstrate service in Vietnam and simply list a few symptoms of the disorder (terrifying nightmares, bad memories, anxiety, survivor guilt and so on), there is a good chance he will be granted the diagnosis and a tax-free monthly stipend.

The problem in giving a diagnosis so long after a patient saw combat is that it can be very difficult to know whether traumatic exposure was the true cause. Yet many Veterans Affairs doctors and officials simply assume that participation in war results, de facto, in post-traumatic stress disorder. Whatever other problems a veteran may have — alcohol abuse, erratic employment, domestic violence — are seen as a product of the war experience.

Surely some of these applicants have “never been right,” as their spouses often say, since their discharge from the military. Over the years they drifted further away from their families and communities. By the time they come to a veterans’ hospital for treatment, they are seen as having “malignant P.T.S.D.” — that is, severe symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder complicated by drug and alcohol abuse and other mental problems like depression.

The Veterans Affairs Department has to begin differentiating between several categories of delayed-benefit applicants. First are the chronically afflicted veterans who were probably damaged by the war but never got adequate treatment after discharge. These veterans fit the description of war casualties; their long-standing problems make them hard to treat, and thus they are good candidates for long-term care and subsidies.

The second group consists of those who are experiencing genuine “reactivated” symptoms from war trauma. Such patients will probably respond to therapy and not require long-term support.

Third are the veterans who managed to get diagnoses of post-traumatic stress disorder decades after their military service. They have made use of a system that has coalesced around the idea that combat is the root of all anguish. They deserve treatment to the extent that it can help, but rarely long-term disability payments.

As the department tries to distinguish among these groups, verification of exposure to trauma is vital. The inspector general’s office found that for one-quarter of Vietnam veterans claiming post-traumatic stress, the department could not confirm any incidents of traumatic stress. A study in a leading psychiatric journal last year could not verify such history in 59 percent. True, military personnel records are not perfect — a cook who endured a terrifying rocket attack on an airbase at which he was stationed may be unable to produce documentation of it. However, such records could indeed disprove the fabrications of a cook who claimed he was traumatized by a firefight on infantry patrol.

Most important, more rigor in diagnosing will conserve resources for veterans who are truly deserving. With a new generation of soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, the Veterans Affairs Department needs to look at post-traumatic stress disorder in a new way: the department must regard it as an acute but treatable condition. Only in rare instances should veterans be eligible for lifetime disability; and perhaps there should be a deadline of years after service by which claims must be submitted.

Someday, the diagnostic techniques may be sophisticated enough to help us parse the varieties of claimants; but for now we must be skeptical of veterans who file claims as retirement approaches. The Veterans Affairs Department should be spending its time and money helping our newest veterans now, when the psychological consequences of war have fresh meaning and patients have an excellent chance at recovery. Decades after a war is too late to make sense of post-traumatic stress disorder.

Sally Satel, a psychiatrist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, is a co-author of “One Nation Under Therapy.”

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Two Texas veterans running in tough congressional races

Two Texas veterans who have never run for public office say they are in tough congressional races for the same reasons they fought in Iraq: to help their country.

David T. Harris is trying to defeat the most powerful Texan in Congress: U.S. Rep. Joe Barton, chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee.

Van Taylor wants a chance to unseat U.S. Rep. Chet Edwards, the only Democrat in a competitive race who survived in office after Texas’ 2004 congressional redistricting – and in the district that includes President Bush’s Crawford ranch.

But that’s where the similarities end for the two candidates, who don’t know each other. They are among about a dozen veterans from the Iraq war or Afghanistan running for Congress this year nationwide. Most are Democrats.

Harris, a Democrat in the Army Reserves who served in Iraq 14 months, says he thought the war was a mistake then and now.

“Over time you’ve seen more and more things come out about Iraq, the pre-war intelligence, and it validates in your heart where you know you were lied to,” said Harris, 34, who teaches military science at the University of Texas at Arlington.

Taylor, a Republican in the Marine Reserves who fought in Iraq about four months, says he always supported the U.S. invasion and that troops must remain in Iraq “until the job is done” to win the war on terrorism.

“We’re fighting those guys every day, and taking our boot off their throat would be a terrible mistake,” said Taylor, 33, a Waco businessman who has an opponent in next week’s GOP primary election.

Harris, a Pennsylvania native, joined the Army in 1992. He was deployed to Iraq in early 2003, a few months after he transferred to the reserves.

“I knew this wasn’t the right place or the right time. We were still involved in Afghanistan, and now here we are taking on a second front,” Harris said. “But we all raise our right hand and take the oath, and we all have our marching orders.”

Harris’ unit provided convoy security and did reconnaissance missions but never experienced heavy firefights, he said. He saw soldiers frustrated and unprepared because missions kept changing and equipment was outdated or lacking, he said.

Harris said he doesn’t know exactly when troops should return but said lawmakers and military leaders must devise an exit strategy, just as they set a date for Iraqi elections.

“I think we have to live up to our pre-war promises and return the sovereignty back to the country of Iraq,” Harris said. “We have done our job there.”

Harris, who moved with his wife and three children to Arlington in 2002, said he decided to run in the Republican-leaning district because he believes voters will respond to his military experience and ideas on other issues – even though Barton, the longtime incumbent, has a hefty campaign account.

“The playbook went out the window,” Harris said. “The norms for political candidates are no more.”

Taylor, who grew up in Midland, joined the Marine Corps after graduating from Harvard in 1995. After four years of active duty, including a year on the U.S.-Mexico border, he joined the Marine Corps Reserves while earning an MBA from Harvard Business School.

Taylor said he was deployed to Iraq just before the March 2003 invasion, gathering information behind enemy lines and also rescuing 31 wounded troops. He said his platoon helped locate Army Pfc. Jessica Lynch, who was captured by Iraqis after a convoy ambush and later was rescued by U.S. military commandos.

“I have an appreciation for freedom that I didn’t have before,” he said.

Taylor said that last summer after he moved to the town of West from Dallas, a family friend approached him about running for the congressional District 17, which stretches from Burleson to College Station and includes Bush’s ranch near Crawford.

Taylor said some GOP leaders in the district also encouraged him. Taylor, who moved his real-estate and investment company to nearby Waco, said he moved to a small town because he wanted a better quality of life for his family.

Taylor has heftier campaign coffers than his opponent in the March 7 Republican primary: Calvert attorney Tucker Anderson, a former aide for U.S. Rep. Pete Sessions, R-Dallas.

Taylor, who is married with two children, said his experience as a veteran who supports the war make him the better candidate.

“People in the district want to send someone to Washington to win the war on terror,” he said. “Cutting and running is not a plan to make the country safe.”

ON THE NET

David T. Harris campaign: http://www.followmetodc.com

Van Taylor campaign: http://www.vantaylor.com

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Personal Essay: To A Soldier

 

I saw you in the airport, in desert pattern combat fatigues, a duffle bag over your shoulder. Briefly, I saw myself in 1968, in this same airport, my head nearly shaved, my uniform looking like a clown suit on my skinny frame, on my way to Viet Nam.

You were surrounded by people, either not noticing you, not wanting to disturb you, or, in this all too Washington, DC way, not wanting to appear uncool by speaking to a stranger. No one ever spoke to me, either. I have spoken to others of you, to tell you to take care of yourselves and each other over there, or, if your boots were dusty and you looked tired, a “Welcome Home”.

I am touched and humbled by your willingness to serve, as our protectors, and as our ready armed forces. Many of you flocked to enlist when our country was attacked, because you believed that you would be going after the very people who attacked us. Perhaps yours was a purer motive than mine. I enlisted because I had dropped out of college and was faced with the draft. My chosen path was, in those days, one of least resistance.

We both grew up believing that it is the duty of Americans, particularly men, to serve our country in the military. There is an underlying message that we are to define ourselves as men in this light. My great-great and great-grandfathers were Confederates, both grandfathers were in WWI, my father was in WWII. My son served seven years in the army, and was medically retired with a disability.

Perhaps, like me and my peers in Viet Nam, you have found it a matter of practicality to accept the ethos of the warrior, because it is necessary for your survival in a hostile environment. You are justifiably proud of your competence and skills. The professionals who trained you in the arts of war, for their years and experience, are even more skilled than you, so you follow and respect them. Perhaps you are a professional soldier and choose to remain so.

For the soldier, it is your war, justified because you are in it. It is not your job to make foreign policy; it is your job to carry it out. If you relay radio messages, prepare meals for hundreds, or walk combat patrol, you do your job so that your buddy can do his. Your buddy is the most important person in your life; you do what you can for him, and you depend on him for your very life. When you cannot keep him from harm, you grieve.

Ours is the brotherhood of the soldier, a part of the universal human experience. The American soldier is still only a soldier, serving under arms to further what others have judged to be in the best interests of his country. If we read history, we should know that we share this experience with Israelites and Philistines, Roman legions, Moors, Napoleon’s divisions, and the men of every European and Asian nation having armies. No leaders have ever lacked men willing to fight, suffer and die for them, not Ghengis Khan, George Washington, Lincoln, Hitler, or Binh Laden. They all manage to convince us that we are meant to be part of a grand effort, of something far larger than ourselves, our families, and our village. They may appeal to fear, revenge for some wrong committed against you, or these motives may give way to hate, pure and simple.

Every soldier thinks that his cause is unique in human history, his devotion to that cause most justified, most righteous, most pure. Your enemy is the one trying to conquer the world, to anhihilate your people, to destroy your way of life, to enslave others. Our own cause seems without fault, built on unassailable logic and truth. I found a Nazi belt buckle among my father’s things. It had, above the Nazi eagle and swastika, the words, “Gott Mit Uns”. Soldiers have been all equally devoted, equally ferocious in battle, equally believing in a righteous God at their side, Crusaders and Arabs alike.

As terribly costly as WWII was, almost no one questioned the righteousness of the war, or its cost. The enemy was clearly attempting mass conquest, genocide, and unspeakable brutality. There was no disagreement on the necessity for bringing their depredations to an end.

When our country was attacked, we all agreed that it made good sense to go after the very people who attacked us, if for no other reason but so they would not do it again. We cheered you on, and we sent the best trained of you, special operations, to hunt them down.

Like my war, however, this expanded war, this invasion and occupation of Iraq, has become a war many good people question. As many of half of us in this country favor bringing it to a quick end. It is clear to the American people that those who wanted this war with Iraq have, for the most part, never worn the uniform you wear. We are not surprised when their children and other young people who claim to support this war would rather see you serve two and three combat tours than to serve themselves. In spite of rhetoric comparing the urgency and gravity of Iraq to WWII, the draft has not been instituted. The administration knows that this war does not have the support of the American people.

Why can I not accept the fact that war is an inevitable consequence of the human condition? Since our society, like every other one in history, is able to convince some of its members to fight and die while the rest of us go on about our business, why not let soldiers do what soldiers do, and assume victory or some vague semblance of it?

We sowed the seeds of this reluctance to go to war ourselves. We have created weapons so terrible, so unthinkably devastating, that we assume no one would dare to use them. We forgot an inevitable consequence of military technology, that whatever we have, someone else will copy, steal, buy or figure it out for himself. We could not prevent the old Soviet Union, Israel, India, Pakistan or North Korea from obtaining nuclear weapons. We ignored the warnings of the wise old general, Dwight Eisenhower, when he told us that the cooperation of industry, finance and the military, for profit would be a greater threat to our safety, way of life and our Constitution than would any other foreign power. We have not been successful even in preventing the proliferation of rapid-fire, high volume fire weapons among children in our own country. Weapons proliferation does not lower the stakes of our insatiable appetite for weapons, it raises the possibility of devastation beyond anything we can imagine. Diplomacy, intelligence-gathering, international cooperation have become more essential, not less. We simply have to learn to get along with the rest of the world, accept less than we’d like, give more than expected, and act as a more mature, more intelligent, more compassionate and wiser nation.

It is increasingly clear that the reasons for this war, like the reasons for my war, are fraudulent. Intelligence, military and diplomatic professionals have made this clear. Military adventurism is not “defending America” any more than I was defending my country in Viet Nam. “Weapons of mass destruction”, the links between Iraq and Al Qaeda, and the attempts to secure uranium have been found and proven to be untrue. No one can define to our satisfaction what “victory” is, and how we would know when we have achieved it. Like Vietnam, a victory of sorts might be possible by using the weaponry available to lay waste to an entire country. Both then and now, we stop short of doing the unthinkable. History is strewn with the shame of the Japanese in Nanking, the Russians in Berlin, the Holocaust, and My Lai. We know better, we claim to stop short of inflicting intentional suffering and death on citizens not involved in combat.

We share the experience of being under arms in a country where we are not welcome. The most cursory reading of military history makes clear the tremendous risk of forcing an opponent to defend his own home territory. If another power were to attempt to occupy the continental United States, your father and I would be hanging their blackened bodies from the nearest bridge. I suppose they would term us something like “insurgents”.

You know right from wrong. The military has its standards of decent treatment of prisoners of war and non-combatants. You had the classes I had on the Geneva Convention and rules of engagement. No one has voted to repeal these minimal standards of human decency. Most of the US Senate has, in fact, voted to uphold them. People who have never worn the uniform insist that torture and detention without charges are lawful, and do not consider that such treatment might also be inflicted on our own young men and women.

For Warrant Officer Hugh Thompson in 1968, decency was more important than looking good for his superiors. He reported the My Lai massacre and would not be dismissed by the brass. Sp4 Joe Darby blew the lid off the abuse of prisoners, many of them innocent, at Abu Ghraib. He acted on what he knew to be right, as did the CID soldiers to whom he reported it. Military JAG officers, as attorneys, know that holding people without representation at Guantanamo is wrong; they are right to question it. Temporary soldiers have been known to act with more professionalism than professionals.

The yellow ribbon you see on the backs of cars says “Support the Troops”. The word “troops” has no legitimate singular form. Political leaders and generals like to think in terms of troops. They cannot dwell on the individual suffering and death war entails. “Troops” implies a faceless, nameless mass, to be moved like chess pieces, instead of individuals, each life precious. I see implicit in the word a wish for the horrors of war to be left to military professionals and the willing, like us, so that the accountants, firefighters, teachers and brickmasons among us don’t have to deal with it. We don’t like to be reminded of the heat, danger and horrors you face every day. Like me in Viet Nam, you are “other people’s kids”, “troops”, kept at a distance, in the airport, when you come home wounded, and when you come home looking for a job.

For Viet Nam veterans, the yellow ribbon is a declaration that, regardless of how we feel about the justification for the war, that we will not allow you to be denigrated, ignored, and abused, as we were during and after Viet Nam. When that war became unpopular, we became unpopular. We veterans know that the war is not the fault of the warrior at whose feet we lay it.

This administration has responded to the welfare of soldiers only grudgingly, sometimes having to be shamed into recognizing your sacrifice. As soon as they committed our young people to war in Iraq and Afghanistan, they sought to reduce the budget of the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), the very government agency with the resources and experience to deal with the inevitable results of sending soldiers into combat. Some are looking forward to the dismantling of the VA, sneering at those good folks and the services they provide for veterans as an “entitlement program”. Recently, our government has engaged in a hand-wringing exercise over compensation and treatment for those suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. They seek to curtail the compensation paid to some who have been receiving this benefit from Viet Nam. PTSD is real, its effects are real, and recognized by mental health professionals. Treatment for so many will be expensive and, in some cases, lengthy. It is time to pay the piper. When we create veterans, we are obligated to your care. The yellow ribbons, when not accompanied by a firm commitment to deal with the consequences of sending you into harm’s way, are a pathetically hollow gesture.

Do not be pressured into denying PTSD, if you think you may be suffering from it. Keep a copy of your medical and mental health treatment records. If you are already separated from the military, seek out a Vet Center, a group of people like yourself who meet regularly with a mental health professional for support. PTSD is treatable. To the extent that it may interfere with getting and holding a job, you may be entitled to compensation for PTSD as a service-connected condition. See a veterans organization such as Disabled American Veterans to file and pursue your claim. The VA claims processing offices are understaffed; your compensation will not come quickly.

While you are in Afghanistan or Iraq, take care of each other, look out for each other and do your best to keep safe. We freely chose to be soldiers. We make the best of our situation, try to survive it, try to get others though it unharmed. Your mind is your own. Read and stay informed. Stay in touch with friends and family. If the military shuts down your blogs, then write letters. There are fine writers, poets, photographers, and artists among you. You must survive to tell your stories when you are back with us. The military experience will always be a part of you, even if you don’t choose to define yourself in terms of it. When we are no longer soldiers, the experience of war never leaves our dreams. We see our comrades, and hear their voices, sometimes even of our enemies.

My friends and I have sent letters and care items to those of you in the Middle East. We would deny you nothing that would make your life over there a little easier, a little more comfortable. What I cannot do for you is to accept the reasons for and the circumstances under which you were sent to Iraq. My gift to you today is to let you know that good people are working to bring you home.

Go back to school, using the education benefits you have earned. Choose your course of study and your life’s work carefully. Work for justice; work for peace. And, finally, be involved enough in your country’s government to be very, very sure before you commit soldiers to combat, before you allow people the age of your children to endure what you have endured, to suffer what you have suffered.

Welcome home.

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Slain soldier’s legacy: Changes in easing families’ losses

Three days before Army 1st Lt. Ken Ballard was killed by friendly fire in Iraq, he told his mom how “thrilled” he was about saving his hostile fire pay to buy a customized BMW.

It was going to be blue, he told Karen Meredith.

Ballard, who was attached to the 2nd Battalion, 37th Armored Regiment, 1st Armored Division out of Friedberg, Germany, didn’t live to drive his dream car. He was killed May 30, 2004.

But now Ballard has a different legacy, Meredith told Stars and Stripes on Tuesday: a revision of Army Regulation 600-8-1, the 164-page document that spells out the policies and required tasks that make up the Army’s response to casualty operations.

From the moment Meredith learned of Ken’s death, which she was wrongly told was caused by enemy fire, the grieving mother endured a heartbreaking series of mix-ups, oversights, and omissions related to the Army’s handling of her son’s death.

“It was 15 months of hell,” Meredith said in a telephone interview from her Mountain View, Calif., home.

Ballard is not the only casualty mishandled by the Army, critics say.

Much better known is the case of Pat Tillman, who gave up a multimillion dollar NFL contract with the Arizona Cardinals to join the Army Rangers.

Tillman was killed in a friendly fire incident in Afghanistan that the Army initially said resulted from enemy fire. His family has accused the Army of a cover-up; the incident is under review by the Army’s inspector general.

Meanwhile, “there are so many other families out there” who were shortchanged by the casualty process, Meredith said in a telephone interview from her Mountain View, Calif., home.

“I so worry about the young mother, or the immigrant family who can’t speak English well, who just gave up” when problems became insurmountable, she said.

The daughter of an Army lieutenant colonel, Meredith “was raised in the Army,” and would not give up.

To their credit, Meredith said, top Army leaders responded to her complaints.

“I think the senior leadership said, ‘This one’s bad, we better pick it apart,’” Meredith said. “I think they understood the magnitude of the impact on families, and they knew they had to do something.”

In September 2005, Army Secretary Francis Harvey met with Meredith to hear her story and to apologize.

He ordered a full investigation of her case, and, in October, a review and revision of the casualty operations manual.

One of the new regulation’s big changes is its attempt to rectify the lack of familiarity with the Army’s own regulations that seemed to be at the root of many of the mistakes surrounding Ballard’s death.

“If I could pick one thing” to improve the process, it would be training,” Meredith said.

The draft rules state that commanding officers will ensure that casualty assistance officers “are trained and certified to perform this sensitive mission prior to conducting an actual … assignment.”

Many of the other changes to policy are meant to improve the way next of kin are notified of deaths or serious injury, and then helped through the process of making funeral arrangements and maneuvering through the maze of paperwork necessary for the funeral and to obtain benefits.

For example, a new rule requires that all soldiers who first visit the next of kin must be on active duty.

Until now, the Army allowed any officer, warrant officer or senior noncommissioned officer in the rank of sergeant first class (E-7) or higher to notify next of kin, including Reserve and National Guard soldiers.

It is hoped the new rule will prevent a repeat of Meredith’s experience. Her “casualty assistance officer” was a young reserve military intelligence sergeant whose unit was about to be deactivated.

Instead of helping the bereaved mother navigate a bewildering forest of paperwork, “he abandoned me after 15 days,” Meredith said.

The new regulation also makes it mandatory for a military chaplain, or at minimum another soldier, to accompany the soldier notifying the family of a death or injury. Until now, the Army had no such rule, though notifications were often done by more than one soldier.

None of the other services are currently revising their casualty procedures, spokesmen said in telephone interviews Tuesday.

On Feb. 22, Meredith had yet to see the draft policy, but she had learned enough from the Army officials who visited her home to believe that “they really did listen to me,” Meredith said.

“To me, this [document] is Ken’s legacy,” she said. “Ken would say, ‘Good job, Mom’.”

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Rice faces questions about U.S. push for democracy in Mideast

RIYADH, Saudi Arabia – Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is encountering sharp questions as she tries to sell the Bush administration’s policy of promoting democracy in the Middle East.

Arab journalists want Rice to explain how the United States can push elections that brought Hamas, the radical Palestinian group, to power – and then turn around and try to isolate the group.

Arab leaders, at least those in Saudi Arabia and in Egypt, her first stop on a four-day tour, refused to cut off aid to a future Hamas-led government, as Washington had hoped.

And Arab secular opposition leaders in Egypt questioned U.S. support for the authoritarian regime of President Hosni Mubarak.

Rice left Washington on Monday evening with two goals: to sculpt a unified global message to Hamas that it must change course and negotiate peace with Israel, and to get Arab backing for a U.S. policy of confronting newly aggressive Iran.

Instead, she has encountered what appears to be deepening skepticism about U.S. goals and tactics. The questions have been magnified by last month’s seismic shift that brought Hamas, considered a terrorist organization by Washington, to power in a clean, democratic election.

“How is it possible to harmonize the U.S. position as a nation supporting freedom of expression and the right of people to practice democracy with your efforts to curb the will of Hamas and put pressures on other countries in this regard?” an Arab journalist asked Rice at a Wednesday night press conference in Riyadh.

“Why don’t you give Hamas a chance to express the will of people?” the journalist asked, repeating a version of a question Rice faced earlier in Cairo.

Rice replied: “For the United States, Hamas is a terrorist organization. We cannot give funding to a terrorist organization. It’s really that simple.”

The United States has announced that it will cut off all but humanitarian assistance to the Palestinians once Hamas forms a government, unless Hamas changes policies toward Israel. Hamas is sworn to Israel’s destruction.

It could take Hamas a month or more to form a new government.

Rice has found no support for the hard-line U.S. position so far.

Arab governments, whose citizens are deeply sympathetic toward the Palestinians’ struggle, are wary of doing anything that would be seen as punishing them.

Saudi Foreign Minister Saud al Faisal indicated that Saudi Arabia wouldn’t cut off its assistance.

“We wish not to link the international aid to the Palestinian people to considerations other than their dire humanitarian needs,” Saud said at a news conference with Rice. He questioned whether it would be possible to provide basic humanitarian aid while avoiding large-scale development projects, as Washington says it will do.

Rice met for two hours and 20 minutes with Saudi King Abdullah.

A senior U.S. official accompanying Rice said the Saudis said they wouldn’t terminate a monthly $15 million payment that goes to the Palestinian government, via the Arab League. The official requested anonymity to describe private diplomatic exchanges.

The United States and the Saudis, he said, are looking at ways to steer funding to the office of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. Abbas was elected last year, but Hamas trounced his Fatah party in January parliamentary elections.

Eight months ago, Rice went to Cairo and announced that the United States, after a half-century of warm ties with Arab autocrats, was putting a premium on political and economic reforms.

Since that time, Islamic groups have surged in polls in Egypt, Iraq and the Palestinian Authority, easily beating weak secular, pro-Western parties.

The bombing of a major Shiite Muslim shrine in Samarra, Iraq, on Wednesday was a fresh reminder of the potential for ethnic conflict as the United States tries to nurture democracy in that country.

Rice emphasized that “the United States remains strongly – and I want to underline strongly – committed to democracy.”

Yet her tone has seemed slightly more muted than in previous months.

She acknowledged “setbacks” and “disappointments” such as those in Egypt, where opposition leader Ayman Nour is jailed and security forces interfered in last fall’s legislative elections.

Several Egyptian activists with whom Rice met in Cairo on Wednesday morning said they were being repressed by Mubarak’s regime. Rice also met with Mubarak and his intelligence chief.

Hala Mostafa, a dissident member of Mubarak’s National Democratic Party, held up for Rice a copy of a state-owned magazine, Rose al Youssef, that attacked liberals by name. The practice is common in Egypt’s state-dominated media.

“If you are really serious about (reform), you should criticize this,” she told Rice.

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Strain and battle fatigue of war hit home front

The situation at Robins, where thousands of workers repair military aircraft, is a case study on how the war overseas has affected those serving on the home front. Here, a different kind of strain and battle fatigue has surfaced, often in startling ways.

The wounded came not from engaging the enemy, but from scores of workplace injuries that increased as the war intensified. The low morale was measured in rises in drunken driving and domestic abuse, discrimination complaints and lost productivity. Most dramatic were the suicides — double the national rate in 2004 — and murders on the base, the first in Robins’ 65-year history.

“We do have the rigors of a wartime mission,” explains Lt. Col. Dan Mokris, the base safety officer. “We just have to do it right here.”

No one believes the fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan is to blame for all the problems at Robins. Indeed, there’s no way to know for certain how much the hostilities play a part. Maj. Gen. Mike Collings, who has spearheaded the effort to cure the ills here, is convinced that the Pentagon needs to take note of what happened at Robins the problems and the efforts to address them — as the military tries to reinvent itself while fighting a protracted war.

Stress at the base built as Defense Department demands for a leaner, meaner and more efficient military grew, base officials say. When Collings came to the base in 2004, he says workers were cutting corners, compromising safety and focusing on war production at all costs. “Morale,” he says “was in the pits.”

People felt that they were being asked to do more and more and more and more and nobody necessarily worried about giving them the right training and making sure that they did their job correctly,” he says.

After U.S. forces invaded Afghanistan and Iraq, the demands of war exacerbated the challenges of trying to modernize and streamline the military, Collings says. As a consequence, he says, the needs of those at Robins were neglected, and the troubles at the base began to swell.

“Whether you’re talking about the soldier in the field who’s getting ready to take the next bunker, the fighter pilot, the maintainer who is turning wrenches on the flight line, the engineer doing software development here or Ronnie who works in the paint shop,” Collings says, “if you don’t have their heart and their belief that you are leading them in the right direction, it’s a non-starter.”

A steady state of change

Robins covers 13 square miles. Its 26,000 employees make it one of the largest employers in the state.

At its core are the almost 15,000 workers of the Air Logistics Center under Collings’ command. The center is tasked with keeping America’s fleet of heavy transport aircraft flying supplies, troops and missions into Iraq and Afghanistan. Air Force C-130s, C-17s and massive C-5 jets — the largest cargo aircraft in the U.S. arsenal — are in various states of repair across the base. The center also does maintenance on Air Force F-15 fighter planes.

Many are keenly aware of the role they play in the war. “I find myself trying to see if I can recognize a serial number on TV (war coverage) of an airplane from work,” says Greg Horton, 39, a sheet metal worker on C-130 aircraft.

Beginning with the Persian Gulf War of 1990-91, through operations in Bosnia and Serbia during that decade and the monitoring of no-fly zones over Iraq, the base has been on a near-continuous war footing. The fighting in Afghanistan and Iraq made the situation all the worse.

Combat deployments increased. Base closings in the 1990s brought new civilian workers to Robins, and many of them were disenchanted with relocating from California or Texas to central Georgia. Repair schedules were accelerated. Departments merged and then were re-organized; workers answered to new bosses.

The strain of war combined with the changes created a “perfect storm of events” that worsened stress and undercut morale, says George Falldine, the base’s longtime planning director.

Grease board messages reminded workers when they fell 20, 30 or 50 days behind schedule on an airplane. Delays grew particularly severe with older model C-5A cargo jets. When base closings brought the regular overhaul of C-5 aircraft to Robins in 2000, repair work slowed from roughly 250 days per jet to nearly 400. The average time for overhauling C-130H cargo planes has been longer than the 135-day target for each of the past four years.

“It just seems like you’re in a steady state of change. And yes, that does add stress,” says Barry Shepherd, 46, a hydraulic mechanic who works on C-130 aircraft. “And of course the war does add more because you have to be able to run these aircraft out much quicker.”

Across the base, there were signs the workforce was fraying.

Informal discrimination charges by civilian employees were at record levels in 2000 and 2001, and formal written complaints peaked in 2002. More than 1,000 union grievances were filed in 2000. A year earlier, 136 unfair labor practice complaints were filed, a 20-year high. Unfair labor complaints rose again to 111 three years later.

In June 2003, Robins had the highest number of lost workdays due to injury of any U.S. military installation of its size anywhere in the world.

Cases of child abuse among the base’s 6,000 military personnel more than tripled — from 25 in fiscal year 2001 to 83 in FY 2004. Incidents of spousal abuse increased from 41 in FY 2001 to 63 three years later. The base began tracking drunken driving arrests in 2003 among military personnel. The arrests increased from 63 that year to 73 in 2004.

Deaths were turning point

When he became head of occupational medicine at the base in 2004, Sanford Zelnick recalls weeks when at least one distraught employee came to him for counseling each day. Their problems included conflicts with co-workers or a supervisor, or concerns about work assignments. “I would see people in here who were crying,” he says.

But the deaths, particularly in 2004, prompted base leaders to focus on the work environment and culture.

The first murders in base history occurred on July 5, 2004. Senior Airman Andrew Witt, dressed in camouflage and armed with a combat knife, attacked and stabbed to death another airman and his wife. Witt, 23, is awaiting execution at a prison in Fort Leavenworth, Kan. Witt had been feuding with the couple after trying to kiss the wife two days before the murders, according to trial testimony.

A month later, Senior Airman Gregory Class, 24, was arrested and accused of beating to death a 17-month-old boy he was babysitting. His trial is pending.

And six people committed suicide that year, all in a period of seven weeks.

From 2002 to 2005, at least 24 deaths involved workers or residents of the base, including 15 suicides and six homicides blamed on airmen.

The most recent suicide was James Sturdivant, 43, a former civilian worker who had hurt his back on the job and was struggling to get worker’s compensation for corrective surgery. On July 22, he walked into base headquarters, sat at the personnel director’s desk and shot himself in the mouth with a 9mm pistol.

Another was Airman 1st Class Jeremy Monat, 24, a member of Robins’ honor guard. He was anguished by a troubled marriage, a boss he considered overbearing and the constant pressure to perform better at work, says his mother, Mary Keller, of Lewiston, Mich.

When his tearful call to her ended abruptly the night of June 2, 2004, Monat wrapped a belt around his neck and hanged himself in his kitchen.

“He hated that base,” Keller says bitterly.

Many unit commanders are reluctant to blame the homicides or suicides on conditions at Robins. Rather, they see them as simply a string of unfortunate events. However, Beth Zeiger, a base psychologist from 2002-2005, says conditions may well have played a part.

“We’re talking about stress,” Zeiger says. “In each of these situations, you’re looking at someone who is not coping very well. … If they are feeling not supported in their workplace for some reason, or if they are feeling like they are not fitting in or they are unwilling to reach out for help, that is a stress that can be overwhelming and then some people make pretty poor choices.”

After the murders, suicides and the death of an airman who fell 50 feet while changing a light bulb in a hangar, base leaders took action. Chaplains were already busy with grief counseling, but suicide prevention classes were expanded. A “wingman” program, designed to encourage civilians to look out for each other, grew.

In a series of addresses to base workers, Collings began promoting what he described as a work environment that “puts people first.” He urged civilian workers to embrace Air Force military values of integrity and service before self. He promoted his concept through the slogan, “People First, Mission Always.” He introduced a fitness program for civilians that allowed them three hours a week to work out. A new gymnasium for civilian workers is under construction. Days off became rewards for improvement.

And early this month, more than 800 lower-ranking aircraft mechanics were offered the chance to earn immediate promotions with annual raises of $4,000.

1,635 problems documented

Most dramatic, Collings gained permission from Air Force headquarters to bring in about 250 veteran airmen from around the country in late 2004 to spend three months scrutinizing base operations. The concept was to learn where training and practice had gone awry and reverse the trend.

In a scathing report issued last year, the investigative team found 1,635 problems ranging from minor procedural errors to life-threatening hazards.

The 155 most serious wrongs included:

•Mismanagement of a maintenance shop where an aircraft part made of depleted uranium was stored. Workers were neither educated about the risks of radiation nor monitored for exposure levels. No complete inspection of the facility had been done since 2001.

•A grenade-launcher firing range that was nearly 200 yards too short. As a consequence, buildings used for training and portions of an obstacle course were susceptible to wayward explosives.

•Cases in which police working on the base sped and ran stop signs when there was no emergency.

This year, Collings says he will use the findings to begin a series of training sessions for civilian and military workers. He says his efforts and emphasis on workers and their morale are paying off.

Key indicators, such as labor and discrimination complaints, accidents and lost workdays because of injury and cases of drunken driving, child and spousal abuse are all trending downward. Programs designed to streamline the repair and maintenance of aircraft are reducing the time for overhauls. Maintenance on a C-5 was finished in a record 159 days early this month.

Perhaps most important: no suicides in more than six months.

Even so, all is not perfect. Only about 10{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} to 15{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of the civilian workforce is exercising, base officials say.

And during one of Collings’ troops talks last November, Leslie “Geri” Rogers, an inventory management specialist, complained about poorly trained supervisors and unhappy employees in an office that manages testing equipment. “There are very few people who are willing to stand up and raise a hand to a two-star general and I took that chance because morale is so bad,” Rogers says.

Collings says the lesson of Robins is clear.

“We could transform anything we wanted to,” he says, “But the only way you can sustain that is if you have complete buy-in from the people who are working. And it’s training. It’s taking care of them. And it’s their belief in a leadership that truly cares.”

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Father, son back home after tour

 Recently returned from Iraq, single father Jeff McFall and his son, Josh, support expanded outreach for counseling and other service, though they haven’t needed to take advantage of these services yet themselves.

Jeff, 43, and Josh, 21, both served in the 2668th Army National Guard Transportation Company, out of Sacramento, for a year, returning to the Peninsula in mid-December. Serving together required a waiver, but Jeff, who served in the Army in during the 1983 invasion of Grenada, wasn’t about to let his son serve without him.

“It was a no-brainer,” said Jeff, who raised his son as a single father from the age of 4. Both now live in Redwood City

Although both went through debriefing counseling that addresses issues such as not driving aggressively down the middle of the road as they’d been trained to do in Iraq, readjusting for them has mostly been a pleasant experience. “It has been nice not having to wear body armor or carry a weapon,” Josh said. Both also appreciate having running water again, they said.

Trained to provide support services by hauling cargo in trucks overland, the unit found itself instead escorting such convoys as armed gunmen with .50-caliber mounted machine guns because of a shortage of personnel.

At one point Josh’s squad was attacked with two improvised explosive devices, rupturing his platoon sergeant’s eardrum and filling his eye with glass. “It looked like the Fourth of July too close to the ground,” Josh said. After being evacuated to Germany for medical treatment the platoon sergeant was able to return, Josh said.

  

Jeff’s squad, made up mostly of more experienced soldiers, avoided any serious casualties.

Jeff said he worries that Americans don’t get to see much of the good work and progress being accomplished in Iraq, including the building of schools, roads and other infrastructure.

“I hope Iraq is going to be better off in the long run,” he said.

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