U.S. strips more freedom from citizens than terrorists ever could

U.S. strips more freedom from citizens than terrorists ever could

Saturday, August 6, 2005, Roger Duncan (from Blacksburg, Virginia, is an electro-optic engineer)

As I write these words, I’m sitting at a crowded gate at the Los Angeles airport awaiting the redeye to Roanoke. I’ve just gone through security screening, and I’ve rarely felt so violated. After waiting in line for 25 minutes to check in, I’m told I have to wait again for my bag to be X-rayed. Another 25 minutes.

Given the amount of free time I had, I decided to spend some of it contemplating what a thoroughly useless gesture the X-ray screening is. I understand the purpose is to prevent bombs from finding their way onto planes through checked bags, but the chances of actually detecting a bomb from someone who seriously wants to blow up an airplane must surely be minuscule. But I digress.

No doubt, its real intention is to make travelers feel better, subsidized by the taxpayers to the tune of God knows how much.

After clearing the X-ray line, it gets interesting. My boarding pass and ID are checked before proceeding to security. Then, they’re checked again by someone 15 feet away from the first checkpoint who saw me get checked the first time. Weird.

Then, the actual line for personal screening. Remove the laptop from its case. Simply can’t risk it blowing up. When it’s finally my turn to walk through the metal detector, the gentleman in charge of waving people through politely reminds me that it’s recommended that I remove my shoes.

Then, he reminds me again. I respond, “Yes, I heard you.” Another warning, this time less polite, “We strongly recommend you remove your shoes, sir!” Again, I respond, “I understand.” I walk through the metal detector uneventfully.

But my friend hasn’t forgotten my impertinence. “Now you’ve done it. You get to go through the special line!” The special line consisted of five solid minutes of probing with wands, patting down, spread this way, turn that way, etc. And I still had to take my shoes off. So, I guess what they mean when they say that shoe removal is recommended is that it’s required. Bizarre. They should just say that. It would’ve spared me a public probing that I could live without.

So, this is the legacy of 9/11. This is part of our fearsome response to the terrorists. We’ll inconvenience them. Doubly so if they don’t remove their shoes. The point of this rambling essay, and I can assure you it does have one, isn’t that one average Joe couldn’t be bothered to take his shoes off. It’s the whole security versus freedom issue. How can we legitimately claim that we’re preserving freedom when our response to terrorism is the exactly opposite of that?

After the collapse of the twin towers, our Congress, in a patriotic fervor (more exactly described as a mad panic), passed sweeping legislation that did more to strip away freedom from the American people than 1,000 flying bombs. The Patriot Act. The very name is cynical.

One observation I’ve made is how frequently we Americans confuse security and freedom. Here’s an example.

The war in Iraq was justified by claims that Saddam had weapons of mass destruction and he might use them on us, or he might give them to terrorists to use on us.

Neglecting for a moment the morphing nature of the justification for the war, we were, and are, daily informed that our soldiers over there are fighting for our freedom.

In fact, this isn’t true. They’re fighting for our security, and even the truth of that is dubious at best. The only time a war becomes about preserving the freedom of a nation is when the nation is in some way threatened with the loss of said freedom.

Despite his presumed madness and regardless of the number of WMD he did or didn’t have, Saddam didn’t have the power to remove a single iota of freedom from any American. No action he could take could conceivably result in a loss of freedom. There was never even the slightest of chances that we would see an Iraqi invasion force land on our shores.

Now, one may be able to argue that his remaining in power hypothetically threatened Americans. But taking someone’s life and taking someone’s freedom are two different things. Saddam could only kill me; he couldn’t take my freedom. So logically, it isn’t freedom that our troops are fighting for, but security. But I suppose that makes a somewhat less poetic rallying cry.

Now, the president is a different story. He can actually take away a great deal of my freedom. And boy, has he been busy!

Ironic that we’re actually called to sacrifice portions of our freedom for the Patriot Act, and the justification is that it preserves freedom. Talk about Orwellian.

Bush and his cronies are therefore, logically, the real enemies of freedom. Lest you think me a member of the John Kerry fan club, I think it’s fair to say that there are no greater enemies of freedom than the liberals. I just think that, in this case, ol’ W is giving them a run for their money.

So, let’s be honest with ourselves in this debate. Let’s not lie and proclaim “Give me liberty or give me death!” when what we really mean is “I’m a coward; I surrender the freedoms my forefathers died for in order to save my miserable hide!” Is that not, after all, exactly what we mean?

“In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act.” — George Orwell, “1984.”

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PENTAGON RELEASES MORE PHOTOS OF WAR CASUALTY HONOR GUARDS

The Pentagon has released more images of the honor guard ceremonies for American war casualties, and agreed to process “as expeditiously as possible” ongoing Freedom of Information Act requests for such images, as part of a settlement of the FOIA lawsuit brought by University of Delaware professor Ralph Begleiter with legal representation from the National Security Archive and the firm of Jenner and Block.

On July 18, the parties filed a joint status report. On July 20, Begleiter received from the Department of Defense a CD containing more than two dozen images that had been censored in the April 2005 release of 721 images, as well as five photographs that were not previously released. On July 22, he received the Pentagon’s written assurance that it would continue to process further FOIA requests for images and video of honor guard ceremonies taken in the period since the lawsuit was filed. On July 28, the parties filed with U.S. District Judge Emmett Sullivan their joint agreement to dismiss the case, and this week received the court’s assent to the dismissal.

Ralph Begleiter, the long-time CNN correspondent who is Rosenberg Professor of Communications and Distinguished Journalist in Residence at the University of Delaware, stated, “The Pentagon’s decision to release these images is a significant victory for the honor of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in war for their country, as well as for their families, for all service personnel and for the American people. I applaud the government’s decision to abide by the law – the Freedom of Information Act – without forcing a court order in the case; it’s always better to avoid contentious litigation by making the right decision.”

Thomas Blanton, director of the National Security Archive at George Washington University, said, “We joined this lawsuit with Ralph because the Pentagon claimed any release of the honor guard images was a mistake and contrary to policy. Thanks to the Freedom of Information Act, we won this lawsuit, not just for the principle of open government, but also for the public honor and respect that is due to our fallen soldiers. Hiding these ceremonies is just wrong.”

Daniel Mach, counsel at the law firm of Jenner and Block who represented Begleiter pro bono in this case, commented, “Public access to images of war, and its costs, is crucially important in a free, democratic society. The Pentagon’s release of hundreds of previously undisclosed photographs not only helps promote that access, but also honors the ultimate sacrifice of the nation’s fallen soldiers.”

The newly released images are posted on the National Security Archive website, at www.nsarchive.org, together with the legal documents in the case, the 721 previously released images, a chronology of events, and a history of the Pentagon’s ban on photography of the honor guard ceremonies, which dates back to an order by then-Secretary of Defense Richard Cheney just prior to the first Gulf War in 1991.

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A Soldier Speaks: Zechariah

Editor’s Note: As of August 4, 2005, 1,821 American troops and between 22,500 and 100,000 Iraqi civilians have been killed in the war in Iraq. Domestically, the bill for the war has reached $204.6 billion.

This is the first in a continued series of profiles of some of the tens of thousands of Iraq War veterans who have come home bearing the scars of battle — emotional and physical wounds that may never heal unless the nation pays them the attention and care that they deserve. We at AlterNet believe it is the one issue that can and must bring us all together as Americans.

Zechariah, 25, of Lynnwood, Washington, enlisted in the Army when he was 21, and was deployed to Iraq from March 2003 to January 2004 with the 173rd Airborne Brigade as a medic.

Zechariah grew up in a military family; both his mother and father were medics in the Army. Zechariah wanted to work in the medical field as a nurse, but couldn’t afford school. So he signed up to be a parachute infantry medic for the job experience, money for school, and a little adventure.

He spoke to AlterNet about the war, his hopes and fears, and the hard road ahead.

What were you told were the reasons for the war in Iraq when you first began your duty?

The only thing that we had really heard was that Saddam was hiding weapons of mass destruction and we were going to go and oust him and find them.

I knew about the gassing of the Kurdish population in northern Iraq and was scared of being attacked while on the ground there with chemical and biological weapons. I highly doubted that they had any type of nuclear weaponry though, so I wasn’t worried about that. I think if Saddam had that stuff, he would have shown it off with either a test or public display. He was a pretty arrogant person, in my opinion.

Did your beliefs change once you were participating in the war?

I think my beliefs had changed once we were on the ground. Within days we had seized all of the oil fields in northern Iraq and our primary mission was to protect them. Bush had said this war wasn’t about oil, but there I was defending oil fields at all costs in the middle of Iraq. A lot of the piping and workings of the fields had been destroyed by the fleeing army and before we even started to help the people by fixing the power or water supplies, they had construction crews trying to get everything up and running on the oil fields.

They say this war isn’t about oil. How about they go and trade places with one of the soldiers that would love to come home, and see what’s going on around the oil refineries and see how much work is being put into them and how little is being put into restoring power and water. My brother just got back [from Iraq] and said they still only have power and water for maybe five to six hours out of the day.

I also worked with a lot of the local hospitals. The whole time we were there, the hospitals kept getting worse and worse. They never had any supplies or new machines installed. Even some of the more simple machinery, like X-ray machines, were never replaced. Every time I went into one of the hospitals I almost emptied my aid bag so they could have sterile catheters and needles. I couldn’t believe my eyes to see that they were having to reuse these supplies because they couldn’t get replacement equipment. They didn’t even have soap.

All of this helped me to see where the priorities in this war were. Obviously, not in the people.

How were some of your experiences interacting with local Iraqis?

We lived in a normal house in a neighborhood that was pretty helpful. They always told us that as long as we protected the neighborhood, they would do all they could to help us. Whenever we got attacked, some of the neighbors would normally know where they came from. They also gave us tips whenever they happened to hear of something weird going on. We worked pretty heavily with the Turkmen [Turk] populations and the Kurdish populations. Both were very friendly.

We personally re-supplied three schools in a Turkmen [Turk] neighborhood through family donations and personal contributions for the help they gave us in finding weapons, caches, and insurgent hideouts. They invited our whole platoon to a dinner and dance put on by the school of elementary-age students for our help. My brother said they aren’t friendly to U.S. forces anymore. I’m sure we wore out our welcome in the past year.

Did you ever express dissent? Did any soldiers express dissent or not agree with the reasons for the war once they were actively participating in the war?

I never expressed any dissent towards anyone above me or towards a mission. My squad leader and platoon sergeant were both really outspoken people and when a command or operation came down to us, they were really good about saying that was a stupid or suicidal mission and find someone else to do it.

One mission in particular changed even our Company Commander’s (CO) views. We were ordered to do a mission that was not Army protocol and would be dangerous if done that way. We were forced to do it and we lost three soldiers in two minutes. After that our CO was very vocal and active in how missions would be done.

Orders would come down from some officer sitting in an office that had never left the wire and had no idea how the city and its people and the insurgents work. After that night, our Commanders and Platoon Sergeant were really good about “making slight” changes to plans so that it would be more safe for their men. They would get in trouble, but it came down to the fact that they planned on seeing their families again.

How did you maintain your strength to finish your service when you found yourself questioning the war?

I questioned the war from the start so the whole thing was hard. Especially after watching one of my really good friends that I had trained day in and day out with for the past three years die while I was trying to do all I could to make sure he made it home to his wife and for what reason? Kyle saved my life that night by taking fire that was intended for me. After Kyle’s death, I just counted the days. I didn’t really care anymore. I was saddened to know that so many more were going to have to experience what I had done and seen.

Before that, I thought about what I was going to do when I got home. Daydreams, lots and lots of daydreams. I’m really into motorcycles so I read lots of motorcycle magazines and made lists of parts to buy with my pay and mapped out rides that I wanted to take — anything that would take my mind off of the frustrations of being there.

After six months of being there, I knew that we were fighting a people that would never give up and we could never beat. I didn’t blame them either. One of the Turks put it into perspective for me. What if one day, here in Seattle, I looked up and there were Iraqis falling out of the sky in chutes invading the U.S. He asked what I’d do. I thought about it and I’d be doing exactly what they were doing to us over there.

Were you ever informed of an exit strategy while you were on active duty?

An exit strategy? They couldn’t even figure out what day we were going home, let alone the whole entire military. We initially went, being told to only take enough supplies for 90 days. Three months later, we were told another month, then another month, and another. Finally, seven months into it, we were told that they had no idea as to when we were going home. At about the 10-month mark, they finally said that we would be doing a full year and the good news was we only had two months left.

This game of when we were going home wreaked havoc on the morale of the troops about as bad as being attacked day in and day out, and living off of MREs [Meals Ready to Eat] for a year — they have a shelf life of something like 14 years I think.

How do you feel about the need for an exit strategy now?

I still feel just as strong about the need for an exit strategy as before. We are not going to win this war. The longer we are there, the more people are going to join the fight against us. We asked detainees why? Most said because they had lost a family member. So, if we figure that most families are three to four people and every time we kill one insurgent, they recruit two to three new members that may have not hated the U.S. until they lost a family member by their hands. It’s the same as if they invaded here. Most households have a weapon in the house. That’s millions and millions of weapons and people that are willing to protect their family and country from foreign invaders. They won’t give up until we are all gone off of their soil.

Do you remember your feelings on your last day of active duty?

Yes. I still feel them every time the topic of Iraq comes up, or it pops into my mind. I felt elated to have survived, but then I felt guilty for surviving when so many in our unit hadn’t made it home. Three of these were personal friends. I sat on the flight out of Iraq and asked why was I chosen to make it and why were these guys not allowed to go home. I thought before I went to Iraq that I would come home feeling like a hero. All I felt on that flight home was shame, guilt, and sadness. I still feel the same a year later.

What do you think about Secretary Rumsfeld’s projection that we could be in Iraq for another 12 years?

I think he needs to spend some time over there and see how out of control it has gotten in just two to three years. If he thinks that we are going to somehow magically regain control of that country, he really has no idea as to the severity of the situation over there.

Also, within two to fours years they won’t have a large enough army to fight anything with the enlistment and re-enlistment rates that I’m hearing. I got out and I will never go back there. My brother is getting out also because of the mess over there. I took an oath to defend my country when I enlisted. Iraq has nothing to do with defending my country. I didn’t sign up to defend someone’s personal interests, whatever it may be.

How are you doing now?

I have nightmares almost every night involving Iraq and those that died. I have been working with someone that specializes in war PTSD [Post Traumatic Stress Disorder]. She has helped me understand the dreams and keep them from being triggered. They don’t bother me in the daytime anymore. I wake up, think that was another bad dream and then go on with my day. For a couple of months I would only sleep for two to three hours a night and I finally decided I couldn’t do this anymore.

I’ve been going to school knocking out all of the prerequisites for the RN [nursing] program at one of the local community colleges and restoring a vintage VW [Volkswagen] Bug. I should be applying [to go to school] this fall depending on how my summer courses go.

Are you getting the services you need to transition back into civilian life?

Yes, but it is getting harder. For some reason the funding for my PTSD counselor has just been stopped and I have to go and meet with her to figure out what hoops I have to jump through now to get it reactivated again. It’s supposed to be free for two years but about every two months things change and it gets cancelled and I have to do something different to go back and meet with her.

Have you been reconnecting with old friends and family members? Do you miss any fellow soldiers you met in Iraq?

I am back here with my family. As to old friends, I’ve found that I like to keep to myself. There are a few that I see every now and then, but I’d rather just hang out with my brother and my girlfriend who has gone to some of the meetings to understand what’s going on with my head at times.

I have heard from a few of my old Army buddies, but it’s weird. I can’t explain why yet. I just know that when I talked to the guys that were my brothers while in Iraq, I feel like a traitor or ashamed. Being their medic or “doc” was the best feeling in the world, but when soldiers die in your care and my platoon watched as I tried to do what they were counting on me to do, I felt like I lost their respect.

I did do good things. One of the guys I worked on lost his right arm, but had it successfully re-attached and almost full use of it again. But just losing that one in front of everyone made me feel detached from them. I miss them, but I couldn’t look them in the eyes or spend an evening drinking with them if I ran into them. I feel like a failure in their eyes, I guess.

Looking back, is there anything you wish you knew, that you weren’t told?

I think the hardest thing that I know now that we were never trained for was the loss of friends, and to see them go in front of you. We train as if [we’re] machines with no emotions, but once it happens and you see every thing unfold in front of you, with people you know better than your own family, it is really destructive to your emotions and morale. I remember after Kyle was killed, I sat in my sleep space and cried for almost an hour praying that this would end and I was on my way home over and over. I know now that it’s easier to work with those that you have no emotional ties [to]. If I had to go back, I would tell the platoon that I got assigned to that I don’t want to know anything about you. I’m here as your medic and that’s it. It is really hard to work on those you know. I can do a better job of putting you guys back together if I don’t know you.

Is there anything you would like to add?

I keep hearing that the troops’ morale is high over there. When you have a high-ranking officer standing next to you prepping your answers, it’s hard to speak your mind. We weren’t allowed to talk to media unless a Major or above was with us to prep our answers and screen certain questions.

I couldn’t tell you of a single soldier that was excited to be in Iraq having rockets shot at them and IEDs blowing up their friends on a daily basis. Some of these guys are on their third or fourth tours over there. Do you really think they are excited to be in the 130 degree desert, living off of MREs, missing their children being born, watching friends die, praying they aren’t next.

President Bush, like Cheney, obviously has no idea as to what is going on over there and doesn’t care. This whole thing about taking the fight to the terrorists has got me mad. He already proved to us and himself that Iraq wasn’t a threat and that they had no WMDs and he is still trying to say they were terrorists and we need to stop them. They weren’t terrorists until we killed off parts of their family. Now they are terrorists because they have lost something that the U.S. took from them, parts of their families.

Celina R. De Leon is a social justice journalist based in Brooklyn, NY.

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Four Years After Bush was Warned, ‘Where is bin Laden?’


Four Years After Bush was Warned, ‘Where is bin Laden?’

Al Qaeda to West: It’s about policies. In a broadcast Thursday, Al Qaeda’s Ayman al-Zawahiri blamed Tony Blair for the 7/7 attacks.

BAGHDAD – With an AK-47 at his side, Ayman al-Zawahiri, Al Qaeda’s No. 2, appeared in a videotape broadcast Thursday and claimed that the 7/7 bombings were payback for British participation in America’s “policy of aggression against Muslims.”

The video is another Al Qaeda message apparently intended to turn Western democracies against their leaders by explaining acts of terrorism as rational decisions from a group with specific political goals. It challenges the position of British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Bush administration officials, who have insisted that the London attacks have nothing to do with Iraq and that terror attacks will continue regardless of policy.

“By linking the bombings to Iraq, he basically sent the message that no matter what Blair says, Iraq is the reason,” says Bob Ayers, a counterterrorism expert at Chatham House, a think tank in London. “He’s calling Blair a liar.”

This latest tape was released on a day when an unprecedented police security operation was under way in London.

While Mr. Zawahiri didn’t directly take credit for the London attacks, he promised more attacks on Britain, the US, and other allies, saying “tens of thousands” more American troops will be killed in Iraq if there isn’t an immediate withdrawal.

It was one of three taped statements, all aired on Al Jazeera, that Zawahiri has made since the end of February, a pattern of rising communication from the Al Qaeda leaders that appears to belie statements from Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf that Osama bin Laden and his aides are on the run.

Zawahiri, an Egyptian exile whose terrorist career began at home and who hates the Egyptian regime of Hosni Mubarak, did not mention the terrorist attack on Egypt’s resort town of Sharm el-Sheikh on July 23. The omission, analysts speculate, suggests the tape was made before the Sharm attacks, and the second subway attacks in London.

While some of his audio and video tapes seem generally targeted at mobilizing Al Qaeda’s “base,” filled with Islamic illusions and glorification of martyrs designed to reassure adherents and draw new members, this communication from Al Qaeda’s chief ideologue falls into a category of tapes that targets primarily a Western audience.

Rather than casting his jihad as an inevitable clash of civilizations, he frames acts of terrorism as justified by the US-led wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and offers to end attacks on the West if a full withdrawal is made from “Muslim lands.”

“Blair has brought to you destruction in central London, and he will bring you more destruction, God willing,” Zawahiri said, addressing the British people.

“As for you Americans, what you have seen in New York and Washington, what losses you see in Afghanistan and Iraq, despite the media blackout, are merely the losses of the initial clashes,” he said. “If you go on with the same policy of aggression against Muslims, you will see, God willing, things that will make you forget the horrors of Vietnam and Afghanistan.”

“To the people of the crusader coalition … our blessed Sheikh Osama has offered you a truce so that you leave Muslim land. As he said you will not dream of security until we live it as a reality in Palestine,” he said. “Our message to you is clear, strong and final: There will be no salvation until you withdraw from our land, stop stealing our oil and resources and end support for infidel [Arab] rulers.”

Analysts cautioned that Zawahiri’s statement is not evidence of direct Al Qaeda knowledge of the London attacks, and said it probably fits into Al Qaeda’s evolution into an ideological motivator, rather than organizer, of attacks.

“Such messages are usually a call-to-arms, sort of top-down guidance to go forth and do your thing,” says Ayers. He says while Al Qaeda was “tightly organized” before the invasion of Afghanistan, the dispersal of members since has left a “confederation of groups that adhere to the same fundamental principles…. essentially they are functionally autonomous groups.”

Magnus Ranstorp, a terrorism expert at St. Andrews University in Scotland, agrees. “This is more of him rallying the troops – giving the green light to carry out attacks…. Here we have a clarion call to action. It is serving as an inspiration for like-minded extremists.”

Some analysts, though, see it as an oblique claim of responsibility. “In many ways, this videotape can almost be seen as a claim of responsibility, bin Laden style,” says Evan Kohlmann, a terrorism expert and author in New York. “When Al Qaeda is responsible for a big operation like the embassy bombings, 9/11, or London, it is much more characteristic for them to issue a statement such as this one, hinting at Al Qaeda involvement without removing that shadowy mystical aura that Al Qaeda leaders love to propagate.”

Both Messrs. Kohlmann and Ranstorp point out that Zawahiri tapes are frequently followed by new attacks. “Zawahiri’s latest ode may once again herald renewed terrorist violence. Even beyond the West, countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Kuwait, and Pakistan are steeling themselves for possible future strikes,” says Kohlmann.

The coordinated bombings of Madrid’s train system in March 2004, which killed more than 200 people, came just days before elections in Spain that brought to power Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, who had vowed to pull Spanish troops from the US coalition in Iraq. Though it’s not clear whether that attack swayed voters enough to alter the result of the election, it’s seen that way on jihadi websites.

US intelligence analysts say it’s likely that bin Laden and Zawahiri are living in the mountains along the lawless border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, something that President Musharraf appeared to confirm at a press conference last month. He said Pakistani troops in the Waziristan region had obliterated Al Qaeda’s “command and communications” infrastructure, and said the group is now relying on couriers who take “months” to carry messages out of the region.

But this video was recorded since the first London attack, less than a month ago. It shows Zawahiri sitting on the ground, outside, with a brown backdrop. “It is also a reminder that the US has failed in its mission to bring the ultimate mastermind to justice,” says Ranstorp.

Ranstorp notes that Zawahiri has made repeated threats against Pakistan. “There is a duality to the message,” he says. “There’s the focus of making Iraq like Vietnam for the Americans, but there’s also a threat to Pakistan. It could accelerate the confrontation between Musharraf and the the extremist religious elements.”

Staff writer Mark Sappenfield in Washington and correspondent Mark Rice-Oxley in London contributed to this report.

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Web Site Displays Raw Uncensored Iraq War Footage

Web Site Displays Raw Uncensored Iraq War Footage See the War, After an Ad for the ArmyThis week the Web site ifilm.comintroduced a new “channel” called WarZone (www.ifilm.com/warzone) with film clips from World War II, Vietnam, Israel and Iraq. Looking at the selection of videos about Iraq, it’s hard to say which are scarier: the clips themselves or the advertisements that run with them.

Let’s start with the clips. Click on one, and first you’ll get an ad: as rain falls, a father speaks quietly to his son. “You’ve changed, man. … On the train back there, you did two things you’ve never done before … at least not at the same time. Shook my hand and looked me square in the eye. Where’d that come from?” The United States Army logo flashes on the screen.

Then it’s on to the clip you’ve chosen. From inside a car, you see a roadside bomb attack. The video, shot through the car’s windshield, begins with a speedy drive down a Baghdad road. After several seconds, there’s an orange explosion, then lots of yelling, gunfire and a shattered windshield. The written description explains that the victims of the ambush were members of a private British security firm. No one inside the car died, but one Iraqi outside did.

Next in the lineup is an Al Jazeera video of a missile attack on a British C-130 plane, as broadcast on MSNBC. It’s blurry and jumpy. You see a missile go up and then you see the wreckage. The talking heads cast doubt on the authenticity of the film.

Now it’s on to a promotional video for the Mahdi Army, a Shiite militia. The clip, nearly four minutes long, shows lots of guys, presumably recruits, waving guns. Much of it is boring, since you can’t understand what they’re saying. And before you can see it, you have to pay your dues once again. A young American tells his mother, “I found someone to pay for me to go to college.” Guess who.

If you want to watch the mujahedeen attack a Mi-8 chopper, first you must listen to a young man having an earnest talk with his father at a pool table: “I’m going to be part of something that’s important.” The father is doubtful. “Good training?” The son reassures him: “It’s the Army.”

A lot of the clips that fill the gap between the commercials (the Army is just one of many advertisers) are standard stuff, though there are a few horrific videos, set to music, made by soldiers and marines. (“Celebrating death is not the exclusive domain of beheaders and Al Jazeera,” the caption on one says.)

And some of the videos from the field are pretty unusual. In what appears to be an insurgent’s movie of his own sniper attack, an American soldier is felled, gets up, and then ducks and runs behind a jeep. You hear shouting in Arabic. The caption for the clip tells you that the victim, Pfc. Stephen Tschiderer of the Army, was not killed. In fact, he tracked down the assailant, wounded him and then gave him medical care.

A heart-thumping 33-second video titled “Ambush in Iraq” was shot from a vehicle attacked while speeding through traffic. The dialogue, yelled at the driver, gives a sense of the drama: “Go go go, go go go. … Big one. Watch the VW. … More coming, more on the route.” Then, finally: “It’s all right. Everybody’s good.”

One of the disturbing things about the combat videos is that there’s generally no mention of provenance. Why not? Many of the films shot in Iraq came in anonymously, explained Roger Jackson, ifilm’s vice president for content. Although the editors at ifilm look over submissions to weed out anything too ghoulish (like beheadings), he said, “we don’t interrogate the sources.”

Some of the clips critical of the war, though not all, are stashed in a special section within the WarZone channel called “Spin Zone.” There you will find a Norwegian rap group’s attack on President Bush, “Kill Him Now,” and a clip titled simply “Rumsfeld Caught Lying.”

Other antiwar clips are tucked away even further. They’re not on WarZone and can be found only by searching for “Iraq” from ifilm’s homepage. One is a short and biting history of Saddam Hussein’s long relationship with the C.I.A., set to the tune “Thanks for the Memory.” Another is a film clip from the documentary “The Ground Truth” in which soldiers who have lost limbs during the war discuss what happened. One woman’s leg was crushed because her Humvee had no doors.

But if you like to watch the Army’s toys at work, the “Latest” section of WarZone is the place to be. There you’ll find “angel decoys” that repel heat-seeking missiles, a “bunker buster” bomb, and an F-18 Hornet fighter racing against a Formula One car. You can even watch a couple having sex in a convertible as seen by an OH-58D surveillance camera. The video lasts nine minutes.

Watching these videos, you might start to think you have stumbled into a particular demographic group. You would be right. Mr. Jackson noted that ifilm’s audience is “60 percent male; it skews young, toward the 18-to-38-year-old group; and it’s overwhelmingly North American, some 90 percent.”

It’s not just entertainment. It’s a recruitment station.

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Extortion Racket: Military Says Troops Demanded ‘Rent’ From Iraqi Vendors

Extortion Racket: Military Says Troops Demanded ‘Rent’ From Iraqi VendorsBy Scott Gold, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer, 6:46 PM PDT, August 5, 2005

California Army National Guard troops charged unauthorized, off-the-books “rent” to Iraqi-owned businesses inside Baghdad’s Green Zone in Iraq to raise money for a “soldier’s fund,” military officials and sources within the troops’ battalion said Friday.

The disclosure is the latest to emerge from a wide-ranging investigation into the conduct of the 1st Battalion of the 184th Infantry Regiment of the Guard, which is headquartered in Modesto, Calif.

Military officials had confirmed previously that the battalion’s commander, Lt. Col. Patrick Frey, had been suspended and that one of the battalion’s companies, based in Fullerton, Calif., had been removed from patrol duties and restricted to an Army base south of Baghdad, the capital.

According to military officials and members of the battalion, soldiers from the battalion’s Bravo Company, which is based in Dublin, an East Bay suburb of San Francisco, approached several businesses earlier this year that were owned and operated by Iraqi nationals.

The businesses — a dry cleaner, a convenience store and the like — catered to U.S. soldiers and were located on the fringe of the U.S. military’s operating base inside the Green Zone, the fortified hub of the Iraqi government, U.S. occupation officials, embassies and contractor headquarters. The businesses were asked to pay the soldiers “rent.”

Lt. Col. Cliff Kent, spokesman for the 3rd Infantry Division in Iraq, confirmed Friday that two vendors agreed to pay.

The money was used to create a “soldier’s fund,” said one member of the battalion, who spoke on condition of anonymity. Such funds are used by troops for a wide variety of purposes, such as small loans to repay bills back home or buying commemorative so-called “challenge coins” — often specially minted to foster morale inside a unit. Kent said the fund created from the rent money also was used to buy T-shirts, patches and a safe. But if anybody have to consider the other option then ‘challenge coins’ then  they must have brought it from a reputable company who have challenge coins for sale.

Kent declined to discuss the incident further, stating in an e-mail from Iraq: “Specific details are part of the informal investigation which is administrative in nature and protected by privacy rules.”

There is considerable dispute about the financial arrangement — how much money was raised, how many soldiers were involved and how important the allegations are.

Army officials say the total amount was $4,000, but troops in the battalion have said the scheme raised more than $30,000. The investigation resulted in disciplinary action against one officer from the battalion’s Bravo Company. Army officials declined to disclose the officer’s name, and his identity could not be confirmed independently.

Army officials say they have no evidence that anyone else was involved beyond the disciplined officer. But members of the battalion, including one who has been briefed directly on the investigation, said that at least six soldiers played some role in the arrangement.

One member of the battalion said the consensus in the ranks was that, “This is not the kind of thing that you do alone.” Battalion members who discussed the matter did so on condition that their names not be used because they have been told by superiors not to talk about the subject with reporters.

Several soldiers have called the rental arrangement “extortion,” but Army officials insist that the word is not an accurate description of the relationship between the soldiers and the vendors.

Military investigators initially received reports that the scheme had been carried out on at least two other U.S. bases in Iraq, but officials said Friday that they have concluded that the arrangement on the Green Zone operating base was an isolated case.

At least three companies in the battalion, composed of about 680 soldiers, have been affected by the investigation into its conduct in Iraq.

The battalion’s Alpha Company, a 130-soldier unit based in Fullerton, has been the subject of the most serious portion of the investigation: that soldiers allegedly mistreated or abused Iraqi detainees in March.

Military sources have said that at least some of the mistreatment involved a Taser stun gun and was captured on videotape. Eleven soldiers have been charged in connection with the alleged abuse; the Army’s Criminal Investigation Division will determine whether the soldiers will face courts-martial.

Military officials also have confirmed that a leader of the battalion’s Delta Company, 1st Sgt. Robert Jones, was relieved of duty recently after being accused of threatening an Iraqi detainee by, among other things, shooting at a water heater during an interrogation. Delta Company is based in Oakdale, east of Modesto.

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Support the Troops: Especially When They Come Back with Substance Abuse Problems

Everyday I pass homeless people on the subway and streets. Many of them hold up signs saying that they served in the Vietnam War. Sometimes I don’t allow myself to think about it. I hand them a dollar and go back to reading my newspaper. When I do think about it, I try to imagine what these veterans have seen and been through.

What is it like to be shot at during war and know that any day may be your last? How does one deal with the pain of having friends killed in your arms? What does killing other human beings do to your emotional stability?

It is not hard to imagine how these experiences lead to self-medication and drug addiction. How could you not try to numb out the pain that must accompany fighting in a war? When passing homeless people, it seems clear that some of them have spent years dealing with substance abuse and mental illness.

I have been thinking about our current war in Iraq and wondering what the impact will be on the men and women fighting there. I get a shiver down my spine when I imagine what it would be like for me to leave my fiancée and family, depart the city I love and go fight in Iraq! It is horrifying to think of shooting at other human beings, seeing families getting blown up in cars and houses, feeling bullets whiz by me, seeing explosives take off the leg or arm of a close buddy. I couldn’t do it.

Seeing many Vietnam Veterans with mental problems who are often self-medicating with drugs, I have hypothesized that veterans from the Iraq war, many who are going through similar horrors, will also have similar problems with drug abuse. Many of us struggle with dependency on cigarettes, marijuana and alcohol, while attempting to cope with the pressures of our hectic lives, and obviously our problems are nothing compared to people coming back from Iraq missing a limb.

According to the military publication Stars and Stripes, my hunches are correct. In a July 25th story they report that alcohol and other drug use problems are common throughout the forces in Iraq. “Some of the young soldiers just can’t handle the stress and turn to alcohol or drugs to self-medicate”, said military defense lawyer Capt. Chris Krafchek.

Today in a story by the Associated Press, the Army’s Surgeon General said that a survey of troops returning from the Iraq war found 30 percent had developed mental health problems three to four months after coming home.

What is going to happen to all of these people who are suffering from depression and suicidal thoughts? Many will end up using drugs, as many of us civilians do. Now on top of everything else going on, many of these people are going to have to worry about getting caught with drugs and being arrested. Our prisons are already filled with non-violent drug offenders, many serving mandatory sentences of 15 years to life for small amounts of drugs. Service members being incarcerated and separated from their families because of a drug addition that is a result to fighting in Iraq will be yet one more instance of “collateral damage” of this war.

It is easy for people to buy a bumper sticker and demand that we “Support our Troops”. If we are going to walk the talk, we better be ready to offer compassion and treatment—not just a jail cell—when it comes to helping our brothers and sisters heal from the damages of war. Let’s hope that we support our current troops better than we supported the veterans who fought in Vietnam.

Tony Newman is the Communications Director at the Drug Policy Alliance, (www.drugpolicy.org) a non-profit working for a drug policy based on reason, compassion and justice.

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For combat-weary Marines, each stint adds to the strain

The day the Marines crossed into Iraq, Cpl. James Welter Jr. killed his first man. During his second combat tour, he earned a commendation for leadership skills and coolness under fire, but he brought a nightmare home. Now, with six weeks left in his third fighting tour, his goal is simple.

He hopes to survive.

Welter — Jimmy to his friends — is among about 150 veterans of the 1st Battalion, 5th Marine Regiment here who have fought in Iraq three times since the war began in March 2003. Each trip, they have endured some of the harshest combat.

They were here for four months at the start of Operation Iraqi Freedom, when they were at the tip of the invasion spear. In the summer of 2004, during a second tour that lasted 41/2 months, they fought in the streets of Fallujah after insurgents there killed four American contractors, burned and mutilated their bodies and strung two of the corpses from a bridge.

Now, for seven months this year, the Marines are here in Ramadi, the capital of the insurgency and a city thick with roadside bombs. Snipers lie in wait, and at the exits of U.S. military installations, huge warning signs, some inscribed with a skull and crossbones, read: “Complacency Kills!”

The battalion has lost more men in Ramadi than anywhere else: 12 Marines and a Navy corpsman killed in action. Their 13 portraits hang on a wall in battalion headquarters — a grim reminder of what awaits outside the gate.

The frequency with which troops are being sent back to combat is unprecedented in the all-volunteer U.S. military, which was created in 1973 after the draft ended. To boost morale, commanders draw comparisons to the sacrifices of Greatest Generation, those who fought for the duration of World War II. But that war is dust-covered history to those fighting here, and defense researchers concede that they do not yet know what back-to-back-to-back tours of duty will do to this military — or to those fighting.

“It’s an open question as to how much we can ask of them,” says James Hosek, a RAND Corp., specialist on military retention.

The Marines send troops to Iraq more frequently than the Army, but do so for shorter combat stints that don’t last longer than seven months. Three Marine battalions, including the one in which Welter serves, are now fighting for the third time; two more are preparing for third combat hitches. The Army deploys units for longer periods — usually 12 months — but less often. Some Army units are starting a second tour in Iraq this year.

Lt. Col. Bryan Hilferty, a spokesman for the Army’s personnel division, says re-enlistments have held steady so far. “But we are keeping an eye on that,” he says.

Studies about Vietnam veterans are of little use because the nation had a larger, conscript military then and combat was typically limited to a single 12- or 13-month tour. Hosek testified before Congress last year that what limited data exist suggest a third tour could sour the troops and their families and hurt re-enlistments.

Interviews with two dozen Marines in Ramadi, their commanders, and friends and family back home reveal the cost in human terms. Like Jimmy Welter, some Marines in this unit enlisted after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. But that patriotic fervor now seems spent. And what the Marines have endured — Welter’s story is typical — speaks to the changes that come with war.

During their first tour, Welter and his unit were greeted as liberators. During the second, they fought a growing rebellion. Now, on the third, many say they are angry to be back, shaken by the loss of more friends and feeling old beyond their years.

“I’m 22 years old. It really feels like I’m 30,” Welter says. “I’ve seen more and done more things at 22 than most people have in 40 years.”

Evidence of victory is scant, those interviewed by the newspaper say. Some are stunned that, after all the sacrifices they and others have made, so many Iraqis now seem to hate them.

Their choice to serve has put them on the battlefield three times in three years. Now, many say they just want to go home.

A fiancée’s fears:’He’s pushing his luck’

Their commander, Lt. Col. Eric Smith, sees the wear and tear.

“This takes a mental toll on these guys,” says Smith, 40, of Plano, Texas, who was wounded in combat during a tour last year in another command position.

“I do know they get tired, and I do know they’ve changed,” Smith says. “I mean, their counterparts (back home) are running around getting pissed off because they were unable to register for Psych 303 and they have to start their senior year. These guys are running around worried about being supplied with .50-caliber ammo and not getting shot tomorrow.”

The man working to re-enlist them explains the hardships.

“They’ve done their war, and they’re done,” says Staff Sgt. William Beschman, the battalion retention officer. Unlike the Marine Corps as a whole, the battle-scarred 1st Battalion, 5th Marines will not meet its re-enlistment goal this year. The largest bonuses in Marine Corps history — a year’s salary, or about $20,000 tax-free if they sign up while in Iraq — got few takers. Of 287 first-term Marines in the battalion, just 50 are staying. The goal is 58.

And veterans of the battalion now have a look about them. In Vietnam, it was called the “thousand-yard stare”: a weariness devoid of emotion. Cpl. Mike Kelly, 23, wore it as officers award him a Navy commendation for valor at a battalion headquarters ceremony this month.

He’s heading home to Boston with hopes of opening a bar. His four-year enlistment — including three tours of duty in Iraq — is almost over. “I just want to live an easy life,” he says after the ceremony. “A normal job, nothing fancy. A working stiff. That’s my dream.”

So does Cpl. Richie Gunter. “I just want to go back to the way things are,” says Gunter, 30, who longs to trade Marine fatigues for a T-shirt and jeans and work on the family’stomato farm in Woodland, Calif.

Their loved ones suffer with them. Danielle “Dani” Thurlow of Coloma, Mich., has watched her fiancé, Marine Cpl. Ryan Kling, 22, grow colder and angrier with each tour. “He’s pushing his luck,” she says.

“I tell a lot of people: I wouldn’t wish this on anyone,” says Thurlow, 19. “It’s very hard. It really is. You’re just looking toward the end. That’s all you want, is for it to be over.”

And Ken Frederking, 69, says he lives in fear that his oldest grandchild, Jimmy Welter, may never find his way home. “What this kid has gone through at his age, it’s incredible,” the grandfather says. “It just seems like he can’t escape.”

Keeping in touch with their families — through letters, e-mails and telephone calls — is essential to preserving morale, says Smith, the battalion commander.

“You’ve got to make sure to not let the Marines get mean,” he says. “You can’t let the guys go home without their humanity.”

Listening to Metallica’s’For Whom the Bell Tolls’

Ramadi, a city of 250,000 people along the Euphrates River, is the capital of volatile Anbar province, which includes Fallujah and stretches west to the borders of Jordan and Syria. The governor here is the third in as many months. The first one quit out of fear of reprisal for working with Americans. The second was assassinated.

Tips about insurgent activities in the city have been increasing, Lt. Col. Smith says. Still, the largely Sunni Arab population here seems either indifferent toward or outright supportive of the guerrillas. Barely a thousand people here participated in elections in January.

Clerics have routinely preached violence against Marines. Early this month, loudspeakers from the Saman Mosque in Ramadi blared: “My God: Victory to the enemy of America!”

Marines estimate that there are roughly 2,000 potential insurgent fighters here, rallied by a hard core of perhaps 150 full-time combatants skilled at sniping and roadside bomb ambushes. Suicide car bombers are also a threat.

“They kill us. We kill them,” Smith says grimly. He could easily use two more battalions of about 850 Marines each, he says.

With the assistance of two Army battalions operating on the city edge, the Marines have incrementally brought limited security to Ramadi. They do this by aggressively sending out daily and hazardous “presence” patrols, on foot or in armored vehicles. The official acronym for this work is Security and Stability Operations, or SASO.

Marines call it “SASO World” and see it as anything but secure. “SASO World is 10 times scarier than any offensive,” Jimmy Welter says. “In SASO World, like Ramadi, you don’t know where the enemy is at. He could be anywhere.”

Fair-skinned like his mother, with her eyes and slender frame, Welter wears a history of war across his body. After boot camp, he had the “USMC” tattoo inked into his right forearm; the brazen grim reaper across his right shoulder blade marks his first tour. For the second, a Celtic Cross is etched into his left shoulder and arm. And he plans a memorial to slain friends for his third: “Brothers in Arms, Even in Death,” down his ribcage.

He prepares for SASO World with his iPod, often to the beat and lyrics of Metallica’s For Whom the Bell Tolls. The intensity and throbbing rhythm of the heavy metal music stiffen his resolve:

Make his fight on the hill in the early day

Constant chill deep inside

Shouting gun, on they run through the endless gray

On the fight, for they are right, yes, but who’s to say?

Each day, along the streets of Ramadi, their patrols in armored Humvees resemble Mr. Toad’s Wild Ride, a dark and nightmarish Disneyland amusement. A driver speeds and swerves to avoid debris that might hide roadside bombs.

Welter, from his perch in the front passenger seat, has imagined the worst, something catastrophic like that day in June when he lost five friends in a single explosion here: the floor buckling beneath him from the blast, the fireball from burning fuel, and then nothing. Eternity.

Take a look to the sky just before you die. It’s the last time you will

The thoughts leave him rubbing the cloth scapular hanging from the Timex on his left wrist. The Roman Catholic token promises Welter dispensation from hell’s eternal flames should he die this day.

War was nothing like this during his first tour.

First tour: ‘All of us thought we were done’

The fight in 2003 was simple, the enemy clear. Jimmy Welter could point at them — right there, across the berm from where the Marines of the 1st Battalion, 5th Regiment were poised in Kuwait.

The war scrapbook in his mind lays out the images in sequence. The oil fires of the Ramallah fields lighting the night sky on the eve of the attack. The plea of his platoon commander, Lt. Therrel Childers, the first American casualty of the war, writhing from a mortal stomach wound: “It hurts. It hurts.” And the scarred, fly-covered face of the Iraqi soldier Welter shot that day. As Welter stood over him, the man pleaded for water before drawing his last breath.

It was all new then, and terrifying. But there was also clarity. It seemed like victory and the war made so much more sense.

Eighteen months before the invasion, Welter had watched the second passenger jet hit the World Trade Center. He saw it on television at Mount Carmel High School, in his working-class south Chicago neighborhood, the day he picked up his transcripts. He was still contemplating enrolling in college, but after seeing the carnage in New York, he chose the Marines instead.

“I wanted to do my fair share,” he says.

The invasion of Iraq gave him that chance. He could focus every ounce of the notorious Jimmy Welter temper, the willingness to reason with his fists, bloodying anybody he deemed a threat or a challenge. Always with something to prove, ever since he was 7 and his mother died from a heart attack at 31, her body weakened by multiple sclerosis.

“Just anybody could push his button,” says his father, James Welter Sr., 50, an ironworker who raised Jimmy and his younger brother, Joe. “He was one of those kids on the block nobody would mess with, even as skinny and scrawny as he was.”

That cockiness seemed to stay with Welter through boot camp — even through that first tour in Iraq, with its brutal opening day of combat and the furious eight-hour firefight as the battalion entered Baghdad weeks later.

It was during that battle that a rocket-propelled grenade hit the helmet of a Marine standing next to Welter as both stood in an armored personnel carrier. The Marine fell unconscious. The grenade was a dud.

Welter felt lucky after that. He and his Marine brethren had been baptized in war. Baghdad lay at their feet. Iraqis were rejoicing. Victory was sweet, or it seemed to be.

“It was a good time to be there,” he says of that first tour. “All of us thought we were done.”

Second tour:’I’m still not over it, Grandpa’

But as the battalion trained in Okinawa for urban warfare in early 2004, the Marines realized that more fighting awaited them in Iraq.

As in the first tour, the enemy was straight ahead of them. This time, it was in Fallujah. When Marines launched an offensive into the city in April 2004, the 1st Battalion, 5th Marines was ordered in. Fighting was block by block.

In those blasted warrens where insurgents were dug in, Jimmy Welter says, he learned something about himself. The scrawny troublemaker from south Chicago, the boy who got bounced from St. Rita High School for bad behavior, suddenly discovered he was cool-headed and canny under fire. In a place where machine gun and mortar rounds blistered the pavement all around his advancing squad, Welter and other veterans of the 2003 invasion calmly directed fire and positioned troops.

At one point in the Fallujah battle, Welter moved to the center of a street, in plain sight of an enemy position, to fire his grenade launcher. The first round fell short. But he could gauge the deficit — “you got to kind of Kentucky-windage it,” is the way he explains his technique — and the next shot landed squarely amid insurgents clustered on a rooftop. Then Welter dropped another neatly into a treeline where more enemy fighters were crouched. Then silence.

“Welter showed fierce aggressiveness and leadership beyond his pay grade,” reads the Marine Corps Certificate of Commendation he later received. He “kept his bearing and effectively employed his team while also laying devastating fire on the enemy’s position with his M203 grenade launcher,” the commendation says.

Welter’s steadiness amazed Lance Cpl. Jim Cullen, who was then on his first tour. “I was kind of like in awe of him,” says Cullen, 21, of Rochester, N.Y. “They just had this confidence,” he says of the unit’s veterans, a “pride of knowing that when they came in, they freed the country.”

The fighting in Fallujah lasted weeks. And when his second tour ended and Welter returned to south Chicago, the chip on his shoulder was gone. He carried himself with the same assurance he had demonstrated in the streets of Fallujah. Everyone could see it. Not once did he and his brother fight.

But his family noticed something else: a nervous anxiety.

And the nightmares began. In them, he is defending a bunker, firing madly at insurgents who come in wave after wave. Killing the other Marines. Leaving Welter alone. Not until the attackers are on top of him does he wake up.

When his grandfather asked him what was wrong, Welter’s answer was simple: “I’m still not over it, Grandpa.”

Third tour: A close call and headaches

Along a street in Ramadi this year, a bomb exploded near Welter’s Humvee.

If timed right, such an explosion can torch the Humvee’s fuel tank from below and incinerate Marines inside. Since the battalion arrived in March, insurgents in Ramadi have detonated 175 roadside bombs. Ten Marines have been killed.

“As soon as you leave the gate, it’s game on,” says Marine Capt. Kelsey “Kelly” Thompson, 36, of Shallowater, Texas. He commands Alpha Company, the unit in which Welter serves. The company has suffered more casualties than any other in the battalion.

“I don’t think the Battle of Ramadi can ever be won,” Thompson says. “I just think the Battle of Ramadi has to be fought every day.”

Marine Reserve Maj. Benjamin Busch, an actor in civilian life who plays Detective Anthony Colicchio on the HBO series The Wire, agrees: “We’re going to be continually hunted here until we leave.”

Welter was lucky when the bomb went off that day in June.

The shock wave funneled down the gun turret in the roof of the Humvee and blew open the armored doors. With two tires flattened, the Humvee rolled to a stop. Welter will never forget the pressure of the blast, the deafening sound and then the blackness, the ringing in his ears and the throbbing in his head.

The Metallica song speaks to it: Blackened roar, massive roar fills the crumbling sky.

Sitting in the front seat, dripping with fetid black ooze thrown up from the Ramadi street, Welter checked to see if his body was intact. Then he turned to Cullen, who was behind the wheel. The two had grown close during Fallujah and now were best friends. Almost without thinking, they high-fived and burst into laughter. “We made it!” they shouted in unison. But Welter’s headaches persisted.

Military medical researchers fear that repeated exposure to these blasts and their concussive effects can cause brain damage. So far, the battalion surgeon has sent at least three Marines home with chronic, persistent cognitive problems stemming from roadside blasts.

Armor was no protection days later when five Marines from Welter’s platoon — including a close friend, Cpl. Tyler Trovillion, 23, of Richardson, Texas — died in a roadside blast that demolished their Humvee. The deaths June 15 left Welter and his comrades shaken. Some didn’t want to go on patrol.

But after heart-to-heart talks with the chaplain, they were back on the streets in six hours.

Erin Dillon, 21, a waitress and college student who has been dating Welter since he came home from his second tour, says she noticed a real difference in his voice during the phone call he made after Trovillion’s death.

“After the whole time of being there, he was starting to be a little scared,” she says. “I think maybe he feels his luck is starting to run out, just because he’s seen so much and there’s so little time left.”

Just weeks remain before the battalion finishes its tour in Ramadi and goes home in September. And while on guard duty at the provincial government center, Welter talks about dying.

The government center is an impregnable fortress with bunkers and watch towers that provide interlocking fields of fire for the Marines who guard it. When armed motorcades arrive at the entrance, Marines toss flash-bang grenades to clear the crowd.

Insurgents fire rockets or mortars into the area, or pepper watch towers with rifle fire while dropping off roadside bombs in rice sacks at intersections nearby, hoping to blast some unlucky Marine patrol. The place feels like it’s under perpetual siege.

Alpha Company provides security, and platoons alternate four-day shifts here. It is a break from the risky patrols, and it offers time to reflect. On a moonless night, in the blackness of a watch tower, Welter says that if he survives this tour, his duty to the nation is done.

“Three deployments is my hit,” he says. “And $20,000 isn’t enough for me to come back here again.”

Police work in Chicago might be in his future, though he says he may be tired of guns. Welter loves to cook almost anything. Omelets and barbecue are his specialty; perhaps culinary school and a career as a chef?

Talk winds back to the war, and Jimmy Welter echoes a common refrain of third-timers: If death happens, it happens. And the sooner you accept that you are as good as dead, the better you will fight — and the more likely you are to save your sanity.

It is a fatalism echoed by the lyrics of Metallica:

Suffered wounds test their pride

Men of five, still alive through the raging glow

Gone insane from the pain that they surely know

“Everybody’s got that feeling.” Welter pauses in the darkness. “But they don’t really believe it. It’s just something they say.”

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Galloway says Blair and Bush ‘have blood on their hands’

Galloway says Blair and Bush ‘have blood on their hands’

Tony Blair and George Bush have “far more blood on their hands” than the terrorists who carried out the London tube bombings, George Galloway said today.

Mr Galloway, Respect MP for Bethnal Green, said that the attacks on the capital by Islamic extremists could not be separated from the invasion of Iraq and Britain’s treatment of the Muslim world.

He said that the “al-Qaida phenomenon” had arisen directly as a result of western policies in the Middle East.

Mr Galloway had already attracted criticism for remarks made to Syrian television, attacking Arab governments which collaborated with foreigners in the “rape” of their “beautiful daughters” of Jerusalem and Baghdad.

In an interview with the BBC Radio 4 Today programme this morning, in the wake of the latest al-Qaida video blaming Mr Blair for the destruction in London and warning of more attacks, Mr Galloway insisted that he too condemned the bombings.

“The people who brought destruction to London were primarily the people who committed the acts of mass murder,” he said.

“What we say is we refuse to be part of a conspiracy to deny that it has anything to do with the fact that our country is going round the world setting fire to other people’s countries and killing them.

“I think there is hardly a sentient being in the land left who doesn’t believe these things are connected.

“I am utterly against the punishing of innocent people for the crimes of the guilty, whether it is done on the underground in London or the streets of Fallujah by George Bush’s air force.”

He repeated his view that it was Mr Bush who was the world’s “biggest terrorist” and said that the US president and Mr Blair had shed far more blood than the bombers.

“If it is a question of quantum, there is far more blood on the hands of George Bush and Tony Blair than there is on the hands of the murderers who killed those people in London,” he said.

He denied that he was seeking to justify the terrorist attacks.

“If I say a car has four wheels and the Ford Motor Company say it has four wheels, that doesn’t make me part of the Ford Motor Company,” he said.

However, he said that the rise of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaida was the direct result of western policies.

“The al-Qaida phenomenon arose out of the first war on Iraq; arose out of the occupation of Jerusalem and the killing of the Palestinians and the dispersal of the refugees around the world; arose out of our support for the puppet presidents and corrupt kings of the Muslim world,” he said. Mr Galloway’s comments were condemned as “twisted” and “absurd” by the shadow foreign secretary, Liam Fox.

“I think that George Galloway is a sad and twisted but ultimately irrelevant politician,” Mr Fox told the Today programme.

“I think that his self-righteousness is matched only by his stupidity. I think his views are quite ridiculous.”

He said that it was “deeply offensive” to describe insurgents and terrorists as “martyrs”.

“He talks about them as martyrs which, I think, is language extraordinarily sympathetic to people who kill the innocent. It is the sort of language used by university debaters, not serious politicians,” he said.

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Self Defeat

In June, The Washington Post’s Harold Meyerson offered a mischievous explanation for why a spate of opinion polls showed Americans growing increasingly disillusioned with the Iraq war. The American people hate futile wars fueled by dishonesty, Meyerson wrote, but they really hate the culturally alien, soi disant radicals who oppose those wars. And so, he hypothesized, it took the disappearance of the antiwar movement for Americans’ true opposition to the war to rise to the surface.

As Meyerson noted, in late 1969, 49 percent of the public told Gallup the United States needed to abandon Vietnam, but a staggering 77 percent disapproved of the antiwar protests. What he termed the antiwar movement’s “large, raucous and sometimes senseless fringe,” with its gleeful indictments of America as terminally bloodthirsty and its values as decadently bourgeois, had driven conflicted Americans into the arms of Richard Nixon, who really was terminally bloodthirsty. (“Now, by all-out bombing attack, I am thinking about things that go far beyond. … I’d rather use the nuclear bomb. Have you got that, Henry?”)

By contrast, once the Iraq invasion began in 2003, the massive protests–several of which were organized by apologists for assorted anti-American despots and human-rights abusers–largely dissipated. With nobody for the right to demonize, and no one to alienate average Americans from their suspicion that the war was a bad idea, Meyerson wrote, “the occupation is being judged on its own merits.”

In the weeks since Meyerson’s op-ed appeared, the war has only gotten worse and the administration more craven. Within a month of Bush’s stay-the-course speech at Fort Bragg rejecting “artificial timetables” for withdrawal, General George Casey, America’s Iraq commander, publicly floated a “fairly substantial” troop cut by spring 2006–Newsweek described the cut, to be completed by the end of 2006, as totalling up to 98,000 out of a current 138,000 troops–and Zalmay Khalilzad, the new U.S. ambassador, devoted his first press conference to discussing immediate U.S. pullbacks. Given that the right spent 2004 arguing that a Kerry administration would pull off precisely such a surrender, National Review editor Rich Lowry turned to a “well-informed source” to find out what was happening. The source replied that down was, in fact, up: “It’s exactly what we have been saying within the administration for the last year and half … Gens. [John] Abizaid and Casey are more and more confident that the necessary conditions for a drawn down [sic] will be met.” That’s a lie, but whatever. As someone who’s argued that the only hope of salvaging any decent outcome of the war depends on a speedy U.S. departure, I’ll take what I can get. We went into Iraq deceitfully. Does anyone expect us to exit honestly?

But, suddenly, as what remains of the antiwar movement stands on the verge of getting at least the beginning of what it wants–an exit–it seemingly intends to put Meyerson’s thesis to the test. In what one conservative blogger aptly termed “a gift from the gods,” Jane Fonda decided last week that patriotic duty compels her to speak out against the Iraq war around the country. Not long ago, Fonda told Lesley Stahl on “60 Minutes” that she “will go to my grave regretting” the infamous 1972 photograph of her seated in a North Vietnamese anti-aircraft gun. The source of her regret is somewhat cloudy, though. She writes in My Life So Far that she carries “heavy in my heart” the appearance she gave to U.S. combat personnel that she had “become their enemy.” But she also laments the fact that “I have paid and continue to pay a heavy price” for sitting in the gun. And how she’s paid! She told the Associated Press last week, “I have not taken a stand on any war since Vietnam,” from which she carries “a lot of baggage.” Evidently, Fonda’s baggage–the fact that her name evokes images many Americans consider treasonous–has denied her the joy of protesting for too long. Of her antiwar road trip, she says, “It’s going to be pretty exciting.” Only for Karl Rove–whom another right-wing blogger gleefully speculated was behind Fonda’s newfound outspokenness. Please, ma’am, if you really care about ending the occupation, do everyone a favor and shut up.

But Fonda is merely a sybaritic narcissist. George Galloway is an evil man. In his recent book, I’m Not The Only One, Galloway, a member of Britain’s parliament, refers to the thousands of Iraqi Shia murdered by Saddam Hussein as a “fifth column” that “undermined the Iraqi war effort in the interests of their country’s enemy.” He approves of how “Saddam plotted Iraq’s own Great Leap Forward.” All this and more was too much for a reviewer in The Independent, the left-wing British daily, who wrote, “All those who denied that Galloway has mutated into a Saddamist will have to recant.” (Oh, and he may have personally profited from Saddam’s manipulation of the Oil-For-Food program, but that’s unproven.) Yet when Galloway trekked to Capitol Hill in May to deliver a rococo indictment of the Iraq war by way of personal exculpation before the Senate Oil-For-Food panel, many liberals heard all they needed to hear out of his apologist’s mouth. A column in The Nation heralded, “Mr. Galloway Goes To Washington,” as if a man who called Saddam’s 1991 slaughter of the Shia a “civil war” was Jimmy Stewart. Never mind that Galloway also attacked Senator Carl Levin, one of the most prominent antiwar Democrats.

Galloway is a disgrace in the U.K., but the leftist euphoria that greeted his testimony has afforded him a new opportunity for prestige. Next month, he’s planning a speaking tour of the United States, at which, according to The New York Times, a man who shrugs at war crimes plans on “challenging Americans to challenge their leaders more forcefully.” Fonda presents the antiwar movement with a political test, but Galloway presents it with a moral one. The moral onus is still on the supporters of the Iraq disaster. But those who oppose the war should be able to say that no solidarity is possible with someone who would defend a man who filled mass graves. I don’t believe for a minute that there are more than a handful out of the millions of war opponents who truly think kind thoughts about Saddam Hussein, and so ignoring Galloway’s vanity trip–or, better yet, telling him to get on the next plane out of the country–is an excellent opportunity to reverse the dynamic Meyerson noted. Of course, even if Fonda and Galloway are greeted by cheering hordes, it probably won’t cause a groundswell of support for the war. But why tempt fate?

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