Large Corporations Made Huge Illegal Campaign Cash Contributions in Texas in 2002

Judge Rules Against DeLay Group Official

AUSTIN, Texas — The treasurer of a political action committee formed by U.S. House Majority Leader Tom DeLay broke the law by not reporting hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions, a judge ruled Thursday in a lawsuit brought by Democratic candidates.

State District Judge Joe Hart said the money, much of it corporate contributions, should have been reported to the Texas Ethics Commission.

The judge ordered Bill Ceverha, treasurer of Texans for a Republican Majority, to pay nearly $200,000 in damages. It will be divided among those who brought the lawsuit against Ceverha — five Democrats who lost state legislative races in 2002.

The civil case is separate from a criminal investigation being conducted by the district attorney in Austin into whether the PAC funneled illegal corporate contributions to GOP candidates for the state Legislature. Three of DeLay’s top fund-raisers and eight corporations were indicted last year. Ceverha has not been charged.

DeLay has not been charged with any crime and was protected by congressional immunity from having to testify in the lawsuit, but he has been barraged on Capitol Hill with allegations of unethical conduct. DeLay spokesman Dan Allen did not immediately return a call for comment Thursday.

In the civil case, the Democrats claimed that Ceverha violated the state law designed to keep elections free from “the taint of corporate cash.” They said corporate money donated to the PAC was spent on political research, polling, mailing, fund-raising and conferences.

Under Texas law, corporate money can be used by PACs for administrative purposes, but not for direct campaign expenses. In his ruling, the judge dealt with the election code reporting requirements, not with the how the money was spent.

Hart found that contributions of corporate and non-corporate money totaling $613,433 should have been reported by Ceverha, along with expenditures of $684,507.

Ceverha’s lawyers argued in court that the PAC operated legally despite confusing state campaign funding laws.

The plaintiffs welcomed the judge’s ruling as good first step in rooting out illegal corporate spending during the 2002 Texas elections. “It sheds light on the illegal acts of Texans for a Republican Majority,” attorney Cris Feldman said.

Ceverha lawyer Terry Scarborough said the case will be appealed, and he suggested that the dispute is mostly about the Democrats’ anger over losing the elections.

During the 2002 legislative elections, the Republicans won control of the Texas House for the first time since Reconstruction. The GOP later used its majority to redraw Texas’ congressional districts and send more Republicans to Capitol Hill.

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Census Details Voter Turnout for 2004

May 26, 2005 – More than 125 million Americans — 64 percent of those ages 18 and older — went to the polls in last year’s presidential election, according to data scheduled to be released today by the Census Bureau.

The agency’s numbers, the latest in a series of portraits of the nation’s electorate, included statistics illustrating the truism in politics that turnout rates among segments of the population vary — sometimes widely — with their demographic characteristics.

The bureau reported that women turned out at a slightly higher rate (65 percent) than men (62 percent). It found that non-Hispanic white citizens voted in proportionately higher numbers (67 percent) than African Americans (60 percent), Hispanics (47 percent) and Asians (44 percent). The agency said turnout rates increased from the 2000 election among whites (by five percentage points) and blacks (by three), but held steady for Hispanics and Asians.

The agency also found that turnout rates were closely correlated to a voter’s age. A little more than 73 percent of those between 65 and 74 said they voted, the highest rate for any age group. Those between the ages of 18 and 24 had the lowest, with 47 percent reported going to the polls.

Between those two groups, turnout rates increased steadily with age. Seventy-three percent of those between 55 and 64 said they voted, compared with 69 percent of those between 45 and 54, 64 percent of those between 35 and 44, and 56 percent of those between 25 and 34.

The numbers also indicate that turnout rates are closely tied to levels of formal education. Those with bachelor’s degrees or an advanced degree voted at much higher rates (80 percent) than those with high school degrees (56 percent) and those without a diploma or its equivalent (40 percent.).

The agency reported that the employed were more likely go to the polls (66 percent) than the unemployed (51 percent) or those not considered to be a part of the workforce (61 percent). Veterans voted more frequently than non-veterans.

Those who lived in swing states were generally more likely to vote than those who did not. Minnesota, one of the most closely contested states, had the highest turnout rate (79 percent); Hawaii, which the presidential candidates ignored until late in the campaign, had the lowest with 50 percent.

The agency said its numbers, which were taken from a November survey, are probably inflated because respondents tend to exaggerate how faithfully they go to the polls. The Committee for the Study of the American Electorate, a nonpartisan group that studies voting patterns, has estimated that 122 million went to the polls last year. The Federal Election Commission has not released its estimate.

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Death Rate for Reservists in Iraq Rises

The death rate in Iraq this month among members of the National Guard and Reserve is the highest since January and one of the highest of the entire war, Pentagon figures show.

At least 21 part-time soldiers and Marines have died in May, although the number may be higher since the Pentagon has not yet identified most of the 14 U.S. troops who have died since Sunday.

As of May 20, the Pentagon had identified 16 Guard and Reserve members among the month’s dead.

The Marine Corps said four killed Monday were members of the 155th Brigade Combat Team, a Mississippi Army National Guard unit attached to the 2nd Marine Expeditionary Force. Also, the Pennsylvania Army National Guard said one of its soldiers was killed Sunday in a suicide bombing.

The 21 deaths account for a little over one-third of the total of 58 U.S. troops who have died so far this month. That is about in line with the ratio of Guard and Reserve troops to regular active-duty troops deployed in Iraq — now about 40 percent Guard/Reserve and 60 percent regular troops.

In April, 11 members of the Guard and Reserve died in Iraq. In March, there were 13, and February’s total was 16. That means the May toll already is the highest since January, when there were 30 for the entire month. January was one of the bloodiest months of the war for U.S. forces, with a total of 107 deaths, including 30 Marines and one Navy corpsman who died in a single helicopter crash.

Prior to January, the highest monthly toll among Guard and Reserve members was 28 in November 2004, when many died in the assault on Fallujah and the total death toll for U.S. forces was 138.

Since the war began in March 2003, at least 163 members of the National Guard, plus 45 in the Army Reserve and 45 in the Marine Reserves had died in Iraq, according to an unofficial count as of Friday. The Pentagon does not release an official death toll for the Guard and Reserve.

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Pentagon faked heroic death for icon shot by fellow Rangers

The parents of a former American football star killed by friendly fire in Afghanistan yesterday accused the Pentagon of propagating a false account of his death to stir up patriotic fervour back home.

Pat Tillman became a national icon last year when it was reported that the sports superstar who had turned down a multi-million-dollar contract to join the army after the terrorist attacks of September 2001 had been killed by enemy fire.
 
The account of his death on a barren hillside in Afghanistan was like a heroic, boys’ comic story. He was said to have been charging up a hill to attack Islamist diehards, bellowing orders to fellow Rangers, when he was mown down in an ambush.

But as with another stirring tale of valour at war – that of Private Jessica Lynch, whose capture in the invasion of Iraq was fantastically embroidered by the authorities – the truth was much more prosaic. Tillman was shot dead by Rangers in his own platoon who mistook him for the enemy. Army investigators deemed it an act of “gross negligence”.

His parents, who learned the truth weeks after a nationally televised memorial service, broke their silence yesterday, accusing the Pentagon of telling “outright lies” to his family and the nation.

“All the people in positions of authority went out of their way to script this,” his father, Patrick Tillman, a lawyer from San Jose, told the Washington Post. They “interfered with the investigation, they covered it up. I think they thought they could control it, and they realised that their recruiting efforts were going to hell in a hand-basket if the truth about his death got out.”

Tillman’s decision to drop his celebrity life in the Arizona Cardinals American football team to join up with his brother was a coup for the army’s image and recruitment. But his death – coming as support for the Pentagon’s post-September 11 record was falling along with enlistment levels – would have been a public relations disaster.

Soldiers at the scene knew instantly that Tillman was killed by American bullets as he sheltered behind a boulder. Gen John Abizaid, the American overall commander in the region, knew within days. But Tillman’s fellow Rangers were told not to talk about it “to prevent rumours”.

His mother, Mary, yesterday told the newspaper that the Bush administration capitalised on the false account to counter the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal then unfolding. “I think there’s a lot more yet that we don’t even know, or they wouldn’t still be covering their tails.

“If this is what happens when someone high-profile dies, I can only imagine what happens with everyone else.”

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Officers Plot Exit Strategy

Army Capts. Dave Fulton and Geoff Heiple spent 12 months dodging roadside bombs and rounding up insurgents along Baghdad’s “highway of death” — the six miles of pavement linking downtown Baghdad to the capital city’s airport. Two weeks after returning stateside to Ft. Hood, they ventured to a spartan conference room at the local Howard Johnson to find out about changing careers.

Lured by a headhunting firm that places young military officers in private-sector jobs, the pair, both 26, expected anonymity in the crowded room.

Instead, as Fulton and Heiple sipped Budweisers pulled from Styrofoam coolers next to the door, they spotted nearly a dozen familiar faces from their cavalry battalion, which had just ended a yearlong combat tour in Iraq.

The shocks of recognition came as they exchanged quick, awkward glances with others from their unit, each man clearly surprised to see someone else considering a life outside the military.

“This is a real eye-opener,” said Fulton, a West Point graduate who saw a handful of cadets from his class. “It seems like everyone in the room is either from my squad or from my class.”

More than three years after the Sept. 11 attacks spawned an era of unprecedented strain on the all-volunteer military, it is scenes like this that keep the Army’s senior generals awake at night. With thousands of soldiers currently on their second combat deployment in Iraq or Afghanistan and some preparing for their third this fall, evidence is mounting that an exodus of young Army officers may be looming on the horizon.

It is especially troubling for Pentagon officials that the Army’s pool of young captains, which forms the backbone of infantry and armored units deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, could be the hardest hit.

Last year, Army lieutenants and captains left the service at an annual rate of 8.7{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} — the highest since 2001. Pentagon officials say they expect the attrition rate to improve slightly this year. Yet interviews with several dozen military officers revealed an undercurrent of discontent within the Army’s young officer corps that the Pentagon’s statistics do not yet capture.

Young captains in the Army are looking ahead to repeated combat tours, years away from their families and a global war that their commanders tell them could last for decades. Like other college grads in their mid-20s, they are making decisions about what to do with their lives.

And many officers, who until recently had planned to pursue careers in the military, are deciding that it’s a future they can’t sign up for.

The officers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan just wrapped up a year of grueling counterinsurgency operations — a type of combat the U.S. largely avoided after its struggle in Vietnam and that many in the Pentagon believe is the new face of war. They were in Iraq during last spring’s uprisings in Fallouja and Najaf, June’s transfer of power to an interim Iraqi government and block-to-block fighting during the retaking of Fallouja in November.

These officers have, in most cases, more counterinsurgency experience than any of their superiors. And they are the people the Army most fears losing.

The officers interviewed for this article are proud of what they accomplished in Iraq and Afghanistan. And they are generally optimistic that the two nations can eventually emerge as functioning, if unstable, democracies.

Those just returning from Iraq ended their combat tours on a positive note with successful parliamentary elections in January, which had been the singular focus of their deployment.

Yet their pride is tempered by uncertainty about what lies ahead in an unconventional war in which victory may never be declared.

“The undefined goals of the war on terror are making it really hard for the Army to keep people right now,” Fulton said.

By the time they make captain, young officers are usually approaching the end of their four- or five-year commitment. Army spokesman Lt. Col. Bryan Hilferty said the attrition rate for junior officers was not yet alarming, and the Army had several initiatives in place to help retain those deciding whether to make a career out of the military.

The Pentagon hopes that by next year, a significant troop reduction in Iraq will allow the Army to slow the pace of troop deployments, giving soldiers two years at home for every year in battle.

Yet Pentagon officials admit it is uncertain that this can happen by 2006.

“I still don’t know if we can make it,” said a senior Army officer at the Pentagon. “You tell me what Iraq is going to look like next year.”

Meanwhile, the Army is dispatching combat units to Iraq and Afghanistan after soldiers have had just one year at home, a pace that is taking a toll around the country.

Timothy Muchmore, a civilian Army official at the Pentagon and a retired tank officer, said he was worried about an exodus of young officers. He summed up the problem this way:

“You take a junior officer, you send them overseas for a year. They win a lot of medals, and they’re a hero. But when you send them back a second time, the odds go up that they won’t make it home alive and it becomes even harder on their family. Are they any more of a hero for having served a second time? No.

“The guys returning from Iraq and Afghanistan believe they have done at least the minimum for the security of their country, and they are proud of their service,” he said. “But the world is now their oyster.”

Private-sector pitch

Inside the overheated conference room at the Howard Johnson in Killeen, Fulton and Heiple listened to a well-rehearsed pitch about what the world might have to offer.

At the front of the room, Andrew Hollitt, a beefy, gregarious former Army officer turned headhunter spoke in marketing terms about how eager private-sector employers were for young, combat-tested officers and senior noncommissioned officers.

“You are a commodity that brings a tremendous amount to the table,” he told the packed room, sipping from a can of Budweiser. “I can sell something that I believe in. And it’s people like you.”

The Lucas Group was not trying to persuade them to leave the Army, Hollitt said, only to present them with another set of options.

“I am red, white and blue on the inside,” the recruiter assured the capacity crowd.

In a telephone interview after the recruiting session, Hollitt said he had yet to see the same volume of young soldiers contact the Lucas Group as he did during the late 1990s, when the military drawdown forced the Pentagon to slash its numbers and push young officers out of the service.

At the same time, he said, the pace of Army deployments was clearly having an effect — and that the quality of those leaving was very high. “I am seeing the highest caliber of candidates now that I have seen in five years of doing this,” he said. “The companies we work with are absolutely, unbelievably impressed.”

Employers such as General Electric Co., Home Depot Inc. and others are always on the lookout for managerial talent, Hollitt said, and mid-level commanders tested in war are considered experienced leaders.

By the time they make captain, he said, the officers usually have command experience leading an infantry or armor company, which forces them to make life-and-death decisions on a daily basis.

After the session was over, Heiple and Fulton were wary about what they had just heard. And it was not that the average starting salaries of $50,000 to $70,000 were much more than they had earned in Iraq when combat pay and bonuses were included.

Instead, one of their biggest concerns about working in the civilian world was that it was “cheesier” and less serious than what they currently do for a living.

“I kind of worry that the corporate world is a lot like ‘Office Space,’ ” said Heiple, referring to the 1999 movie that parodied American office park culture.

Combat experience

The 1st Cavalry Division was considered for the assault on Baghdad in 2003 but ended up staying stateside as commanders in Washington and the Middle East decided to pare down the invasion force.

When the division was notified that it would be heading to Iraq in 2004, a year after the fall of Baghdad, the 1st Cav’s officers thought they had missed out on the action.

“I thought we were going to be the third string of the JV,” Heiple said.

Far from being over, the war in Iraq had entered its bloodiest stage, and Heiple and Fulton’s battalion was in charge of patrolling Baghdad’s restive Al Rashid district. Their unit had the Sisyphean task of trying to secure Baghdad’s airport highway, the road many in the battalion called the “shooting gallery” because of the constant attacks against U.S. troops.

Over time and through grim experience, they learned the brutal rules that govern counterinsurgency warfare.

They point with a certain amount of pride to a January incident that occurred soon after the battalion’s most respected and indispensable Iraqi interpreter, Ethar, was assassinated.

Ethar had been lured to an insurgent safe house by another Iraqi interpreter who had been paid off by insurgents. There, Ethar was brutally beaten and shot in the head. Soldiers found his body while on patrol.

News of the death hit the battalion hard, and they planned their revenge. Acting on information from an Iraqi source, the battalion hit multiple targets around west Baghdad in a single night, which some of the battalion’s officers only half-jokingly called “the night of justice.”

“We took down the whole cell” in a night, Fulton recalled, capturing or killing all the insurgents on their target list.

“It was personal, and it felt really good,” he added.

Heiple, a native of Jonestown, Pa., said he would not have traded for anything the experience of leading troops in combat or of earning the 1st Cavalry’s trademark Stetson hat and gold spurs — given to cavalry soldiers when they have served in a combat zone.

Yet, with these achievements behind him, the Notre Dame graduate said he was looking for a life with more stability. Heiple decided while he was in Iraq that he would leave the Army when his commitment expires next month. He plans to move with his girlfriend to Austin, where he hopes to attend law school at the University of Texas.

Heiple’s decision to leave the Army did not come suddenly. At 26, he felt his window of opportunity to change careers was closing. The more he thought about it, the more convinced he became that he wanted to follow a different path.

“I can only wait so long,” Heiple said.

Fulton spent eight years of his youth in the Congo, where his father worked as a bush pilot. His family relocated to Haiti in 1990 and spent three years there before they were evacuated before U.S. troops landed on the island in 1994.

Fulton then moved to Redlands, Calif. When he was in high school there, the military piqued his interest and he visited an Army recruiting station. His test scores led one recruiter to suggest that he instead apply to West Point. During his senior year, the late Rep. Sonny Bono (R-Palm Springs) nominated Fulton for his military commission to the armed forces academy in New York state.

Fulton returned from Iraq in March and went on a cruise to Mexico with his wife during his 30-day leave. His wife, Fulton said, wants him to leave the military more than anything.

In June, the two will move with their 3-year-old son to Ft. Knox, Ky., where Fulton will begin a six-month course on commanding armored units.

He will still have a year left of his Army commitment when the course is completed, yet Fulton admits that given the Army’s current pace of deployments, he is leaning toward leaving the service.

“If West Point didn’t have a five-year commitment,” he said, “I’d probably be pursuing something else right now. I know my wife would like me to choose something else immediately.”

Careers in the balance

A college graduate with an Army ROTC scholarship usually owes four years of active duty to the military, along with a period in the Army Reserves or National Guard. A West Point graduate owes five.

Army officials know that if they are able to persuade captains to remain in uniform a few years past their initial commitment, the odds are good they will eventually commit to a full 20-year military career.

But in the words of one Army captain, a West Point graduate who spent 10 months in Afghanistan in 2003 and 2004 and plans to leave the Army next year: “A lot of guys making their decision at the five-year mark are not making their decision for [just] the next three years. They are making their decision about whether to make a career out of the military.

“The guys in my age group are looking ahead and deciding that’s not a life they want to live.”

Mid-level officers around the country are confronting the same choice. The 1-34 armor battalion of the 1st Infantry Division returned last year to Ft. Riley, Kan., after a year in Iraq’s so-called Sunni Triangle, the region of heaviest conflict. The battalion is expecting to return to Iraq later this year, and many young officers are choosing to get out before then.

Capt. Eric Emerling, the battalion’s fire support officer, is one of three captains who decided to leave after returning from Iraq. Emerling said he initially looked forward to a career in the Army. When he returned, his superiors offered him command of an artillery battery, a milestone promotion for a career officer.

But he and his wife decided in January that they did not want to commit to a future of “repeated deployments for the next 13 years.”

“What tipped the scale is that I have a 2-year-old daughter. I want more stability for her,” Emerling said by telephone, his little girl in the background competing for her father’s attention. “I missed the first half of her life. I’m not willing to do that again.”

The 27-year-old captain is moving to Connecticut, where he has a job with a landscaping company. He said he was concerned about the Army’s future, with many of the military’s young leaders planning their exits.

“I see how many people are getting out here at my local unit level. It’s a bit of a worry,” he said. “We lost a lot of lieutenants and captains.”

Life outside the zone

Heiple and Fulton live in an apartment complex in Georgetown, Texas, an Austin suburb 30 miles south of Ft. Hood’s main gate. When searching for housing after they returned from Iraq, they specifically sought apartments some distance from the base.

Killeen, with its infrastructure catering to thousands of soldiers and their families, provides constant reminders of military life. But in Georgetown, a soldier walking the streets in desert camouflage is a rarity.

The young officers are coming to the end of their post-deployment “reintegration” period — several weeks of administrative briefings and counseling sessions before they are allowed to leave post for 30 days to visit friends and family.

With their feet propped up on a coffee table piled high with newspapers, DVD cases and back issues of the Economist, Heiple and Fulton watch “Matrix Revolutions” on the recently purchased 50-inch flat screen television in the living room of their neighbor — Capt. Vincent Tuohey, another member of their battalion just back from Iraq.

With distractions such as basketball, bars and new electronic equipment, there is plenty for the young officers to focus on besides their time in Iraq, or on the steady stream of violent news out of the country.

Said Heiple: “You don’t purposefully avoid the news. But you don’t go out of your way to find it, either.”

Tuohey, a Harvard graduate from Annapolis, Md., who earned a master’s degree from Cambridge University in Britain, served the last year as an executive officer for a cavalry unit in west Baghdad.

Like all of the soldiers of the 1st Cavalry Division who just returned to Ft. Hood, Tuohey is readjusting to life outside a combat zone.

He is edgy sitting in traffic, having taught himself in Iraq to maneuver his Bradley fighting vehicle to avoid city traffic and the inevitable insurgent attacks. The first time he got into a car when he returned to Ft. Hood, his heart began racing and he broke out in a sweat.

Tuohey was a lieutenant during his deployment in Iraq and is proud that most of the decision-making for counterinsurgency missions fell to the Army’s youngest officers.

“At no time before has the Army had LTs [lieutenants] who have made decisions like that on a daily basis,” he said.

As he sees it, the military now has an entire generation of young officers who are battle-hardened and knowledgeable about battling insurgencies.

Even in Iraq, he said, senior commanders were keenly aware of those officers who might be considering leaving the military and applied various degrees of pressure to persuade them to remain in uniform.

They appeal to the sense of mission, Tuohey said, and the sense of purpose of military life that doesn’t exist in the outside world. And they usually bring up an example of a friend who left the Army only to regret the decision.

Yet Tuohey, who was promoted to captain upon returning to Ft. Hood, said he was not sure whether he would stay in the Army when his commitment ended next year. He said he was tempted to work on Wall Street.

It’s not the money he’s after. It’s the fact that an Army that was gutted after the Cold War was promising him a future of perpetual deployments fighting a war that could last for decades.

That is not a future he is sure he can commit to.

“What’s the end point?” he asked. “When do you declare victory?”

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Desertion huge problem for US in Iraq war

  US Army Private Jeremy Hinzman, who deserted because he opposed the war in Iraq, speaks at a rally in Toronto. Picture / ReutersUS Army Private Jeremy Hinzman, who deserted because he opposed the war in Iraq, speaks at a rally in Toronto. Picture / Reuters  23.05.05  

Sergeant Kevin Benderman cannot shake the images from his head.

There are bombed villages and desperate people. There are dogs eating corpses thrown into a mass grave. And most unremitting of all is the image of a young Iraqi girl, no more than eight or nine, all but one of her arms severely burned and blistered and the sound of her screams.

Last January these memories became too much for this veteran of the war in Iraq. Informed that his unit was about to return, he told his commanders he wanted out and applied to be considered a conscientious objector. The Army refused and instead charged him with desertion. His case – which carries a penalty of up to seven years’ imprisonment – has now started before a military judge at Fort Stewart in Georgia.

“If I have to go to prison because I don’t want to kill anybody, so be it,” said Sergeant Benderman.

The case of Benderman and that of others like him has focused attention on the thousands of US troops who have gone Awol (Absent Without Leave) since the start of President Bush’s war on terror. The most recent Pentagon figures suggest that 5133 troops remain missing from duty. Of these, 2376 are sought by the Army, 1410 by the Navy, 1297 by the Marines and 50 by the Air Force. Some have been missing for decades.

But campaigners say the true figure of those who have gone Awol could be much, much higher. Staff who run a volunteer hotline to help desperate soldiers and new recruits looking to get out or else having discovered at basic training that military life is not for them, say the number of calls has increased by 50 per cent since 9/11. Last year alone, the GI Rights Hotline received more than 30,000 calls. At the moment the hotline is receiving up to 3000 calls a month and the volunteers say that by the time a soldier or new recruit dials the help line he or she has almost always decided to get out by one means or another.

“People are calling us because there is a real problem,” said Robert Dove, a Quaker who works in the Boston office of the American Friends Service Committee, one of several volunteer groups that have operated the hotline since 1995. “We do not profess to be lawyers or therapists but we do provide both types of support.”

The people calling the hotline range from veterans such as Sergeant Benderman to new recruits such as Jeremiah Adler, an idealistic 18-year-old from Portland, Oregon, who signed to join the Army in the belief he could help change its culture. Within days of arriving for his basic training at Fort Benning, Georgia, he realised he had made a mistake and believed the Army wanted to do nothing more than turn him into a “ruthless, cold-blooded killer”.

Mr Adler begged to be sent home to his family and even pretended to be gay in order to be discharged. Eventually he and another recruit fled in the night and then rang the hotline, which advised him to turn himself in to avoid court-martial. He will now receive an “other than honourable discharge”.

Speaking from southern Germany where he is on holiday before starting college in the autumn, Mr Adler told The Independent: “It was obviously a horrible experience but now I’m glad I went through it. I was expecting to meet a whole lot of different types of people – some had noble reasons. I also met a lot of people who [wanted] to kill Arabs.”

He now provides advice to other new recruits who have decided that the military is not for them.

“When people contact me I tell them go Awol – it’s the quickest way to get out,” he said. “I was told I would be facing 20 years’ hard labour at Fort Leavenworth [military prison] because that is what the sergeant will tell you. I learned that was not the case.”

Jeremy Hinzman, 26, a reservist with the 82nd Airborne Division who served in Afghanistan, decided to go Awol after his unit was ordered to Iraq. He took his wife and child and fled to Canada, hoping to be welcomed like the 50,000 or so young Americans who sought refuge to avoid the Vietnam war.

In March, he was refused refugee status by the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board. Private Hinzman, who is appealing the decision, told the hearing: “We were told that we would be going to Iraq to jack up some terrorists. We were told it was a new kind of war, that these were evil people and they had to be dealt with … We were told to consider all Arabs as potential terrorists … to foster an attitude of hatred that gets your blood boiling.”

Campaigners say that new recruits who decide they want to leave the military are the most vulnerable to pressure to force them to stay. Some are told they will go to jail, others are told they will never get a job if they receive a “less than honourable discharge”. They also face intense peer pressure and abuse – both as they try to get out and after they manage to do so.

Campaigners have also drawn attention to the tactics used by US military recruiters, who for the past three months have failed to meet their targets for new recruits. Following a series of cases in which it was revealed recruiters had illegally covered up recruits’ criminal and medical records, threatened one prospect with imprisonment for failing to meet an appointment and provided another with laxatives to help him lose weight and pass a military physical, the Pentagon halted all recruiting on Friday for a day of retraining.

Senior commanders have said the current recruiting environment – with the war in Iraq having cost the lives of more than 1600 soldiers and the economy able to offer other jobs – is the most difficult ever. Despite this, the Pentagon insists it is committed to finding recruits in a fair and transparent process. J.E. McNeil, who heads the Centre for Conscience and War in Washington DC, a Christian group whose members also staff the GI Rights Hotline, said recruiters had lied to many troops she spoke with.

“I had an 18-year-old who was told he did not have to serve in Iraq. ‘I was told I’d get a job where I would not be sent,’ he told me,” said Ms McNeill, a lawyer by training. “He was recruited to be an MP [Military Policeman]. They are the people they are sending to Iraq.”

She added: “People all the time are told [by recruiters]: ‘I can get you a job where you will not have to go to war’.”

Campaigners say that despite pressure and the insults, if a new recruit follows the correct legal procedure he or she can usually get out of the military.

One of the biggest hurdles for those who want to leave is obtaining the correct information.

Usually the advice to those on the run is to turn themselves in. After 30 days of being Awol, a soldier is considered to be a deserter and an arrest warrant is issued. At that point a soldier can be returned to his or unit unit, court-martialled or given jail time or – and this is more often than not the outcome for new recruits – given a non-judicial punishment and a less-than-honourable discharge.

Volunteers say that usually the military is more inclined to let go those who have received the least training and are the least specialised.

The Pentagon says it does not keep records of how many try to desert each year. A spokeswoman, Lieutenant-Colonel Ellen Krenke, said the tally had declined since 9/11 from 8396 to the current total of 5133. She said she could not say whether this was the result of more Awol soldiers giving themselves up or whether few were going Awol.

“The vast majority of those who desert do so because they have committed some criminal act – not for political or conscientious objector purposes.”

– INDEPENDENT

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Millions of Afghans left homeless

Gulandam is 45 years old. She easily could pass for 65. Her home, shared with hundreds of other families, is a four-story concrete building that shows the ravages of Afghan life, much as the deep lines and leathered skin of her tired face.

The building sits on the southern edge of Kabul, pockmarked from artillery shells and bullets. No windows. No exterior wall in some spots. Concrete has crumbled around the building, exposing metal reinforcing bars that twist and bend like cruel sculptures.

“All of our family is poor,” Gulandam said through an interpreter. “We don’t have anything.”

Gulandam is one of millions of Afghan citizens who are homeless because of years of war, drought and Taliban rule.

Many Afghans have been displaced up to four times since the late 1980s, A U.N. report said.
This is a nation with millions who have moved out – mostly to refugee camps in Pakistan, and Iran – and moved back.

The ebb and flow of humanity has often left refugees poor, homeless and unhealthy.

Afghanistan has 10 physicians per 100,000 people, compared with 279 per 100,000 in the United States.
Life expectancy at birth is 45 years, compared with 67 worldwide.

While a man’s average annual earned income is estimated at $43,797 in the U.S., it is $1,182 in Afghanistan.
A quarter of the nation’s population has fled the country, prompting the United Nations to declare Afghanistan the world’s major site of human displacement.

At the peak of the flight, in 1988, about 60 percent of all refugees in the world were from Afghanistan, the U.N. reported.

In addition to 25 years of conflict, Afghanistan has endured years of drought, has no significant natural resources such as oil and is considered the most heavily land-mined patch of earth on the planet.

The most profitable business in the country is opium, and a poppy eradication program is aimed at curtailing the drug business.

Afghanistan’s population has reacted over the years by leaving the country during strife and returning when it seemed safe.

In the 1980s, when the Soviets invaded, about 3.9 million people were displaced, the United Nations estimated.
After the Soviets withdrew in the late 1980s, millions returned to the country while others became refugees, leaving a crushed Kabul, according to the U.N.

They fled again with the rise of the Taliban and after 9/11, fearing U.S. reprisal against Osama bin Laden.

There are few job opportunities for men such as Malang, 28, who like many Afghans has only one name.

He fled to Pakistan, where he lived for years, returning two years ago.

“There was war and economical problems,” he said through an interpreter. “And because of the Taliban, too.”

The father of five is pinning hopes on international aid and help from President Hamid Karzai.

“We hope that the government could give us a good house,” Malang said.

At Gulandam’s settlement on the city’s southern side, 11-year-old Tla Sabrina, the fourth of five children in her family, was dressed in a brilliant red, ankle-length dress and a black shawl over her head, red curls peeking out. Her father has no work and no prospects, but Tla has dreams.

She’d like to be a doctor and a teacher, she said, “because that is very interesting for me.” Math is her favorite subject in school.

That Tla goes to school, even a few hours a day, a few days a week, signals significant change. Under Taliban rule, girls could not attend classes.

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A Genuine Inquiry into Abuses

How did a short item in Newsweek reporting that U.S. interrogators had desecrated a Koran at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, spark massive riots in several Muslim countries last week, leading to the deaths of least 16 people? And who, exactly, should bear the blame for these tragic events?  

Certainly not Newsweek. The magazine eventually retracted and apologized for its story because it could not properly defend the particular point it had made – that the United States was investigating claims of desecration of the Koran at Guantánamo. But the central claim about desecration – which is what set off the riots – remains very much alive.  

For more than two years before the magazine ran its story, newspapers in the United States, Britain and throughout the Muslim world published interviews in which detainees held by the United States at Guantánamo, in Afghanistan and in Iraq claimed that their guards and interrogators had denigrated Islamic religious symbols and, in particular, desecrated copies of the Koran by kicking them across the floor, tearing out pages and tossing them into toilets. Several former detainees held by U.S. forces in Afghanistan told Human Rights Watch how prisoners at the U.S. air base in Kandahar protested after a guard allegedly kicked a copy of the Koran while searching a cell.  

In recent days, Newsweek has drawn more fire than the parties who actually set the stage for the riots. The spark came on May 6 when Imran Khan, a Pakistani politician who rose to fame as a cricket star, brandished a copy of Newsweek at a news conference and highlighted the claims about the desecration of the Koran.  

As protesters took to the streets in Pakistani cities, politicians across the border in Afghanistan whipped up public ire as well. Politicians saw these claims as a perfect opportunity to score points against Presidents Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan and President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan, both strong allies of the United States.  

As anti-U.S. riots erupted, the Bush administration seized upon Newsweek’s lapse in journalistic practice as a cover. When Newsweek said it had relied on a single Pentagon source who later said he could not substantiate his claims, the White House and the Pentagon swiftly took advantage of the error to browbeat the press and deflect attention from the broader stream of reports on U.S. abuse of detainees that have been surfacing since long before the Abu Ghraib prison scandal.  

It’s the Bush administration, not Newsweek, that bears responsibility for policies that have sullied the reputation of United States in the Muslim world and beyond. It is difficult to imagine that the anti-U.S. Riots that took place last week would have been so virulent if the Newsweek article hadn’t appeared against a backdrop of abuses in U.S.-run detention sites. Outrage about American abuses was and remains a tinderbox.  

Hundreds of allegations have been made about abuses of detainees by U.S. Forces, including more than 40 deaths in detention facilities. But so far the United States has not permitted a serious independent and credible investigation of abuses at its detention facilities. The real source of outrage is the United States’ failure to properly investigate, much less address, such claims after years of consistent reports.  

The Bush administration has not even answered numerous allegations that U.S. Interrogators desecrated the Koran at Guantánamo and elsewhere, nor has it accepted any responsibility for the understandable anger that these allegations have inspired. Instead, the White House spokesman, Scott McClellan has called on Newsweek to do more to “to help repair the damage that has been done.”  

It’s the White House that should do more. The Bush administration should immediately announce an end to its practice of allowing “cruel, inhumane and degrading” treatment of U.S.-held detainees. The administration should allow a special prosecutor to lead a genuinely independent criminal investigation into all alleged detention abuses by U.S. personnel abroad, including military, CIA and private contractors. And the probe should focus on senior military and civilian officials whose actions or omissions contributed to the abuse, not just the grunts who carried it out.  

One of the dangerous results of the now tarnished image of the United States is that it plays into the hands of politicians who stoke religious anger in the Muslim world. They have used accounts of U.S. detainee abuse, as well as the single Newsweek story, to foment discord against governments allied with the United States. These figures, and not Newsweek, should be held responsible for their inciting religious violence resulting in the deaths of civilians.  

Even as the furor fades, the specter of self-censorship weighs heavily on the U.S. press. Journalists are now under intense pressure to avoid reporting other items about abuses in detention that might incur the wrath of the White House, or be used by as kindling by radical politicians in the Muslim world. The silence of a free press about the U.S. record of detention abuses, and how this abuse has hurt America’s standing abroad, would be yet another tragedy to add to the lives lost in the riots.  

Saman Zia-Zarifi is the deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. John Sifton is the organization’s Afghanistan researcher.

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New Swedish Documents Illuminate CIA Action

STOCKHOLM — The CIA Gulfstream V jet touched down at a small airport west of here just before 9 p.m. on a subfreezing night in December 2001. A half-dozen agents wearing hoods that covered their faces stepped down from the aircraft and hurried across the tarmac to take custody of two prisoners, suspected Islamic radicals from Egypt.

Inside an airport police station, Swedish officers watched as the CIA operatives pulled out scissors and rapidly sliced off the prisoners’ clothes, including their underwear, according to newly released Swedish government documents and eyewitness statements. They probed inside the men’s mouths and ears and examined their hair before dressing the pair in sweat suits and draping hoods over their heads. The suspects were then marched in chains to the plane, where they were strapped to mattresses on the floor in the back of the cabin.

So began an operation the CIA calls an “extraordinary rendition,” the forcible and highly secret transfer of terrorism suspects to their home countries or other nations where they can be interrogated with fewer legal protections.

The practice has generated increasing criticism from civil liberties groups; in Sweden a parliamentary investigator who conducted a 10-month probe into the case recently concluded that the CIA operatives violated Swedish law by subjecting the prisoners to “degrading and inhuman treatment” and by exercising police powers on Swedish soil.

“Should Swedish officers have taken those measures, I would have prosecuted them without hesitation for the misuse of public power and probably would have asked for a prison sentence,” the investigator, Mats Melin, said in an interview. He said he could not charge the CIA operatives because he was authorized to investigate only Swedish government officials, but he did not rule out the possibility that other Swedish prosecutors could do so.

The basic facts of the Stockholm rendition were reported last year; this article is based on newly released documents from the parliamentary probe that provide elaborate details about an operation that normally unfolds entirely out of public view and about the government deliberations that preceded it.

Swedish security police said they were taken aback by the swiftness and precision of the CIA agents that night. Investigators concluded that the Swedes essentially stood aside and let the Americans take control of the operation, moving silently and communicating with hand signals, the documents show.

“I can say that we were surprised when a crew stepped out of the plane that seemed to be very professional, that had obviously done this before,” Arne Andersson, an assistant director for the Swedish national security police, told government investigators.

At 9:47 p.m., less than an hour after its arrival at Bromma Airport, the jet took off on a five-hour flight to Cairo, where the prisoners, Ahmed Agiza and Muhammad Zery, were handed over to Egyptian security officials.

The CIA has not acknowledged playing any part in the expulsion of the two men. An agency spokesman in Washington declined to comment for this article, and U.S. Embassy officials in Stockholm also declined to answer questions.

CIA officials have testified that they have used rendition for years after tracking down suspected terrorists around the world. They say the U.S. government receives assurances of humane treatment from the countries where the suspects are taken. Human rights groups say that such pledges, from governments with long histories of torture, are worthless.

The two Egyptians later told lawyers, relatives and Swedish diplomats that they were subjected to electric shocks and other forms of torture soon after their forced return to their country.

Agiza, a physician, was convicted in an Egyptian military court and sentenced to 15 years in prison after a trial that lasted six hours. He was charged with being a leader of Egyptian Islamic Jihad, a radical group that the U.S. government has listed as a terrorist organization. He and his lawyers have acknowledged that he once worked with Ayman Zawahiri, a fellow Egyptian and the ideological leader of al Qaeda, but say that he cut ties with the group many years ago.

Zery was released from prison in October 2003. Egyptian officials notified the Swedish government last year that he was no longer under suspicion. His lawyer said he remained under surveillance.

The Swedish government kept the CIA’s role in the case a secret for more than three years. Then, in 2004, following unofficial reports of the rendition, it released documents showing that a U.S.-registered plane had been used to transport the Egyptians to Cairo but said the details were classified. It wasn’t until March, when the parliamentary investigator released his findings, that the CIA’s direct involvement was publicly confirmed.

The revelations created a stir in Sweden, which has long been outspoken in its support of international human rights. A parliamentary committee is scheduled to open hearings on government officials’ handling of the expulsion.

Although the parliamentary investigator concluded that the Swedish security police deserved “extremely grave criticism” for losing control of the operation and for being “remarkably submissive to the American officials,” no Swedish officials have been charged or disciplined.

“It’s quite clear that laws were broken. It is against Swedish law and against international law,” said Anna Wigenmark, a lawyer for the Swedish Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, which has worked on behalf of the Egyptian suspects. She and other human rights advocates have charged that the treatment of Agiza and Zery also violated the European Convention on Human Rights.

“It’s unacceptable that something like this could happen on Swedish soil and yet nothing has been done about it,” Wigenmark said.

Before their expulsion, the two men had lived in Sweden for extended periods and had applied for political asylum.

The Swedish government has revealed little about why it suddenly decided to expel them, three months after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks in the United States. It has said only that the decision was made on the basis of secret intelligence information, some of it from foreign services, indicating that the men posed a security threat. Swedish officials have refused to disclose any of the evidence or reveal where the information came from.

Fresh details of the transfer are contained in more than 100 pages of interview transcripts with Swedish police officers who witnessed the events at the Stockholm airport and police commanders who oversaw the case, as well as in other documents from the national security police. The records describe a hectic and haphazardly planned effort to deport the men.

Swedish security police wanted to arrest the men and put them on a flight to Cairo immediately to avoid giving their lawyers a chance to file an emergency appeal in court.

Swedish government ministers hastily scheduled a meeting for Dec. 18, 2001, to formally approve the expulsion. But the security police were unable to charter a flight to take the Egyptians to Cairo until the next morning. Police officials, worried about an overnight delay, turned to the CIA for help, according to the documents.

CIA officials told the Swedes they had a private jet with special security clearances that could fly nonstop to Cairo on a moment’s notice. Andersson, the Swedish police commander in charge of the case, characterized the offer as a “friendly favor from the CIA which allowed us to have a plane that had direct access throughout Europe and could take care of the operation very rapidly.”

About 2:30 p.m. on Dec. 18, the CIA plane left Cairo for Stockholm. About a half-hour later, the Swedish government ministers voted to expel Agiza and Zery.

By 5 p.m., Swedish police had arrested both men and were waiting for the plane to arrive. Already, however, problems had begun to surface.

Two unnamed officials from the U.S. Embassy informed Swedish officers that there would be no room on the jet for them on the trip back to Cairo. The Swedes complained and were ultimately given two seats on the plane, but raw feelings persisted.

“I felt that they were backing into our territory,” an unidentified female Swedish security officer told investigators, according to a transcript of her interview.

More conflicts arose after the plane landed. One Swedish officer walked up the steps of the aircraft to greet the crew and was surprised to see that the agents — a half-dozen or so Americans and two Egyptians — were wearing hoods with semi-opaque fabric around the face, even though the small airport was essentially deserted.

“I told them that you don’t need to wear hoods because there is no one here,” the officer recalled in his statement to investigators. The foreign agents ignored him.

The Swedish police said they were also perplexed by a demand from U.S. agents that they be allowed to strip-search the prisoners, even though the two men had already been searched and were in handcuffs. The Swedes relented after the captain of the plane said he would refuse to depart unless the Americans were allowed to do things their way, the documents show.

The prisoners were taken into the airport police station, one by one, to be searched.

One agent quickly slit their clothes with a pair of scissors and examined each piece of cloth before placing it in a plastic bag. Another agent checked the suspects’ hair, mouths and lips, while a third agent took photographs from behind, according to Swedish officers who witnessed the searches.

As the prisoners stood there, naked and motionless, they were zipped into gray tracksuits and their heads were covered with hoods that, in the words of one Swedish officer, “covered everything, like a big cone.”

Swedish police later marveled that the whole search procedure took less than 10 minutes. “It surprised me,” one officer told investigators. “How the hell did they dress him so fast?”

Paul Forell, a Swedish airport police officer who was on duty that night, added: “Everything was very smooth, professional. I mean, I thought, they have done this before.”

Zery later complained to his lawyers that the CIA agents tranquilized him by inserting suppositories in his anus during the search and that the two prisoners were forced to wear diapers. Swedish police officers said they couldn’t recall if the Egyptians had been forcibly medicated.

Investigators did find a report written by one of the Swedish officers that said Agiza and Zery were both “probably given a tranquilizer before takeoff.”

While investigators said they could not prove that the prisoners had been forcibly medicated, such a tactic would have violated Swedish law.

In a January letter to parliamentary investigators, the new director of the security police, Klas Bergenstrand, said the decision to rely on the CIA was a mistake.

“In my judgment, it is clear that some of the measures adopted after the two Egyptians had arrived at Bromma Airport were excessive in relation to the actual risks that existed,” Bergenstrand wrote. “For my part, I would find it alien to use a foreign aircraft with foreign security staff.”

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The Unknown Unknowns of the Abu Ghraib Scandal

It’s been over a year since I published a series of articles in the New Yorker outlining the abuses at Abu Ghraib. There have been at least 10 official military investigations since then – none of which has challenged the official Bush administration line that there was no high-level policy condoning or overlooking such abuse. The buck always stops with the handful of enlisted army reservists from the 372nd Military Police Company whose images fill the iconic Abu Ghraib photos with their inappropriate smiles and sadistic posing of the prisoners.

It’s a dreary pattern. The reports and the subsequent Senate proceedings are sometimes criticized on editorial pages. There are calls for a truly independent investigation by the Senate or House. Then, as months pass with no official action, the issue withers away, until the next set of revelations revives it.

There is much more to be learned. What do I know? A few things stand out. I know of the continuing practice of American operatives seizing suspected terrorists and taking them, without any meaningful legal review, to interrogation centers in south-east Asia and elsewhere. I know of the young special forces officer whose subordinates were confronted with charges of prisoner abuse and torture at a secret hearing after one of them emailed explicit photos back home. The officer testified that, yes, his men had done what the photos depicted, but they – and everybody in the command – understood such treatment was condoned by higher-ups.

What else do I know? I know that the decision was made inside the Pentagon in the first weeks of the Afghanistan war – which seemed “won” by December 2001 – to indefinitely detain scores of prisoners who were accumulating daily at American staging posts throughout the country. At the time, according to a memo, in my possession, addressed to Donald Rumsfeld, there were “800-900 Pakistani boys 13-15 years of age in custody”. I could not learn if some or all of them have been released, or if some are still being held.

A Pentagon spokesman, when asked to comment, said that he had no information to substantiate the number in the document, and that there were currently about 100 juveniles being held in Iraq and Afghanistan; he did not address detainees held elsewhere. He said they received some special care, but added “age is not a determining factor in detention … As with all the detainees, their release is contingent upon the determination that they are not a threat and that they are of no further intelligence value. Unfortunately, we have found that … age does not necessarily diminish threat potential.”

The 10 official inquiries into Abu Ghraib are asking the wrong questions, at least in terms of apportioning ultimate responsibility for the treatment of prisoners. The question that never gets adequately answered is this: what did the president do after being told about Abu Ghraib? It is here that chronology becomes very important.

The US-led coalition forces swept to seeming immediate success in the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, and by early April Baghdad had been taken. Over the next few months, however, the resistance grew in scope, persistence and skill. In August 2003 it became more aggressive. At this point there was a decision to get tough with the thousands of prisoners in Iraq, many of whom had been seized in random raids or at roadside checkpoints. Major General Geoffrey D Miller, an army artillery officer who, as commander at Guantánamo, had got tough with the prisoners there, visited Baghdad to tutor the troops – to “Gitmo-ize” the Iraqi system.

By the beginning of October 2003 the reservists on the night shift at Abu Ghraib had begun their abuse of prisoners. They were aware that some of America’s elite special forces units were also at work at the prison. Those highly trained military men had been authorized by the Pentagon’s senior leadership to act far outside the normal rules of engagement. There was no secret about the interrogation practices used throughout that autumn and early winter, and few objections. In fact representatives of one of the Pentagon’s private contractors at Abu Ghraib, who were involved in prisoner interrogation, were told that Condoleezza Rice, then the president’s national security adviser, had praised their efforts. It’s not clear why she would do so – there is still no evidence that the American intelligence community has accumulated any significant information about the operations of the resistance, who continue to strike US soldiers and Iraqis. The night shift’s activities at Abu Ghraib came to an end on January 13 2004, when specialist Joseph M Darby, one of the 372nd reservists, provided army police authorities with a disk full of explicit images. By then, these horrors had been taking place for nearly four months.

Three days later the army began an investigation. But it is what was not done that is significant. There is no evidence that President Bush, upon learning of the devastating conduct at Abu Ghraib, asked any hard questions of Rumsfeld and his own aides in the White House; no evidence that they took any significant steps, upon learning in mid-January of the abuses, to review and modify the military’s policy toward prisoners. I was told by a high-level former intelligence official that within days of the first reports the judicial system was programmed to begin prosecuting the enlisted men and women in the photos and to go no further up the chain of command.

In late April, after the CBS and New Yorker reports, a series of news conferences and press briefings emphasized the White House’s dismay over the conduct of a few misguided soldiers at Abu Ghraib and the president’s repeated opposition to torture. Miller was introduced anew to the American press corps in Baghdad and it was explained that the general had been assigned to clean up the prison system and instill respect for the Geneva conventions.

Despite Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo – not to mention Iraq and the failure of intelligence – and the various roles they played in what went wrong, Rumsfeld kept his job; Rice was promoted to secretary of state; Alberto Gonzales, who commissioned the memos justifying torture, became attorney general; deputy secretary of defense Paul Wolfowitz was nominated to the presidency of the World Bank; and Stephen Cambone, under-secretary of defense for intelligence and one of those most directly involved in the policies on prisoners, was still one of Rumsfeld’s closest confidants. President Bush, asked about accountability, told the Washington Post before his second inauguration that the American people had supplied all the accountability needed – by re-electing him. Only seven enlisted men and women have been charged or pleaded guilty to offenses relating to Abu Ghraib. No officer is facing criminal proceedings.

Such action, or inaction, has special significance for me. In my years of reporting, since covering My Lai in 1969, I have come to know the human costs of such events – and to believe that soldiers who participate can become victims as well.

Amid my frenetic reporting for the New Yorker on Abu Ghraib, I was telephoned by a middle-aged woman. She told me that a family member, a young woman, was among those members of the 320th Military Police Battalion, to which the 372nd was attached, who had returned to the US in March. She came back a different person – distraught, angry and wanting nothing to do with her immediate family. At some point afterward, the older woman remembered that she had lent the reservist a portable computer with a DVD player to take to Iraq; on it she discovered an extensive series of images of a naked Iraqi prisoner flinching in fear before two snarling dogs. One of the images was published in the New Yorker and then all over the world.

The war, the older woman told me, was not the war for democracy and freedom that she thought her young family member had been sent to fight. Others must know, she said. There was one other thing she wanted to share with me. Since returning from Iraq, the young woman had been getting large black tattoos all over her body. She seemed intent on changing her skin.

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