Detainee Questioning Was Faked, Book Says

The U.S. military staged the interrogations of terrorism suspects for members of Congress and other officials visiting the military prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to make it appear the government was obtaining valuable intelligence, a former Army translator who worked there claims in a new book scheduled for release Monday.

Former Army Sgt. Erik Saar said the military chose detainees for the mock interrogations who previously had been cooperative and instructed them to repeat what they had told interrogators in earlier sessions, according to an interview with the CBS television program “60 Minutes,” which is slated to air Sunday night.

“They would find a detainee that they knew to have been cooperative,” Saar told CBS. “They would ask the interrogator to go back over the same information,” he said, calling it “a fictitious world” created for the visitors.

Saar worked as a translator at Guantanamo from December 2002 to June 2003. During that time, several members of Congress reported visiting the base, but military officials said they do not know precisely how many toured it.

Saar also told CBS, and claims in his upcoming book, “Inside the Wire,” that a few dozen of the more than 750 men who have been held at the U.S. Navy base at Guantanamo Bay were terrorists, and that little valuable information has been obtained from them.

A spokesman for the U.S. military’s Southern Command, which oversees Guantanamo Bay operations, dismissed the allegation of mock interrogations.

“I can say that we do not stage interrogations for VIP visits at Guantanamo,” said Col. David McWilliams. “I don’t want to characterize or comment on what Sergeant Saar believes. He’s written his book.”

A Defense Department official familiar with interrogations said Saar would not be privy to interview strategies. He noted that interrogators often ask the same questions in separate sessions to check a detainee’s account.

Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-D.C.) said she was “initially impressed” by interrogations she saw on a tour of Guantanamo Bay in February 2004 with members of the Homeland Security Committee. The delegation watched through mirrored glass as interrogators spoke in conversational tones and rewarded cooperative detainees with ice cream. Now, she believes, “we were duped.”

“The amount and depth of the torture that’s been alleged and corroborated leaves no doubt in my mind that what we saw was a staged interrogation,” Norton said.

Michael Ratner, president of the Center for Constitutional Rights, which has led the legal challenge of detainees’ imprisonment and alleged abusive interrogation techniques, said Saar’s claims support lawyers’ suspicions that the official tours of Guantanamo were phony.

“They couldn’t show people what they were really doing, because what they were really doing was illegal and inhumane,” Ratner said. “It’s such a fraud. It reminds me of the special concentration camps set up in World War II. They would take the Red Cross there to see there was an orchestra and all sorts of nice things.”

Saar also alleges in his book that he witnessed female interrogators use sexual humiliation and taunting in an effort to get detainees to talk. The general tactics he described were corroborated by Army officials, who have acknowledged disciplining two female interrogators for such acts. Numerous detainees have alleged they were victims of similar sexually suggestive interrogations.

Researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.

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Return of Our Fallen

Return of Our Fallen

For More Information Contact:
Ralph Begleiter, University of Delaware (302) 831-2687
Meredith Fuchs, General Counsel, National Security Archive (202) 994-7000
Thomas Blanton, Director, National Security Archive (202) 994-7000
Daniel Mach, Counsel, Jenner & Block (202) 637-6313

Washington, D.C., April 28, 2005 – In response to Freedom of Information Act requests and a lawsuit, the Pentagon this week released hundreds of previously secret images of casualties returning to honor guard ceremonies from the Afghanistan and Iraq wars and other conflicts, confirming that images of their flag-draped coffins are rightfully part of the public record, despite its earlier insistence that such images should be kept secret.

One year after the start of a series of Freedom of Information Act requests filed by University of Delaware Professor Ralph Begleiter with the assistance of the National Security Archive, and six months after a lawsuit charging the Pentagon with failing to comply with the Act, the Pentagon made public more than 700 images of the return of American casualties to Dover Air Force Base and other U.S. military facilities, where the fallen troops received honor guard ceremonies. The Pentagon officially refers to the photos as “images of the memorial and arrival ceremonies for deceased military personnel arriving from overseas.” Many of the images show evidence of censorship, which the Pentagon says is intended to conceal identifiable personal information of military personnel involved in the homecoming ceremonies.

Begleiter’s lawsuit is supported by the National Security Archive and the Washington, D.C. office of the law firm Jenner & Block. “This is an important victory for the American people, for the families of troops killed in the line of duty during wartime, and for the honor of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice for their country,” said Begleiter, a former CNN Washington correspondent who teaches journalism and political science at the University of Delaware. “This significant decision by the Pentagon should make it difficult, if not impossible, for any U.S. government in the future to hide the human cost of war from the American people.”

The Pentagon’s decision preempted a court ruling in the lawsuit by U.S. District Judge Emmet G. Sullivan. “We are gratified that these important public records were released without the need for further court action,” said Daniel Mach of Jenner & Block. The Pentagon ban on media coverage of returning war casualties was initiated in January 1991 by then Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney during the administration of President George H. W. Bush, just weeks before the start of the Gulf War against Iraq.

“I have never considered the release of images as a political issue,” said Begleiter, noting that both Republican and Democratic administrations imposed the image ban. “But, seeing the cost of war, like any highly-charged political issue, can have strong political consequences.”

Begleiter’s Freedom of Information Act requests, and the lawsuit, asked for release of both still and video images. The Pentagon’s “final response” in the case includes no video images of the honor ceremonies for returning war casualties. “I’m surprised at this,” said Begleiter, “because the U.S. military uses video and film technology extensively in its public relations efforts.”

Thomas Blanton, Director of the National Security Archive, which actively uses the Freedom of Information Act to force release of government documents, said, “The government now admits it was wrong to keep these images secret. Hiding the cost of war doesn’t make that cost any less. Banning the photos keeps flag-draped coffins off the evening news, but it fundamentally disrespects those who have made the ultimate sacrifice.”

Blanton and Begleiter noted one major negative consequence of the dispute over the images: the Pentagon appears to have stopped creating the photos in the first place. All the released images containing date information appear to have been taken prior to June 2004. Military officials told Begleiter and the news media that such photos were no longer being taken since his first Freedom of Information Act request was filed in April 2004.

Begleiter said, “Hiding these images from the public – or, worse, failing even to record these respectful moments – deprives all Americans of the opportunity to recognize their contribution to our democracy, and hinders policymakers and historians in the future from making informed judgments about public opinion and war.” He called on the Pentagon to resume fully documenting the return of American casualties.

Although some of the newly released images include dates, locations and other information, the Pentagon censored that information from most of the released images. Some of the censorship, or, as the Pentagon prefers to call it, “redaction,” blacks out faces, identifying features on equipment, and uniform styles. In one case, for example, a clergyman’s identity is censored, while in another image, a different clergyman remains unredacted.

“I cannot imagine that the members of these honor guards want their own faces blacked out from the public homage that is due,” Blanton said. “Honor guard is the most solemn duty for anybody in the military, not something for the censors to hide.”

The photos released by the Pentagon were taken by U.S. government photographers, not by journalists. “There is nothing macabre or ghoulish about these images,” said Begleiter. “These are among the most respectful images created of American casualties of war – far less wrenching than images we regularly see from the battlefield. They’re taken under carefully controlled circumstances by military photographers covering honor ceremonies.”

An initial release of 361 such images was provided by the Pentagon in April, 2004 in response to a Freedom of Information Act appeal by Russ Kick, who maintains the web site thememoryhole.org. The Pentagon later declared that release to have been a mistake and refused to release further images, which prompted Begleiter and the National Security Archive to challenge the policy.
The Freedom of Information Act case was filed in Federal District Court for the District of Columbia [Case No. 1:04-cv-01697 (EGS)].

The newly released images, along with many other details of the Freedom of Information Act case, may be seen at: www.nsarchive.org.


Historical note:
The ban on media coverage of returning casualties was imposed by Defense Secretary Cheney after an embarrassing incident in which three television networks broadcast live, split-screen images in December, 1989, as the first U.S. casualties were returning from an American assault on Panama. In that incident, President Bush was seen on television joking at a White House news conference while somber images of flag-draped coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base moved across viewers’ screens. The ban on war casualty images was continued during the Clinton administration, which made several exceptions to allow publication and broadcast upon the return of victims of attacks against U.S. personnel abroad, including the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole in 2000. President George W. Bush continued the ban following the start of the Afghanistan war in October, 2001 and the Iraq invasion in March, 2003.

Former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Henry Shelton, coined the phrase “the Dover Test” to describe the impact of images of flag-draped coffins returning from a battlefield to the military mortuary at Dover, potentially affecting public support for a war. Images of casualties have played significant roles in many previous conflicts, beginning with the Civil War in the 1860’s and continuing through World Wars I and II and the Vietnam conflict in the 1960’s. In 1991, President Bush asserted that the U.S. had “kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all,” but later in the 1990’s, deployments of U.S. troops in Somalia, Bosnia and Kosovo were influenced by memories of the images of Vietnam-era casualties.


Chronology of DOD Policy on Images of the Honors Provided to American Casualties
Note: Documents cited below are in PDF format.
You will need to download and install the free Adobe Acrobat Readerto view.

Media reporting of the return of fallen soldiers to the United States and ceremonies honoring American military personnel killed overseas have long figured heavily in the nation’s collective mourning. During the Vietnam War, these images appeared regularly on television and in print news sources. In the 1980’s, as well, media reporting concerning honor rituals and ceremonies for soldiers was commonplace:

  • 1980: President Carter was photographed at Arlington praying over flag-draped coffins bearing the remains of the eight U.S. airmen killed in the aborted rescue of the Tehran Embassy hostages.
  • 1983: President Reagan was present at Andrews AFB for a ceremony for American diplomatic and military personnel killed in the April bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut. He was photographed in front of a row of flag-draped coffins bearing the remains of military and diplomatic personnel. Within a few days of the ceremony photographs were provided to the media by the White House.
  • 1985: President Reagan attended a ceremony at Andrews AFB for military personnel killed in El Salvador, pinning purple hearts on their flag-draped caskets. The event was covered by the media.
  • 1989: The media covered ceremonies at Norfolk, Virginia for 47 U.S. sailors killed in an accidental explosion aboard the battleship U.S.S. Iowa.

Media coverage at Dover AFB led to a controversy during the Panama Invasion:

  • December 21, 1989: The day after the U.S. invaded Panama, the first U.S. casualties from the action were returned to Dover Air Force Base. At the same time, President George H.W. Bush held his first news conference since the invasion. Three networks (ABC, CBS and CNN) chose to broadcast the two events in split screen, allowing viewing of both events at the same time. President Bush appeared to be joking during the news conference, despite the solemn ceremony taking place onscreen at Dover Air Force Base, resulting in calls from viewers complaining to the White House about the broadcasts.

The practice of permitting media coverage of fallen soldiers’ return to the United States was curtailed in 1991, during the Gulf War:

  • February 2, 1991: “Media coverage of the arrival of [] remains at the port of entry or at the interim stops will not be permitted…” Public Affairs Guidance – Operation Desert Storm, Casualty and Mortuary Affairs, Office of the Secretary of Defense (Arlington, VA), Feb. 2, 1991.

There have been many occasions since that time, however, when exceptions were made to permit media coverage.

  • April 1996: The media photographed the arrival and transfer ceremony at Dover AFB for the remains of Commerce Secretary Ron Brown and 32 other Americans killed when their plane crashed in Croatia. President Clinton was present to receive the flag-draped caskets.
  • August 1998: The media photographed the arrival ceremony at Andrews AFB for Americans killed in simultaneous bombings of our embassies in Tanzania and Kenya; the Pentagon released a number of photographs as well, including one showing the transfer of the coffins at Ramstein AFB.
  • October 2000: The Defense Department distributed photographs of caskets arriving at Dover AFB bearing the remains of military personnel killed in the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole.
  • March 2001: The Defense Department released photographs of caskets being transferred at Ramstein AFB; the caskets bore the remains of six military personnel killed in a training accident in Kuwait.
  • September 2001: The Department of the Air Force published a photograph of the arrival and transfer at Dover AFB of the remains of a victim in the 9/11 attack on the Pentagon.]
  • October 7, 2001: Military action commenced in Afghanistan.
  • November 2001: Department of Defense restated the ban on media coverage at Dover AFB and at Ramstein AFB.
  • November 2001: The media was given access to Andrews AFB for the arrival and transfer of Johnny Micheal Spann’s remains; Mr. Spann was the first American to die in the invasion of Afghanistan.
  • March 2002: The media photographed the arrival at Ramstein AFB of seven flag-draped caskets carrying the remains of U.S. soldiers killed in Afghanistan.
  • April 2002: The media was permitted to photograph the transfer of flag-draped coffins at Ramstein AFB that carried the remains of four U.S. soldiers killed in Afghanistan.
  • February 2003: NASA released photographs showing the transfer of the space shuttle Columbia astronauts’ remains at Dover AFB.
  • March 2003: Defense Department issued an expanded policy banning media coverage of fallen soldiers’ caskets.
  • March 2003: The media was permitted to photograph the loading of six flag-draped coffins in Kabul, Afghanistan destined for Dover AFB. The soldiers were killed in hostilities in Afghanistan.
  • March 20, 2003: Military action commenced in Iraq.
  • March 26, 2003: Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Military Community and Family Policy Molino Briefing on Casualty Notification discussed the policy barring media coverage as part of a broader discussion of casualty notification procedures. This appears to be the first public discussion of the policy by the military since the initiation of the 2001 Afghanistan and 2003 Iraq conflicts.
  • November 2003: Photographs of a Korean War soldier’s remains as they were unloaded at Hickam AFB (Hawaii) are released to the media by the Defense Department. The coffin was draped with a flag — identical to those caskets currently returning from Iraq.
  • November 2003: Russ Kick filed a Freedom of Information Act request for images of the honor guard ritual at Dover Air Force Base taken from February 2003 to the Present. The request was denied and Mr. Kick files an administrative appeal.
  • As of March 29, 2004: Dover Air Force Base Mortuary maintained a home page which included a photograph of flag draped caskets being returned to Dover in a transport aircraft. This web site has since been taken offline. See http://www.thememoryhole.org/war/coffin_photos/(final image on the page).
  • April 14, 2004: 361 images of soldiers’ and astronauts’ flag draped caskets being handled at Dover Air Force Base were released to Russ Kick of thememoryhole.org in response to an administrative appeal of a Freedom of Information Act request.
  • April 22, 2004: Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Military Community and Family Policy Molino Briefing on Remains Transfer Policy in response to questions about exceptions to the media ban says “I don’t know that there’s a general standard or a threshold through which you have to pass to say by golly that’s the one we’d have to waive it for.” He further explains “There have been exceptions to the policy, you’re absolutely correct; and they’re directed by my superiors when that occurs. I don’t know what would go in to say that we’ve crossed that threshold.”
  • November 22, 2004: Air Force correspondence responding to FOIA request, including CR-Rom of images previously provided to Russ Kick and an e-mail describing the dates the images were taken. Correspondence denies other pending FOIA requests, stating that there are no images of caskets containing the remains of U.S. military personnel received at any U.S. military facility from April 1, 2004-September 30, 2004.
  • December 28, 2004: Joint Motion for Abeyancefiled to permit administrative processing of appeal and additional searching for images.
  • February 25, 2005: Joint Status Reportfiled describing status of administrative processing of request.
  • March 25, 2005: Plaintiff’s Status Reportfiled describing the absence of substantive responses and indicating that plaintiff intends to request that the stay be lifted and to file a motion for summary judgment.
  • April 8, 2005: Letter from Department of Justiceadvising that “[a]fter searching numerous components of the Department of Defense both within and outside the Air Force, the Department of Defense has located several hundred images that are responsive to Mr. Begleiter’s request .… The Department of Defense intends to provide these images ….”
  • April 15, 2005: Letter from Department of Defenseadvising that “the Department of Defense has located several hundred photographic images that are responsive to your request. These images are in addition to the 361 images previously provided to you.” CD-ROM with 81 images from Defense Visual Information Center and 11 images from US Air Force in Europe.
  • April 25, 2005: “Final response” from Department of Defenseto April 23, 2004 request for images “released to Russ Kick on April 14, 2004 and for all photographs of caskets containing the remains of U.S. military personnel received at any U.S. military facility between October 7, 2001, the commencement of military action in Afghanistan, and the present.” Enclosing a CD-ROM with “268 unredacted and partially redacted photographic images [from] … the United States Army, the United States Air Force, and the Defense Visual Information Center (DVIC).” No video provided.
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Lawmakers shift tone on accountability for prison abuse scandal

A year ago, when the Abu Ghraib prison scandal broke, several U.S. senators warned that top military officers and civilian policy-makers must share the blame for lower-ranking soldiers who abused prisoners.

That hasn’t happened. Instead, while the scandal has widened to include allegations of mistreatment at facilities in Afghanistan and at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, the senators’ tough talk has mellowed considerably.

Republican Sens. John McCain of Arizona, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman John Warner of Virginia all initially demanded accountability up the chain of command for poor policy and failed oversight.

An independent panel of experts concluded last year that high-ranking officials were indirectly responsible for the abuses because “the weaknesses at Abu Ghraib were well-known and that corrective action could have been taken and should have been taken.”

As Graham put it last year: “We just don’t want a bunch of privates and sergeants to be the scapegoats.”

The Pentagon’s now-ended investigations, however, while commending the punishment of low-level troops who perpetrated the abuses, punished just one flag-rank officer: Brig. Gen. Janis Karpinski. Karpinski, the former commander of the Army Reserve’s 800th Military Police Brigade at Abu Ghraib, received an administrative reprimand.

While the Senate Armed Services Committee will likely hold a hearing on the culpability of senior officers in the near future, according to Warner, the talk from lawmakers today is decidedly less stern.

McCain, asked if he felt that high-ranking officers had been held sufficiently accountable for abuses at the Baghdad prison, replied: “I’d like to have a hearing on it and let them present their rationale before I make that decision.”

Warner said he was withholding judgment on the reports until he could call a hearing. But he said he had no timetable for calling one. “I’ve got some other issues I need to solve,” Warner said.

Graham, an Air Force colonel and a military judge with more than 20 years of service as an Air Force prosecutor and defense attorney, said he hoped another hearing would pursue the question of accountability.

But he also said he was satisfied with the treatment of “front-line abusers.” He added that “some high-ranking careers will be affected in terms of future promotion.”

“Some people who could have been promoted won’t be,” he said.

Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich., also once urged the Pentagon to hold higher-ranking officers accountable.

On Friday, his office said Levin had no comment to make on the matter.

“We’re still reviewing the investigation,” said Jane Anderson, Levin’s assistant press secretary.

The senators’ shift in tone – from urgent to patient – dismays Reed Brody, the counsel for Human Rights Watch.

“Exactly what they have said they would not accept has come to pass,” Brody said. “It’s as if there’s a wall of immunity surrounding people who set the policies.”

Brody noted allegations that Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the military’s top commander in Iraq, and Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller, who led the Guantanamo Bay detention facility, had authorized harsh interrogation tactics that could have led to abuse, such as the use of dogs to intimidate prisoners.

“The only thing that will restore credibility in the eyes of the world is when those responsible for these policies are fully investigated,” Brody said.

There’s nothing in the Uniform Code of Military Justice on the responsibility of senior commanders for their subordinates’ misdeeds. Army Field Manual 27-10, however, says a commander is responsible if he or she knew, or should have known, that subordinate troops were violating laws of war.

While Warner’s hearing, if held, will likely determine whether new looks are given at the role of military and civilian policy-makers, some in Congress feel that it’s past time to move on.

“I think we’re doing a great disservice to all of our troops, and to morale, to our ability to interrogate, by stringing this thing on,” said Sen. James Inhofe, R-Okla., a member of the Armed Services Committee. “I just think we need to back and finish the war.”

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Chalabi Named Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq

Thwarted in his bid to be Iraq’s leader, one-time Pentagon favorite Ahmad Chalabi has nevertheless captured a key position in the new government _ a deputy prime minister’s spot and temporary control of the lucrative oil ministry.

With his nephew also installed as finance minister, Chalabi and his family appear to have a firm grip on the country’s purse strings.

Once Saddam Hussein’s most visible opponent in exile, Chalabi, 60, is now tasked with overseeing the world’s second-largest proven crude reserves until a permanent chief is found. Oil is the country’s only major source of export earnings, crucial to rebuilding Iraq’s devastated economy.

It was a spectacular comeback for the Shiite Arab lawmaker, who fell out of favor with Washington over accusations he leaked intelligence to Iran and supplied flawed evidence that Saddam was hoarding weapons of mass destruction.

Iraq’s interim parliament approved a partial lineup for the new government on Thursday, leaving seven posts _ including the oil ministry _ to be decided later.

There is still no word on when those positions will be filled. But whether Chalabi remains in charge of oil for months or a week _ all eyes will be on him.

“Having two close members of the same family in two key economic ministries may raise questions for the Iraqis and those who want to do business in Iraq,” said Judith Kipper, director of the Middle East Forum at the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations.

Chalabi’s checkered career is already tainted by allegations of corruption.

In Iraq, he faces a suspended charge of counterfeiting for allegedly reproducing old Iraqi dinars removed from circulation after Saddam’s ouster. He was never arrested because the Interior Ministry refused to follow up on the warrant.

He is also still wanted in Jordan for a 1992 conviction in absentia of embezzlement, fraud, and breach of trust after a bank he ran collapsed with about $300 million in missing deposits. He was sentenced to 22 years in prison _ but hasn’t served a day.

The Jordanian government welcomed the new Iraqi Cabinet on Thursday but resisted commenting on Chalabi’s latest political triumph.

Jordanian government spokeswoman Asma Khader said it was an “internal Iraqi matter and we respect the will and the opinion of the Iraqi people.”

Chalabi would not comment Thursday.

The incoming finance minister, Ali Abdel-Amir Allawi, 58, was a consultant to the World Bank and headed a London-based investment company called Pan-Arab. Like his mathematician uncle, he is an MIT graduate. But his supporters play down his ties to Chalabi, noting he is also related to outgoing Prime Minister Ayad Allawi.

“The allegations against Chalabi will not affect him,” Shiite alliance lawmaker Saad Jouwad Qandil said of Ali Abdel-Amir Allawi.

Chalabi’s standing with Iraqis was tenuous when he returned home in 2003 under the patronage of the United States. Using a private militia, he took over an exclusive social club in an affluent Baghdad suburb and made it the headquarters for the Iraqi National Congress, the anti-Saddam movement he headed in exile.

Since then, Iraqi security forces have raided his offices and militants shot at his convoy.

Chalabi’s return from political exile began to take shape when he volunteered to mediate a truce with radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, whose militia battled U.S. troops in two separate rebellions last year. Left out of the interim government by then U.S. administrator L. Paul Bremer, Chalabi decided to build his support base among other Shiites.

Chalabi promised that if he became prime minister, he would drop murder charges against al-Sadr. He also spearheaded a drive against members of the former regime who had returned to positions in the interim government.

Some members of the interim legislature said they were prepared to give Chalabi the benefit of the doubt. But “if there is evidence that all the accusations are right, our stand will change,” Qandil said.

The outgoing government is bedeviled by allegations of corruption within its ranks. With fresh elections slated before the end of the year, analysts warn some incoming officials could be tempted to use their short time in office for maximum financial gain.

“The day that the new government takes over a new test begins for everyone,” Kipper said. “This is an absolutely critical period for the future of Iraq, and we have to see who in the Cabinet is going to look forward for Iraq, and who is going to be concerned with their personal success.”

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Unready for combat

When Dustin W. Peters, an Air Force supply technician, arrived in Kuwait in January 2004, all he and his fellow airmen knew was that they would be supporting US troops in Iraq. But when their unit received its assignment, they recalled, they were stunned: They would be protecting supply convoys traveling along Iraq’s violent roadways.

Peters, 25, was killed last summer when his Humvee was struck by a roadside bomb near the town of Bayji, placing him among at least 13 Air Force and Navy members to die in Iraq while on assignments that were different from what they signed up for — and with far less training than military personnel who usually performed those missions, according to a Globe analysis of Pentagon statistics.

At least 3,000 Navy and Air Force personnel such as Peters — trained mainly in noncombat specialties such as mechanics and construction — are serving on the front lines of the Iraqi insurgency. The Iraq war is the first military engagement in which such large numbers of air and naval personnel are serving in combat roles on the ground, facing imminent threat of attack.

Most of them have received only crash courses in basic combat, in some cases after they’ve arrived in the Middle East and then been stationed near the front lines because of shortages of troops in the Army and Marine Corps. Though technically defined as support units, their jobs — guarding convoys and oil facilities, or defusing bombs under fire — bear little resemblance to traditional ”noncombat” duty in the safety of a base.

”Airmen are driving trucks in Iraq because the Army didn’t have enough of them,” Brigadier General S. Taco Gilbert, the Air Force’s deputy director for strategic planning, said in a recent interview. ”They’re manning .50-caliber machine guns.”

Some of the service members contend that they have not been provided with sufficient skills to protect themselves in combat situations.

Peters and his Air Force comrades were given five days of weapons training in Kuwait before taking up their posts guarding convoys in Iraq, according to three members of his unit, two of whom received the training with Peters. Normally, infantry receive a minimum of eight weeks of training in combat skills, with most receiving months more of special preparation to survive under dangerous conditions.

Late last year, after Peters’s unit and dozens of other Air Force units had been sent from their home bases to Iraq, the Air Force increased combat training for those working on convoys to three weeks spent mostly at a base in Kuwait, officials said.

The Navy, too, set up a new command in October to enhance combat training for sailors who will be assigned to perform unfamiliar jobs in Iraq, but officials acknowledged that none of the sailors currently on duty have learned the full regimen of skills.

”We are definitely playing a part that is not a normal Navy role,” said Lieutenant Lesley Smith, a Navy spokeswoman. ”We have sailors who were assigned to ships [who are instead] guarding oil platforms in the Gulf. These are definitely different roles. We call them dirt sailors.”

Smith provided a description of the training that the Navy believes any sailor performing an unusual mission in Iraq or Afghanistan should receive, including how to coordinate within a small team in battle situations; how to operate high-tech weapons; how to spot roadside bombs; and how to operate so-called crew-served weapons, the large, powerful guns that are designed to protect an entire unit from enemy forces.

The Navy’s Maritime Force Protection Command said in a statement that such training is ”essential” and ”strengthens and builds the skill sets that these units need to conduct their jobs safely.” But the statement also acknowledged that only some of the training is currently available.

The delay in implementing the full program, according to Navy officials, is because of difficulty obtaining the use of appropriate facilities. Because the training is unfamiliar to most naval officers, much of the instruction will have to take place at Army or Marine Corps bases, which are already occupied training regular troops for Iraq duty, Navy officials said.

Currently, more than 2,500 Air Force personnel are involved in convoy operations in Iraq, transporting troops and supplies between cities. Convoy duty has proven to be one of the deadliest assignments of the counterinsurgency, as roadside bombs and ambushes have killed hundreds of troops. Meanwhile, about 400 of the Navy’s bomb specialists, who are trained in port security and are not accustomed to working in a hostile environment, are checking out bombs in Iraq or Afghanistan, in many cases in the midst of combat.

Comrades and family members of those who died wonder whether extra training and greater familiarity with their roles would have spared their lives. Air Force and Navy commanders stopped short of saying these support troops are dying for lack of training, but acknowledged that training must be expanded. But the pace of expansion, which began more than a year after the start of the war, has not been quick enough to satisfy family members who lost loved ones in Iraq.

Petty Officer Ronald A. Ginther, 37, was a Navy reservist called to active duty in early 2004. He was deployed to Ramadi, a hotbed of insurgent activity in western Iraq, where he joined a construction battalion assigned to help rebuild the city. Ginther received three weeks of weapons training in Mississippi, according to relatives. He died on May 2, 2004, when his unit came under insurgent attack.

”He told us he would not have anybody shooting at him,” his mother, Darleen Ginther, said in an interview from her home in Port Charlotte, Fla. ”The fear was there, but not as somebody who is going out with the infantry. Every time we talked to him we heard mortar rounds in the background. He had three weeks training. Before, he was on a ship, not on land. What kind of training did he have for that? No training whatsoever as far as I am concerned.”

Air Force and Navy personnel are being plugged into a wider range of assignments in Iraq and Afghanistan than in any previous US military involvement. And the military itself acknowledges that their roles are different from those for which they signed up.

For example, the Navy’s bomb technicians ”are finding their operations are no longer routine explosive disposal operations,” involving sea mines, according to the statement by the Maritime Force Protection Command. The units are routinely called on to dispose of stockpiles of weapons used by Iraqi insurgents in the midst of what the command acknowledges are ”hostile” environments.

Other sailors have found themselves guarding oil wells. Two sailors from the USS Firebolt –Petty Officers Michael J. Pernaselli, 27, and Christopher E. Watts, 28 — were killed last April when an explosives-laden boat crashed into an oil platform they were defending. Coast Guard Petty Officer Nathan B. Bruckenthal, 24, operating with the Navy, was also killed in the attack, becoming the first Coast Guard member to die in combat since the Vietnam War.

Casualty lists do not reveal the extent of their prewar training, but naval officials confirmed that no seamen received combat training that approached that of the Army infantry who would normally guard the oil platforms.

Some military specialists acknowledge that the short duration of combat training for airmen and sailors puts them at a disadvantage on the battlefield.

”In terms of doctrine, equipment, training, and force structure, they are playing catch-up across the board,” said Andrew Krepinevich, a retired Army lieutenant colonel and specialist on counterinsurgency. ”The fact that we are seeing people put into different roles than they have been accustomed to or trained for is a product of institutional lapses.”

For example, more in-depth instruction on how to spot booby traps and better discern signs of a possible ambush would increase some service members’ chances of survival, Krepinevich said.

Jack Spencer, a military analyst at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative-leaning think tank, gives the armed forces high marks for beginning to address the need for more training in nontraditional missions, but acknowledges there is more work to do. ”It is important everyone be adequately trained to carry out what they are asked to do,” he said. ”We should put them in a position to succeed.”

The Air Force and Navy maintain that their personnel now in Iraq are better prepared than those who died last year. For example, Air Force logistics specialists who will serve in similar positions to Dustin Peters now get a three-week weapons course, two more than Peters, before convoy duty, according to Lieutenant Colonel Kurt A. Searfoss of the 99th Logistics Readiness Squadron at Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada.

But the changes instituted last fall came too late for those in Peters’s unit, which ended its seven-month deployment in August. They recall both the trauma of being assigned such dangerous duty and the brief preparation they received.

”We were excited about the deployment, but were trying to find out what the parameters would be,” Air Force Master Sergeant Luis Acuria, 39, recalled in an interview at his base in Nevada.

”It was a last-minute thing,” he said of their orders to provide convoy security, which came after they arrived in Kuwait. ”It was a request from the Army.”

Along with Peters, Acuria and the rest of his unit were given a five-day course in how to fire automatic weapons, grenade launchers, and .50-caliber machine guns out the windows of trucks and Humvees while traveling at high speeds.

Air Force Staff Sergeant Lee Moses, a 37-year-old supply technician who survived the attack last July 10 that killed Peters and their Iraqi driver, said he had virtually no weapons training before arriving in Kuwait. He said the five-day crash course he received in Kuwait was ”what we lived on.”

”It was good training but it was definitely pretty short,” said Moses, awarded a Purple Heart for injuries sustained that day. Once put to work guarding convoys, ”we were on pins and needles.”

More than two years into the Iraq war, an average of one American service member is killed every day. Most of them are from the Army or Marine Corps. But so far, at least 31 Air Force and 37 Navy personnel have died since the invasion of Iraq and hundreds of others have been wounded, according to Pentagon figures.

Ronald Ginther’s brother Don said in an interview that ”it still amazes me” that ”they sent Ron away for a couple weeks of training.”

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U.S.: Abu Ghraib Only the “Tip of the Iceberg”

The crimes at Abu Ghraib are part of a larger pattern of abuses against Muslim detainees around the world, Human Rights Watch said on the eve of the April 28 anniversary of the first pictures of U.S. soldiers brutalizing prisoners at the Iraqi jail.

Human Rights Watch released a summary (below) of evidence of U.S. abuse of detainees in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, as well as of the programs of secret CIA detention, “extraordinary renditions,” and “reverse renditions.”  
 
“Abu Ghraib was only the tip of the iceberg,” said Reed Brody, special counsel for Human Rights Watch. “It’s now clear that abuse of detainees has happened all over—from Afghanistan to Guantánamo Bay to a lot of third-country dungeons where the United States has sent prisoners. And probably quite a few other places we don’t even know about.”  
 
Human Rights Watch called this week for the appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate the culpability of Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and ex-CIA Director George Tenet, as well as Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, formerly the top U.S. commander in Iraq, and Gen. Geoffrey Miller, the former commander of the prison camp at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba in cases of crimes against detainees. It rejected last week’s report by the Army Inspector General which was said to absolve Gen. Sanchez of responsibility.  
 
“General Sanchez gave the troops at Abu Ghraib the green light to use dogs to terrorize detainees, and they did, and we know what happened, said Brody. “And while mayhem went on under his nose for three months, Sanchez didn’t step in to halt it.”  
 
Human Rights Watch also expressed concern that, despite all the damage that had been done by the detainee abuse scandal, the United States had not stopped the use of illegal coercive interrogation. In January 2005, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales claimed in a written response during his confirmation hearings that the prohibition on cruel, inhuman, or degrading (CID) treatment does not apply to U.S. personnel in the treatment of non-citizens abroad, indicating that no law would prohibit the CIA from engaging in CID treatment when it interrogates non-Americans outside the United States.  
 
Human Rights Watch said that the U.S. government was still withholding key information about the treatment of detainees, including directives reportedly signed by President George W. Bush authorizing the CIA to establish secret detention facilities and to “render” suspects to countries where torture is used.  
 
“If the United States is to wipe away the stain of Abu Ghraib, it needs to investigate those at the top who ordered or condoned abuse and come clean on what the president has authorized,” said Brody. “Washington must repudiate, once and for all, the mistreatment of detainees in the name of the war on terror.”  
 
U.S. Abuse of Detainees around the World  
 
Afghanistan:  
 
Nine detainees are now known to have died in U.S. custody in Afghanistan—including four cases already determined by Army investigators to be murder or manslaughter. Former detainees have made scores of other claims of torture and other mistreatment. In a March 2004 report, Human Rights Watch documented cases of U.S. personnel arbitrarily detaining Afghan civilians, using excessive force during arrests of non-combatants, and mistreating detainees. Detainees held at military bases in 2002 and 2003 described to Human Rights Watch being beaten severely by both guards and interrogators, deprived of sleep for extended periods, and intentionally exposed to extreme cold, as well as other inhumane and degrading treatment. In December 2004, Human Rights Watch raised additional concerns about detainee deaths, including one alleged to have occurred as late as September 2004. In March 2005, The Washington Post uncovered another death in CIA custody, noting that the case was under investigation but that the CIA officer implicated had been promoted.  
 
Guantánamo Bay, Cuba:  
 
There is growing evidence that detainees at Guantánamo have suffered torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. Reports by FBI agents who witnessed detainee abuse—including chained detainees forced to sit in their own excrement—have recently emerged, adding to the statements of former detainees describing the use of painful stress positions, use of military dogs to threaten detainees, threats of torture and death, and prolonged exposure to extremes of heat, cold and noise. Ex-detainees also said they had been subjected to weeks and even months in solitary confinement—at times either suffocatingly hot or cold from excessive air conditioning—as punishment for failure to cooperate. Videotapes of riot squads subduing suspects reportedly show the guards punching some detainees, tying one to a gurney for questioning and forcing a dozen to strip from the waist down. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has told the U.S. government in confidential reports that its treatment of detainees has involved psychological and physical coercion that is “tantamount to torture.”  
 
Iraq:  
 
Harsh and coercive interrogation techniques such as subjecting detainees to painful stress positions and extended sleep deprivation have been routinely used in detention centers throughout Iraq. The Schlesinger panel appointed by Secretary Rumsfeld noted 55 substantiated cases of detainee abuse in Iraq, plus 20 instances of detainee deaths still under investigation. The earlier report of Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba found “numerous incidents of sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses” constituting “systematic and illegal abuse of detainees” at Abu Ghraib. Another Pentagon report documented 44 allegations of such war crimes at Abu Ghraib. An ICRC report concluded that in military intelligence sections of Abu Ghraib, “methods of physical and psychological coercion used by the interrogators appeared to be part of the standard operating procedures by military intelligence personnel to obtain confessions and extract information.”  
 
CIA “Disappearances” and Torture:  
 
At least 11 al-Qaeda suspects, and most likely many more, have “disappeared” in U.S. custody. The Central Intelligence Agency is holding the detainees in undisclosed locations, with no notification to their families, no access to the International Committee of the Red Cross or oversight of any sort of their treatment, and in some cases, no acknowledgement that they are even being held, effectively placing them beyond the protection of the law. One detainee, Khalid Shaikh Muhammed, was reportedly subjected to “water boarding” in which a person is strapped down, forcibly pushed under water, and made to believe he might drown. It was also reported that U.S. officials initially withheld painkillers from Abu Zubayda, who was shot during his capture, as an interrogation device.  
 
“Extraordinary Renditions”:  
 
The CIA has transferred some 100 to 150 detainees to countries in the Middle East known to practice torture routinely. In one case, Maher Arar, a Canadian in transit in New York, was detained by U.S. authorities and sent to Syria. He was released without charge from Syrian custody ten months later and has described repeated torture, often with cables and electrical cords. In another case, a U.S. government-leased airplane transported two Egyptian suspects who were blindfolded, hooded, drugged, and diapered by hooded operatives, from Sweden to Egypt. There the two men were held incommunicado for five weeks and have given detailed accounts torture, including electric shocks. In a third case, Mamdouh Habib, an Australian in American custody, was transported from Pakistan to Afghanistan to Egypt to Guantánamo Bay. Now back home in Australia, Habib alleges that he was tortured in Egypt with beatings and electric shocks, and hung from the walls by hooks.  
 
“Reverse Renditions”:  
 
Detainees arrested by foreign authorities in non-combat and non-battlefield situations have been transferred to the United States without basic protections afforded to criminal suspects. `Abd al-Salam `Ali al-Hila, a Yemeni businessman captured in Egypt, for instance, was handed over to U.S. authorities and “disappeared” for more than a year and a half before being sent to Guantánamo Bay Naval Base in Cuba. Six Algerians held in Bosnia were transferred to U.S. officials in January 2002 (despite a Bosnian high court order to release them) and were sent to Guantánamo.

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The Myth of U.S. Cultural, Religious, Political, and Social Superiority

The concept of Manifest Destiny describes the 19th century conviction that God intended the continent of North America to be under the control of Christian, European Americans. The ideology of Manifest Destiny was the backbone of U.S. government efforts to colonize land inhabited by indigenous people in North America and expand the United States into Mexican territory. 

Believers in Manifest Destiny asserted that U.S. rulers were predestined to spread their proclaimed superior values near and far. Propaganda, armed interventions, occupations, and terror were used in various insidious combinations. Indigenous people whose country we reside in can best attest to the results of Manifest Destiny policy, as they survived centuries of unspeakable injustices and lost millions, but courageously, have survived. 

Ulysses S. Grant, that era’s most prominent military man, and himself a participant in the Mexican-American War, wrote in his memoirs, “I do not think there ever was a more wicked war than that waged by the United States in Mexico. I thought so at the time, when I was a youngster, only I had not moral courage enough to resign.”

Although the shameful concept of Manifest Destiny should be confined to history books, it has reared its ugly head, as reflected in our government’s 21st century mission to reshape the Middle East. Of course, the psychology of Manifest Destiny – the projection of Anglo-Saxon supremacy – never really went away, it has always been used to justify America’s expansionist adventures. Losing the Vietnam War drove it toward covert action, i.e., U.S. attempts in the 1980’s to undo the Nicaraguan revolution and support for death squads in El Salvador and Guatemala. But U.S. foreign policy has consistently been based on an arrogant and racist view that “America knows best.” 

For most Americans, the myth of U.S. cultural, religious, political, and social superiority has been so strongly reinforced over the years that it is taken a given, it is assumed. In the language of political science, this is called “reification,” when myths become accepted as reality. Public debate is often vacuous, because we are unable to question 1) whether or not the U.S. system of governance is desired by non-Americans, or 2) whether or not the “one size fits all” U.S. model will offer people in other lands true solutions. Without such debate, the reification process becomes frightening: If it is a given that our system and values are superior, it follows that remaking others in our image will always be the worthy “end.” Any means can be used to reach the agreed-upon (but unquestioned) worthy end. 

This is why the U.S. invaded and devastated Iraq, and why our leaders and a majority of Americans can ignore 100,000 Iraqi civilian casualties. If it is a given that a Western-style, capitalist Iraq is the proper end, then the means by which that is achieved can be illegal, ruthless, bloody, inhumane, or whatever. The means are open-ended. We see that glazed, slightly out-of-reality look constantly in this administration’s eyes as they talk about “democracy” in Iraq. Their fixed eyes look up towards the ends, but they are never cast seriously downward to look over and evaluate the terrible means by which they are trying to reach those ends.

Of course, this “remaking Iraq” project isn’t genuinely guided by the true lofty goal of implementing democracy. Instead, its focus is synchronizing Middle Eastern social and cultural values with Western capitalist values, because that will better facilitate a global world order that revolves around the U.S. economic interests of elites.

We all recall and recoil when we remember the days shortly after the invading troops reached Baghdad, when widespread looting destroyed Iraq’s museums and libraries. The U.S. troops stood idly by as Iraq’s cultural history was being erased. There are Iraqis who now say that this was deliberate, an attempt to erase the records of Iraq’s cultural and historical achievements, to wipe the slate clean, so that Western values could be more easily imposed.

Hundreds of Iraqi youth recently came out into the streets to protest a new government order that makes Saturday an official holiday in Iraq, officially aligning Iraq’s weekend with the Western weekend. The holy day for Muslims is Friday, and most Muslim countries take off Thursday and Friday or just Friday. At Baghdad’s University of Mustansariyah, a statement read, “We declare a general strike in the University of Mustansariyah to reject this decision and any decision aimed at depriving Iraqis of their identity.”

Since the invasion, there have been scores of such changes. The CPA (Coalition Provisional Authority) under L. Paul Bremer, and the interim government that followed, both gutted and reworked Iraqi legislation in many areas. The CPA’s meddling with Iraq law violates the Hague Regulations of 1907 and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, governing the treatment of the inhabitants of militarily occupied territories. Occupiers are prohibited from making major alterations to the character of the occupied society.

The press hasn’t covered the extent of the many changes. We only hear about them occasionally, as in this (2/27/05) Associated Press article that pokes fun at the protesters, portraying the Iraq students as silly for not wanting Saturday off. This patronizing and condescending tone is prevalent throughout U.S. reporting on Iraq society. The Western press resurrects and reinforces the colonialist idea that dark-skinned people in foreign lands are unable to do anything right. Their customs, religion, and culture are not properly “modern” or advanced enough, like ours, and, by God, they have to get with the program!

But many Muslims in the Middle East don’t want to get with “the program” because they have been subject to this colonial program before. Like indigenous people, who also reject attempts to assimilate them and dismantle their identity, Muslims in the Middle East don’t want to be shoved on to reservations either, left to watch the rich cities of their countries gleam and hum with U.S. oil money. Fast food joints on every corner, hotel chains, and big box stores offering lousy wages and products may be the American dream, but they are many a Muslim’s nightmare.

On February 25, a Qatar-hosted conference called for disseminating the culture of peaceful resistance to aggressive policies adopted by world powers towards Muslim countries. It was attended by a cohort of senior Muslim scientists, intellectuals, and dignitaries. Dr. Abdael Rahman al-Nuaimi, the chairman of the Arab Center for Studies and Research, said that Muslims are facing fierce campaigns from world parties attempting to impose their hegemony over Muslim people and destroy their social systems. He told the opening session of the three-day conference that the goal of such campaigns is to tarnish the image of Islam and mock Islamic values. “In response to such aggressive campaigns, the conference calls for the adoption of all peaceful means as well as the economic, media, and legal tools, to stand up to these aggressions.”

There were scant, if any, reports of this conference in the Western press. Why? Because it calls into question the “end” of making other people adapt to the assumed perfect U.S. model of governance, and it speaks to the failed psychology of Manifest Destiny that still guides U.S. thinking – that the U.S. government has a right to spread its values by any means. We cannot hear news that Muslim people en masse reject and plan to resist Western values, which are part and parcel of a specific economic system. That reality (gosh, they don’t want to be like us?) uncomfortably clashes with the reified language of Manifest Destiny, which U.S. leaders again spit forth, to convince citizens that their self-serving violent Middle East policies are worthy.

Kristina Gronquist is a freelance writer based in Minneapolis. She specializes in foreign policy analysis and holds a BA in Political Science from the University of Minnesota.

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U.S. Prison Population Soars in 2003, ’04

WASHINGTON – Growing at a rate of about 900 inmates each week between mid-2003 and mid-2004, the nation’s prisons and jails held 2.1 million people, or one in every 138 U.S. residents, the government reported Sunday.

By last June 30, there were 48,000 more inmates, or 2.3 percent, more than the year before, according to the latest figures from the Bureau of Justice Statistics.

The total inmate population has hovered around 2 million for the past few years, reaching 2.1 million on June 30, 2002, and just below that mark a year later.

While the crime rate has fallen over the past decade, the number of people in prison and jail is outpacing the number of inmates released, said the report’s co-author, Paige Harrison. For example, the number of admissions to federal prisons in 2004 exceeded releases by more than 8,000, the study found.

Harrison said the increase can be attributed largely to get-tough policies enacted in the 1980s and 1990s. Among them are mandatory drug sentences, “three-strikes-and-you’re-out” laws for repeat offenders, and “truth-in-sentencing” laws that restrict early releases.

“As a whole most of these policies remain in place,” she said. “These policies were a reaction to the rise in crime in the ’80s and early 90s.”

Added Malcolm Young, executive director of the Sentencing Project, which promotes alternatives to prison: “We’re working under the burden of laws and practices that have developed over 30 years that have focused on punishment and prison as our primary response to crime.”

He said many of those incarcerated are not serious or violent offenders, but are low-level drug offenders. Young said one way to help lower the number is to introduce drug treatment programs that offer effective ways of changing behavior and to provide appropriate assistance for the mentally ill.

According to the Justice Policy Institute, which advocates a more lenient system of punishment, the United States has a higher rate of incarceration than any other country, followed by Britain, China, France, Japan and Nigeria.

There were 726 inmates for every 100,000 U.S. residents by June 30, 2004, compared with 716 a year earlier, according to the report by the Justice Department agency. In 2004, one in every 138 U.S. residents was in prison or jail; the previous year it was one in every 140.

In 2004, 61 percent of prison and jail inmates were of racial or ethnic minorities, the government said. An estimated 12.6 percent of all black men in their late 20s were in jails or prisons, as were 3.6 percent of Hispanic men and 1.7 percent of white men in that age group, the report said.

Other findings include:

_State prisons held about 2,500 youths under 18 in 2004. That compares with a peak, in 1995, of about 5,300. Local jails held about 7,000 youths, down from 7,800 in 1995.

_In the year ending last June 30, 13 states reported an increase of at least 5 percent in the federal system, led by Minnesota, at about 13 percent; Montana at 10.5 percent; Arkansas at 9 percent.

Among the 12 states that reported a decline in the inmate population were Alabama, 7 percent; Connecticut, 2.5 percent; and Ohio, 2 percent.

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Rebels improve bomb schemes in Iraq

WASHINGTON — Iraqi insurgents keep finding new ways to conceal and detonate deadly improvised explosive devices, making the Pentagon’s countermeasures that much more difficult to develop, confidential military documents say.
    
    “Enemy sophistication continually improves,” said a recent U.S. military briefing to commanders. “The enemy is adapting all the time.”
    
    The document said that after the U.S. had success with jamming radio signals between the bomber and the improvised explosive devices (IEDs), insurgents quickly reverted to direct-wire ignition that cannot be jammed.
    
    The documents, which are distributed to U.S. commanders as updates on Pentagon efforts to defeat IEDs, show, for example, that insurgents last summer began burying the bombs under roads and then paving over the holes. The enemy also has used dead animals as hiding places, and has put smaller ordnance inside white bags placed on the roadside.
    
    The paved-over bomb “can be spotted by the stain that usually remains on the road,” said one briefing paper, a copy of which was obtained by The Washington Times.
    
    These crude, remotely detonated bombs have emerged has the insurgency’s top weapon against American and coalition troops in Iraq. As intelligence reports indicate, it is getting more difficult for Saddam Hussein’s loyalists to recruit Iraqi attackers, so the IEDs are gaining importance as a weapon to kill troops and civilians.
    
    The Pentagon has attempted to stay ahead of the game by creating an Army-led task force that issues confidential reports, such as the ones obtained by The Times.
    
    The Pentagon also has rushed to Iraq off-the-shelf technology, such as electronic jammers and spy equipment. Jammers are affixed to vehicle convoys as they move along booby-trapped roads. The Pentagon also has developed a technology, which is classified, for disrupting cell-phone signals.
    
    “Enemy is using door bells and car alarm systems,” one confidential briefing stated. “If you stop someone with a bunch of door bells or phones or toy cars, you probably have a bomber.”
    
    The explosive is typically an artillery shell, thousands of which existed in arms caches throughout the militarized country.
    
    In some cases, the jammers work. But the insurgents have adapted by using the hard-to-jam signals from cordless phones or cell phones, or simply stringing a wire from the remote control to the bomb’s battery.
    
    “I hate to say this, but the Defense Department is not where it should be in defeating these things,” said a Defense source who is working on solutions to the problem.
    
    Gen. John Abizaid, the top commander in the region, told Congress earlier this year that the Pentagon needed to commit more assets to counter IEDs.
    
    The confidential documents show American patrols have found multiple telephone wires leading to houses that did not have telephones. On inspection, soldiers determined the wires led to past IED detonations. The lesson: Inspect homes that have multiple telephone wires.
    
    At the Pentagon last week, chief spokesman Larry Di Rita said the overall number of attacks are decreasing, although the IEDs remain numerous and deadly, as with a recent spike in attacks.
    
    “In terms of the total average weekly attacks now versus the period just prior to the transfer of sovereignty, we’re below that level,” Mr. Di Rita said. “We’re below the level that occurred just from the transfer of sovereignty to the [January 30] elections. We’re below the level that occurred from the elections until, say mid-February. But it is a fact that in the last week or two, there’s been an uptick.”
    
    The spokesman said commanders do not know whether the recent rise is a trend, or a grab for headlines.
    
    The insurgents also have turned to hard-to-spot improvised launchers. In some cases, insurgents made a plaster mold resembling a concrete block. The structure was used to remotely launch French-made anti-vehicle munitions that rain down on a convoy.

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Mexico City Mayor’s Supporters Speak With Quiet March

MEXICO CITY, April 24 – A capital typically clogged with traffic was thronged Sunday by hundreds of thousands of people who marched into the main plaza to protest a government effort against Mayor Andrés Manuel López Obrador that threatens to force him out of next year’s presidential elections.

The police estimated that more than one million people participated in the march. Aides to the mayor estimated that there were 750,000 people. Several political observers described it as the biggest in the country’s recent history.

After two weeks of heated political discourse and confusing legal maneuvers, the march was not the first to denounce the government’s campaign against the mayor. But it was a dramatic illustration of seemingly growing support for Mr. López Obrador and disappointment in President Vicente Fox.

The demonstrators were of all ages and walks of life. Some came from the southernmost corners of Mexico. There were men in business suits and women in traditional Indian clothes. And while some said they had been longtime supporters of the mayor, others said that even though they were not likely to vote for him they thought the government’s campaign against him was unfair.

Unlike most other demonstrations, there was no real disorder or rowdiness. And people covered their mouths with hospital masks and marched without chanting.

“Our silence says everything,” read many of the banners that floated above the crowds. Others depicted Mr. Fox as a traitor.

Rocio Jiménez González, a 26-year-old lawyer, wore a banner that urged Mexico to follow the example being set in Ecuador.

“They got rid of their president,” she said. “It’s time for Mexico to do the same.

“I am here to defend the democracy of my country, or what little there is of it,” she added. “We cannot allow a few people in power to control the will of the majority by decree.”

Mr. Fox did not comment on the demonstration on Sunday. His government was been widely criticized after Congress voted April 7 to lift Mr. López Obrador’s immunity so he could stand trial in a minor land dispute.

Under most interpretations of Mexican law, Mr. López Obrador, of the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution, cannot run for office or be put on the ballot until after a trial, which could take more than a year.

The situation has plunged Mr. Fox’s party and his cabinet into open conflict.

Meanwhile, Mr. López Obrador has reveled in the moment. He announced that he would return to work as normal on Monday. And while he urged the government to back away from its case against him, he also sent his opponents a message of conciliation.

“I hope our adversaries will rectify this situation,” he said, “that they will back away from their animosity and disqualifications.

“We are never going to bet on destroying our adversaries,” he said. “The task of transforming the country requires tolerance, agreement and, above all, no wasting time on political vengeance.”

Antonio Betancourt contributed reporting for this article.

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