Iraq War Vet Arrested After Standoff With Police

Iraq War Vet Arrested After Standoff With Police  
Charles LaPorte Charles LaPorte Metro Jail Photo(MCSO) spacer

A man who once served in Iraq is in trouble after a three-hour standoff with police.

Police say it started Tuesday afternoon when they got a domestic disturbance call from a quiet neighborhood in Saraland. But when they got there they discovered much more.

Saraland’s Public Safety Director says after three hours of negotiating, Charles LaPorte finally surrendered. When they got to the home police say they found LaPorte armed with guns and a full clip of ammunition.

LaPorte’s wife would not talk to News 5 on camera, but says her husband returned home from the Iraq last June. She says he was a Sergeant in the 1165th Military Police Company and was working as a Paramedic for Mobile Fire Rescue. 

News 5 talked with one person who says neighbors pitched in to buy him gifts while he was fighting overseas. The neighbor says LaPorte was quiet and kept to himself.

 “Coming from Iraq, I know he has guns and I know he knows how to use them,” Kim Boutzale said. “The guy is capable of using these things.”  

LaPorte’s wife says what happened at her home Tuesday night was a result of her husband not getting the support and help he needed and asked for after he returned home from combat duty. She says he is now getting help.

LaPorte is in police custody charged with Disorderly Conduct.

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Military concerned over treatment for returning soldiers

Military concerned over treatment for returning soldiers

KNOXVILLE (WATE) — One type of injury that’s seldom reported for soldiers in Iraq is combat stress. An officer from Powell says the Army isn’t ready to treat returning soldiers.

First Lt. Phillip Goodrum has been diagnosed with severe depression and post traumatic stress. He claims the Army wasn’t ready to fully care for psychologically injured soldiers when he returned from Iraq.

“I was a threat to the medical system by speaking out and telling the truth about care that Reserve and Guards were being provided,” he says.

Anti-anxiety pills are prescribed to ease the panic attacks for the 16-year veteran who’s fought in both Iraq wars. “I’m just in total disbelief that at the level we’re at now, that no one has stepped forward to say, no, this is wrong. Let’s stop it.”

Soldier seeks treatment

The Army is pursuing a court-martial against Goodrum for being AWOL while in Knoxville. He checked himself into St. Mary’s Medical Center for psychiatric care.

Goodrum says he had no choice after the Army denied him treatment at Fort Knox, Kentucky. He claims this is documented in his medical records.

“The Army says it was a ‘misunderstanding’ that I was denied medical treatment. A misunderstanding that you deny a soldier medical treatment?”

Treatment for other soliders?

Over the last year, thousands of Tennessee guardsmen and Reservists went to Iraq and Afghanistan. It’s the largest call up in over 50 years.

What psychological help will be available, if needed, for these soldiers and their families when they return? “The military recognizes post traumatic stress as an illness,” 6 News asks and Lt. Col. Charles Woods answers, “Oh yes,” adding, “since 1980.”

Woods is part of the National Guard chaplain service at McGhee Tyson Airbase, preparing teams to assist soldiers and their families.

Three of the state’s top-ranked chaplains say that while the vast majority of combat vets don’t suffer from depression, they must be ready for those who do. “We’re laying all of the foundations right now to be prepared for the surge,” says Maj. Kevin Wilkinson.

According to Lt. Col. Joe Bando, “Eight-six percent of the military coming back have seen a traumatic event, been involved in a traumatic event. We’re working very diligently to be ready for them in all phases: initial, reintegration and reunion.”

“If we get the word out to families and to returning soldiers that there’s no stigma with raising your hand and having the courage to say, I need to see someone with this problem,” Woods says.

Vet center preparing

The VA vet center in Knoxville is a place where soldiers with readjustment issues have been coming for 25 years. Ron Coffin is one of three counselors ready to assist returning vets. His staff is helping soldiers with problems from other wars.

By the end of this year, some of the 4,000 Reservists and Guardsmen may need assistance when they come home. “What we’re doing now is some planning so that we’ll be in place to help all those returning veterans,” Coffin says.

Questions remain for Goodrum

Tennessee’s U.S. Sens. Lamar Alexander and Bill First have lent support to Lt. Goodrum’s cause. In January, he went to Capitol hill seeking help from other senators. Now, he hopes the court-martial proceedings are dropped and he can go home.

“If it goes bad, what happens?” 6 News asks. “My life is ruined, basically,” Goodrum says.

An Army study shows that one in seven returning Iraq war vets suffers from depression.

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U.S. Guardsman Accused Of Iraqi’s Murder

U.S. Guardsman Accused Of Iraqi’s Murder

EVANSVILLE, Ind. — An Indiana National Guardsman who received a Purple Heart for wounds sustained in Iraq has been charged in the death of an Iraqi citizen, the Army said Tuesday.

And the Army is accusing the soldier of being undeserving of his Purple Heart. US military service Purple Heart medal AP Image U.S. military service Purple Heart medal

The Iraqi died at the same time Cpl. Dustin Berg, 21, was wounded, the military said. Berg also faces charges of false swearing and the wearing of an unauthorized award.

A hearing was scheduled Thursday at Fort Knox, Ky., to determine whether the case will proceed to a court-martial.

The Iraqi died in November 2003 near Nippur, south of Baghdad, said Gini Sinclair, a Fort Knox public affairs officer. She declined to release further details about the case. Berg’s mother was quoted in The Herald newspaper of Jasper, Ind., on Nov. 24, 2003, as saying her son, of Ferdinand, Ind., had been shot the day before in the abdomen and had undergone minor surgery. Reached at her home Tuesday by The Associated Press, Mary Lee Berg would not comment, saying only that her son had returned to duty in Iraq after the shooting. Berg received a Purple Heart during a ceremony Feb. 19, 2004, at Camp Atterbury in Indiana. The Indiana National Guard on Tuesday would not release the citation describing why the Purple Heart was awarded. Berg was a member of the 1st Battalion, 152nd Infantry Regiment, based in Jasper, Ind., when it mobilized in January 2003 for the Iraq war and returned home in February 2004. He has since been put on active duty and assigned to Fort Knox. He was charged in the case on Jan. 13, Sinclair said.

Sinclair said an attorney has been appointed for Berg, but she could not release the attorney’s name.

http://www.theindychannel.com/news/4185114/detail.html

Investigator: Soldier Admitted Killing Iraqi, Shooting Self

FORT KNOX, Ky. — An Indiana National Guard soldier charged with killing an Iraqi police officer changed his story multiple times before admitting killing the man, then shooting himself, a military investigator said Thursday.

 

Cpl. Dustin Berg, 21, is shown here at a February 2004 ceremony at Camp Atterbury in Johnson County.

 

Cpl. Dustin Berg, 21, of Ferdinand, Ind., who had received a Purple Heart after being wounded in Iraq, is charged with murder. His lawyer said Thursday the fatal shooting was in self-defense.

Berg also faces charges of false swearing and the wearing of an unauthorized award for allegedly lying about the incident. His attorneys are not contesting those charges.

The testimony Thursday came at an Article 32 hearing, the military equivalent of a grand jury. Next, investigating officer Maj. Samuel Butzbach will make a recommendation on whether Berg should face a court-martial.

Butzbach’s recommendation goes to Col. Michael Alexander, the special court martial convening authority, who will review the case and send it with a recommendation to Maj. Gen. Terry L. Tucker, the commander of Fort Knox. Tucker will ultimately decide if Berg will face a court-martial.

Testimony during the nearly three-hour hearing focused on Berg’s reaction just after the shooting and his accounts of it in the months that followed.

Special agent Clarence Joubert of the Army Criminal Investigative Division said Berg initially said he was shot by a man in a red turban and white shirt. After four interviews, Berg acknowledged shooting and killing Iraqi police officer Hussein Kamel Hadi Dawood Al-Dubeidi on Nov. 23, 2003, south of Baghdad.

Joubert said Berg also acknowledged picking up Al-Dubeidi’s AK-47 and shooting himself in the side.

“Each meeting I had with him, there were inconsistencies of what happened,” Joubert said. “Bottom line is the versions of his actions and what prompted him to do his actions changed.”

Berg initially said the Iraqi police officer shot him, before changing his story, said Capt. Rodney J. Shambarger, who supervised Berg for about 10 months. Shambarger said three other soldiers in the unit were under criminal investigation at the time of the shooting.

That may have played a role in Berg’s decision to falsify the story of the shooting, Shambarger said.

“It’s an unnerving thing being investigated, having to worry about the outcome,” Shambarger said.

Staff Sgt. Richard Hamilton, who served with Berg in the 1st Battalion, 152nd Infantry Regiment, based in Jasper, Ind., said Berg told him about shooting the policeman and himself the day Berg made the same admission to Joubert in June 2004.

“He doesn’t seem like the type of soldier to do that,” Hamilton said. “It just caught me off guard.”

“Sgt. 1st Class Joseph Milton, a military police officer who worked near Convoy Support Center Scania, where Berg was based, said he heard the shooting, then saw an injured Berg running toward him.

Milton, who testified via telephone, described a panicky Berg telling officers a man in a red turban and white shirt shot him. Milton and other soldiers found Al-Dubeidi near an old road a short time later.

“He made no mention of an Iraqi policeman,” Milton said.

Maj. Michael Smith, with the Army’s medical examiner unit in Washington, D.C., reviewed pictures of Al-Dubeidi and said the police officer died of gunshot wounds to the head and chest.

“It would be a close range gunshot wound,” Smith said by telephone. “Most likely, it was inches, not yards.”

Berg did not testify. The prosecution did not specify a motive for the shooting, but his military attorney, Capt. Travis Hall, said the shooting was justified because Berg feared for his life.

“He was in an environment that was dangerous,” Hall said. “There was a fair amount of uncertainty as to who the enemy was.”

Hall also said Berg made up the story about being attacked and shot himself because he feared that the military would investigate the shooting.

“That’s really what this case is all about, a soldier being afraid of an investigation,” Hall said after the hearing.

The prosecutor, Capt. Dan Stigall, said there is no doubt Berg killed the policeman and should face a court-martial for murder.

“The accused has admitted under oath that he shot an Iraqi policeman who did not shoot him,” Stigall said.

Berg received a Purple Heart during a ceremony in February 2004, the month he returned home from Iraq. The Indiana National Guard has declined to release the citation describing why the Purple Heart was awarded to Berg.

Berg has since been put on active duty and assigned to Fort Knox. He was charged in the case on Jan. 13.

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Advocates for veterans decry VA fee hike

Advocates for veterans decry VA fee hike

More than half of Colorado’s 430,000 veterans would pay double for prescription drugs plus a $250 fee to access their medical care under President Bush’s proposed 2006 budget.

The $71.3 billion requested for the Department of Veterans Affairs includes a slight increase in overall funding to Colorado veterans’ benefits programs, such as life insurance, GI Bill education and medical programs. But for the second year in a row, funding of medical care will increase just 1.2 percent, far less than is needed to keep up with demand, according to veterans advocates.

“The budget is not adequate for veterans that have earned benefits by virtue of their service,” said Bob Clements, state commander of Veterans of Foreign Wars.

Clements said he and other veterans groups plan to fight the proposed enrollment fee and increase in drug co-payments, which would require veterans in higher-income groups to pay $15 for a 30-day supply instead of $7.

Nationally, the Bush budget calls for a 2.7 percent funding increase for veterans programs.

Steve Robinson, executive director of the National Gulf War Resource Center, said he worries that’s not enough to cover both older veterans and what he predicts will be an onslaught of new veterans seeking care.

Another matter of concern for Colorado veterans is that a replacement for Denver’s cramped and aging VA Medical Center is not on the agency’s list of construction projects.

The VA expects to spend $750 million on several new hospitals nationwide in 2006, but that does not include specific funds for a proposed VA hospital at the University of Colorado’s Fitzsimons campus.

Those plans recently halted after VA officials backed out of a shared hospital with CU and requested a larger, stand-alone facility.

It is not clear how the VA’s proposed budget would affect the project. Colorado VA officials declined to comment.

U.S. Sen. Ken Salazar, a Democratic member of the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee, criticized the proposal, as did U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette, D-Colo.

“It is wrong for the president to hike health care fees for veterans to pay for a tax cut for the wealthy we cannot afford,” DeGette said through spokesman Josh Freed. “This does not reflect the real priorities and values of our nation.”

Staff writer Marsha Austin can be reached at 303-820-1242 or maustin@denverpost.com

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Bush may cut program for vets going to college

Bush may cut program for vets going to college

When Katherine Hegler first tried college after leaving the Army, her grades were so bad that she ended up on academic probation. She left school and re-enlisted.

When she returned to school more recently, she had the help of Veterans Upward Bound, a decades-old federally funded program that helps vets transition from military to college life. Hegler, of Rogers Park, credits the program with helping her adjust to life outside the military and better prepare for attending Northeastern Illinois University, where she’s earning nearly all A’s.

And Hegler, 45, hopes to keep learning, someday earning a doctorate in theology.

But the program for vets, part of a national initiative that also serves low-income high school students, might soon be on the chopping block, officials told the Chicago Sun-Times. Advocates say they’ve been told by Bush administration officials that the president’s forthcoming budget proposal will ax funding for Upward Bound and another similar effort, Talent Search.

‘Outrageous decision’

The two initiatives have been in place for 40 years and serve more than 450,000 students annually at a cost of $460 million.

“It’s an outrageous decision,” said Arnold Mitchem, a native of a Chicago public housing complex who is now president of the Council for Opportunity in Education, which lobbies for universities on behalf of such programs. President Bush’s budget proposal would still need to be approved by Congress.

Program participants receive free remedial help in English, math and computer skills, among other courses. They also can receive tutoring and more intense academic counseling. Many of those students then are better prepared to move on to college.

Mitchem said the programs help people who otherwise wouldn’t pursue higher education. About 92 percent of Upward Bound graduates and 73 percent of Talent Search graduates enroll in college each year, he said. Most are low-income minorities.

About 120 students annually use the Veterans Upward Bound office at Roosevelt University to help with their studies, program director Chris Chalko said. At least a fifth go on to college, he said.

Officials with the White House and the U.S. Education Department would not comment on the budget proposal until after it is released today. But they have told Mitchem’s group they think the program is ineffective.

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President’s FY 2006 Budget Disappoints VFW

President’s FY 2006 Budget Disappoints VFW

Washington, Feb. 7, 2005–“The president has delivered a disappointing funding request for the Department of Veterans Affairs,” said the leader of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the U.S., in reaction to the administration’s fiscal year 2006 budget request that was released today.

“The claimed increase of $880 million for VA health care funding is really only about $100 million once you subtract those amounts that would be shouldered by military veterans,” said John Furgess, the VFW’s commander-in-chief. “And $100 million neither matches inflation nor do anything to help the VA keep pace with the needs of a veterans’ population that now includes wounded troops from Iraq and Afghanistan,” he said.

“This budget will cause veterans’ health care to be delayed and may result in the return of six-month-long waiting periods. That is especially shameful during a time of war.”

Two key issues are the proposals to charge a $250 enrollment fee that would impact approximately 2.2 million veterans and a prescription co-payment that would more than double from $7 to $15. The VFW is concerned that the enrollment fee and prescription co-payment increases will cost some veterans thousands of extra dollars in health care expenses, while driving others away from the VA, to include those who may not have access to other forms of health care.

“The message that this budget communicates is that part of the federal government’s deficit will be balanced on the backs of military veterans,” he said, “because it’s clear that the proper funding of veterans health care and other programs is not an aAdministration priority.”

The budget proposal slashes $351 million from veterans’ nursing homes by serving 28,000 fewer residents and significantly reduces state grants from $114 million to $12 million. It cuts $4 million from medical and prosthetic research, bringing to $53 million the total amount cut from research in two years. The proposed increase of 113 employees to help process veterans disability claims barely covers the number of positions that were deleted just last year, and won’t begin to make a dent in the current backlog of 480,000 compensation and pension claims, a number of which are from veterans from the current war on terrorism.

“The country’s 25 million veterans, 2.2 million uniformed members and their families voted overwhelmingly for this administration last year to make a difference in their lives,” said Furgess, “yet this budget fails to live up to the nation’s obligation to veterans because it doesn’t acknowledge that the costs of war continue long after the last shots are fired.”

The VFW national commander is now calling on all 2.4 million members of the VFW and its Auxiliaries, as well as all servicemembers and their families, to urge their congressional members to correct the shortfalls in this budget.”

“Without the American soldier, there would not have been a United States of America, and I shudder to imagine the rest of the world,” he said. “Our nation must honor its commitment to care for those who are ultimately responsible for every liberty we enjoy today.”

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Gimme Shelter: VA is MIA on Mental Health and Homelessness Among Veterans

Gimme Shelter: VA is MIA on Mental Health and Homelessness Among Veterans

Herold Noel served his time in the military, including the first five months of the Iraq war in 2003 as a fuel handler for the military. He returned from Iraq in August of that year to Brooklyn, N.Y., hoping for a welcome and a helping hand from the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), something he had been told to expect. That was not to be.

“The government says one thing, but does another,” says Noel. “I came back to New York thinking there would be support; that I would have a job, but I was sadly mistaken.” After eight months of cold sleepless nights in his car, the 25-year-old veteran finally has a place he can call home. If it weren’t for an anonymous donor who paid for a year’s rent, Noel would still be on the streets of Brooklyn, unable to see his wife and four kids.

Noel says he contacted several government programs, including the VA, but was told he’d have to wait up to a year for services. “It’s time for the government to wake up,” he says. “If soldiers come back and find out they were lied to, we’re going to have a rebellion on our hands.”

As small waves of Iraq vets return home, organizations that offer housing, employment and counseling services expect the problems will be unlike anything the United States has ever seen. They say they’re not prepared and the federal government isn’t offering enough support and assistance.

In some cases, the government is literally putting them out on the streets.

A few weeks ago, a Cincinnati County commissioner in Ohio called Charlie Blythe, a Vietnam vet and coordinator of the state’s Goodwill Industries’ Programs for Homeless Veterans, and told him that an Iraq vet was about to be released from a local alcohol treatment program run by the VA and the man had nowhere to go. Blythe agreed to house the vet until he secures another spot at the VA. “Doesn’t that make a lot of sense?” Blythe asks sarcastically. “The VA treats someone for 28 days and releases him, even though they know he doesn’t have a home.”

Blythe is currently housing three Iraq vets and has already received e-mails from many more who expect to be on the streets after they return from Iraq. “The people that are coming back are not the men and women that we sent over there and we don’t have the funding to take care of them,” he says.

“The message our government is basically sending our troops is, ‘Once you take off that uniform, you’re on your own,'” says Linda Boone, executive director of the National Coalition for Homeless Veterans (NCHV), a nonprofit that works to end homelessness among veterans. “To say the Department of Defense isn’t doing an adequate job of preparing the military for civilian life would be an understatement.”

The VA says Boone is missing the point. “The DOD’s role isn’t to teach me how to be a good civilian,” says Pete Dougherty, director of the VA’s homeless services. “Their role is to teach me how to be a good sailor or a good active duty member.”

Boone recently conducted a survey of 19 member organizations across the country that counted 67 vets from Iraq and Afghanistan in homeless shelters last year. “Homelessness is going to be a huge problem, but we don’t see the DOD even acknowledging there is a class of homeless vets.”

Dougherty acknowledges a problem exists, but insists it won’t be a “huge problem.”

Still, organizations that serve homeless vets are preparing for the worst. “I think it’ll be a lot more intense than Vietnam,” says Bart Casimir, director of health and social services of Swords to Plowshares, a San Francisco-based organization of vets helping vets.

Casimir, who served as a paramedic in Vietnam, says when Bay Area Iraq vets return home, the reservists will need the most assistance. “Think about it – when you’re in the reserves, you meet once a weekend, then have two weeks of active duty every year and that’s it. Reservists aren’t used to holding guns,” he says. “A lot of those reservists will be totally displaced.”

Casimir says it took about 12 years after the Vietnam War ended to figure out the scope of the homeless problem. This time around, he expects it’ll hit society in the face. “Get ready to hear about soldiers battering their wives and acting violently. It’s already happening,” he says.

The case of Marine Lance Cpl. Andres Raya is one example of what Casimir is talking about. Raya served in Iraq last year but wasn’t quite the same when he returned to Ceres, Calif. Friends told the San Francisco Chronicle that Raya would stare into space during conversations or lock himself in his room and listen to music for hours. They said he once fell asleep at a party and when they woke him, he screamed at them and reached for a gun that wasn’t there.

On Jan. 9, Raya, who had been told he was being returned to Iraq, went berserk. He walked into a liquor store with an assault rifle, ordered the clerk to call police and when they arrived, he fired at the police officers, killing one of them and injuring the other. He then ran around the building and through the backyards of homes, screaming at residents, telling them they were “innocent civilians” and would not be harmed. Police later gunned him down.

Military mental health experts say Raya most likely suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after serving in Iraq last year.

The NCHV’s Boone expects PTSD will show up in huge numbers when vets return en masse because “soldiers are fighting in an urban environment. Anybody can be your enemy. You can be in the mess hall and get killed.”

That was Sgt. Joe Sharpe’s reality from March 2003 – April 2004. He served as a reservist rebuilding Iraq’s banking system and stock market. He expects to be redeployed next year. “Everyone is being shot at. There’s no way to get around hearing constant gunfire or explosions or trying to dodge rounds,” he says. “Large groups of people are being exposed to this type of trauma and we don’t have the infrastructure in place to deal with that.”

So what is in place?

The DOD won’t say, and suggested we call the National Guard or Army Reserve. At the National Guard, Lt. Col. Mike Milord would only say our questions were “good ones that deserve to be answered.” He suggested calling someone at the state level.

We tried the VA and gave up after being put on hold for 30 minutes. Later, Dougherty said that long wait was an “unusual circumstance.”

The NCHV’s Boone says the VA’s system is broken: “People just assume that the VA takes care of all vets, but they don’t. We don’t spend enough money on homeless people in general, let alone veterans.”

The process of seeking assistance through the VA can be daunting, says Rose Sutton, director of Next Step, a Menlo Park, Calif.-based non-profit that provides employment training and supportive housing services to 500 veterans a year. “If vets are wounded, the VA will care for them, but if they’re wounded mentally, they’ll take them through a lot of hoops and obstacles and make them prove the problem happened during duty.”

Sutton, Casimir and Boone say the public needs to put the pressure on politicians to demand the DOD help vets assimilate when they come home because it won’t do it voluntarily.

Boone moved to Washington D.C. nine years ago because she “thought people on Capitol Hill just didn’t understand the problem.” She assumed she would get the story out and the government would provide funding to organizations like hers. “I’m here nine years later and they still aren’t writing the checks.”

The U.S. is spending $4.8 billion a month on the invasion and occupation of Iraq, according to the Pentagon controller’s office. Says Boone: “Why should I have to spend so much of my time trying to get $50 million for a homeless vets program? Vets shouldn’t be homeless. We could prevent it for pennies compared to what the government is spending on the war. It makes no sense.”

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Breaking Ranks to Shun War

Breaking Ranks to Shun War

An Army sergeant who refuses to return to Iraq seeks a discharge as a conscientious objector. He may instead face a court-martial.

By David Zucchino
Times Staff Writer
February 7, 2005

HINESVILLE, Georgia — His sergeant called him a coward to his face. His chaplain sent him an e-mail saying he was ashamed of him. His commanders had him formally charged with desertion.

Sgt. Kevin Benderman, who has served one tour of duty in Iraq, is refusing to serve another. When his fellow soldiers of the 3rd Infantry Division packed their gear and left nearby Ft. Stewart for Iraq last week, Benderman stayed home. He says he has chosen to follow his conscience — not his commanders.

After 10 years in the Army, Benderman has applied for a discharge as a conscientious objector — a heresy to many in the military at a time when the country is fighting two wars overseas.

Today, Benderman, 40, will attend a military court hearing at Ft. Stewart that will determine whether he will face a court-martial for desertion and failure to report for a unit deployment. He could face up to seven years in prison if convicted.

“War is the greatest form of wrong,” Benderman wrote in his seven-page conscientious objector application. “I believe that my moral obligation to humanity is to not allow myself to be a part of this destruction.”

In the six months he spent in combat in Iraq in 2003, Benderman said, he was badly shaken by what he witnessed. He saw a young Iraqi girl with her arm horribly burned and blackened, standing helplessly on a roadside as Benderman’s convoy rushed past. He saw dogs feasting on civilian corpses that had been dumped into pits. He saw young U.S. soldiers treat war like a video game, he said, with few qualms about killing or the effects of the invasion on ordinary Iraqis.

Benderman said he begged an officer to stop and help the girl, but was told that the unit couldn’t spare its limited medical supplies. “I had to look at that little girl, look into her eyes, and in her eyes I saw the TRUTH. I cannot kill,” Benderman wrote in his application.

Only a handful of conscientious objector applications have been filed during the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which are being fought by professional soldiers, not draftees. Vietnam, a war that bitterly divided the U.S., produced 172,000 conscientious objector applications from draftees and 17,000 from active-duty soldiers.

For the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, applications increased from 23 in 2002 to 60 in 2003 and 67 last year, according to Pentagon figures. Of those applications, 71 — almost half — have been approved. Unlike Benderman, few applicants have spoken publicly about their beliefs.

After seeing the civilian corpses, Benderman said, he made a point of befriending ordinary Iraqis, only to be warned by officers not to fraternize with “the enemy.” He had long talks with an English-speaking schoolteacher. He began reading the Koran and realized that the religious and moral values of most Iraqis were similar to his. Everything he had been told about the rationale for the U.S. invasion, he said, seemed misguided and destructive.

Benderman said he now believed the war in Iraq — and all wars — were immoral. His conscience would no longer allow him to fight or kill, he said, even if that made him a pariah.

“War robs you of your humanity. It makes people do terrible things they would otherwise never do,” Benderman said in the living room of his home in Hinesville, his wife, Monica, by his side and his dog, Carl, at his feet.

When Benderman returned from Iraq to Ft. Stewart a year ago, he began studying the works of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau. He engaged in long discussions with his wife. He weighed his options before deciding to file his application Dec. 28. Benderman said his military superiors tried to shame him and talk him out of it. But he said he was willing to endure the contempt of his peers, and even go to prison.

“I’m not going to run from my convictions,” he said. “I believe what I’m doing is the right thing, whatever the consequences.”

Monica Benderman, whose essay on a faith-based pacifist website about the immorality of war helped crystallize her husband’s views, said she was proud of him. Many soldiers and their families have told the couple they share their opposition to war, she said, but were afraid to speak up for fear of being ostracized. Several Vietnam veterans have stepped forward to support them.

“We believe in speaking the truth. You put forward the truth and the right things will happen,” she said.

The couple said they have received e-mails and letters of support from people around the world, including Iraqis, Guatemalans and Germans. They have also received e-mails and phone calls branding them cowards and traitors.

“All because a man has chosen to speak out against war and violence, and his wife has chosen to stand with him,” Monica wrote in her essay, “Catching Flack — A Military Wife Speaks.”

Kevin Benderman looks and talks like a soldier. Tall and solidly built, with close-cropped brown hair, he speaks with a Southern drawl in the jargon-laden argot of a career soldier.

His father served in World War II, his grandfather in World War I. Members of his family served on both sides in the Civil War, and one ancestor, William Benderman, fought in the American Revolution, Benderman said.

Raised in a Southern Baptist family in Alabama and Tennessee, Benderman grew up wanting to be a pro football player, not a soldier. At age 22, Benderman decided he wanted to follow family tradition and join the Army. He served four years, then worked laying hardwood and tile flooring. In June 2000, feeling patriotic, he decided to reenlist.

“I signed up to serve my country,” he said. “I felt I had a commitment to fulfill.”

He was a Bradley fighting vehicle mechanic with the 4th Infantry Division in Iraq.

Benderman said his father, Guy, who died in 2001, had discouraged him from joining the military. He believes his father would have supported his decision to seek objector status.

While his application works its way through the military, Benderman has been assigned to the 3rd Infantry’s rear detachment at Ft. Stewart, a few miles from his home. He reports daily for 6:30 a.m. physical fitness training, then spends his days supervising soldiers held back from deployment to Iraq for medical reasons or family emergencies.

“There are no restrictions on him,” said a base spokesman, Lt. Col. Robert Whetstone.

Filing for conscientious objector status is a long and arduous process. Benderman has been required to meet with a chaplain and psychologist and write essays detailing his moral and religious beliefs.

His chaplain did not respond to phone messages or e-mails, Benderman said, and refused to talk to him when Benderman went to see him at Ft. Stewart. After the chaplain had reached Kuwait en route to Iraq with other soldiers from the division, Benderman said, he sent him an e-mail: “You should be ashamed of the way you have conducted yourself. I am certainly ashamed of you.”

Benderman later met with another chaplain, who wrote a letter saying, “Sgt. Benderman is sincere in his moral and ethical beliefs…. His beliefs are deeply held to the point where he has no choice but to act in accord with them.”

Benderman also met with a military psychologist, who filled out a one-page assessment saying he exhibited no mental health problems.

His commanding officer filed a one-page form in which he recommended that the objector application be rejected, then told him, “You’re on your own,” Benderman said.

The final decision on Benderman’s application will be made by the Army Conscientious Objector Review Board, made up of three officers, including a chaplain. A Pentagon spokeswoman said the burden of proof was on applicants, who must convince the board of their moral and religious objections to war.

Like all new recruits, Benderman signed a statement saying he was not a conscientious objector. However, the military accepts applications made by soldiers who, like Benderman, say their beliefs have changed during their service.

Conscientious objection is a long-standing principle in America. As early as 1673, Rhode Island provided alternative militia service for conscientious objectors. In 1701, Pennsylvania under William Penn provided that anyone with a proven conscientious objection to war “shall not be in any case be molested or prejudiced.”

During the first federal conscription, in the Civil War, about 1,200 conscientious objectors were allowed to perform alternative service for the Union. The Confederacy exempted certain members of pacifist churches.

During World War I, local draft boards granted conscientious objector status to 22,000 draftees. In World War II, about 25,000 men were granted objector status and assigned to noncombatant duty. Alternative service was provided for people who opposed war “by reason of religious training and belief.”

Benderman said several soldiers who served with him in Iraq shared his views. Two members of his battalion attempted suicide after being ordered to return to Iraq, he said, and several more have gone AWOL to avoid deployment. A specialist from the division has been charged with having a friend shoot him in the leg as part of a staged armed robbery in an attempt to avoid returning to Iraq.

Antiwar groups that offer counseling to soldiers say opposition to the Iraq war among soldiers is higher than the Pentagon acknowledges. The GI Rights Hotline, run by a consortium of antiwar groups, received 32,000 calls last year, many from soldiers who have gone AWOL or complained of psychological or emotional problems after serving in combat. About 15{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of the calls were from soldiers considering conscientious objector applications, said Steve Morse of the Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors.

“Soldiers are finding that the military is much different from the way it’s sold to them by recruiters,” Morse said. “When they get into combat, it’s suddenly not a video game. It’s no longer abstract.”

Benderman says his training did not prepare him for the brutality and often indiscriminate slaughter he witnessed.

“You can train all you want and watch training videos, but you can’t possibly know what combat is like until you experience it,” he said. “You can’t burn a little girl’s arm off in training, or have dogs eat human remains, or have soldiers actually shoot and kill real people.”

Young men who had never experienced combat were eager to fight in Iraq, he said, but were overwhelmed once they had to kill the enemy or watch their friends die or suffer grievous wounds.

Benderman said he saw 19- and 20-year-old soldiers hardened by killing. While under enemy fire, he said, one young soldier leaped up and began videotaping incoming rounds.

Monica Benderman said she sensed her husband’s view of war evolving in the letters and e-mails he sent from Iraq. He asked her to mail him small gifts to hand out to Iraqis, and told her he had come to realize how destructive the invasion had been for civilians.

Benderman said he believed he would prevail at today’s hearing, and insisted that he had not deserted his unit.

“I didn’t go anywhere. I didn’t run to Canada,” he said. “I’m still right here.”

If his application is denied and he is ordered back to Iraq, he said, he would refuse to go. He has turned a corner, he said, and he will not turn back.

“I’ve already refused once,” he said. “I will not change my mind, no matter what.”

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Abuses Endangered Veterans in Cancer Drug Experiments


Abuses Endangered Veterans in Cancer Drug Experiments

ALBANY – Carl M. Steubing, a decorated Battle of the Bulge veteran whose experience of war made him a pacifist but also instilled in him a zest for living life at full tilt, took his diagnosis of gastroesophageal cancer in 2001 as a challenge.

With a thatch of white hair and a rich baritone voice, Mr. Steubing, at 78, was not ready to succumb to illness. A retired music educator and wedding photographer, he remained active as a church choir director, expert cook, painter, golfer and fisherman. He was married to a woman 24 years his junior, and they had seven children and three grandchildren between them.

Mr. Steubing jumped at the chance to participate in an experimental drug study at the Stratton Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Albany, believing it offered him the hope of surviving longer. The research coordinator, Paul H. Kornak, told Mr. Steubing that he was “just a perfect specimen,” with the body of a man half his age, according to Jayne Steubing, Mr. Steubing’s widow.

He was not, though. Because of a previous cancer and poor kidney function, Mr. Steubing was not even eligible to participate in the experiment, according to government documents. Mr. Kornak, however, brushed that obstacle aside. He altered Mr. Steubing’s medical records, according to prosecutors, and enrolled him in the study. He also posed as a doctor.

In 2001, Mr. Steubing endured about six periodic treatments with an aggressive three-drug chemotherapy combination. Each infusion made him violently ill and forced his hospitalization. He died in March 2002.

Last month, at the federal courthouse in Albany, Mrs. Steubing glared at Mr. Kornak, 53, as he pleaded guilty to fraud, making false statements and criminally negligent homicide in the death of an Air Force veteran, James DiGeorgio. When Mr. Kornak admitted to falsifying the medical data of “subject initials CMS” – Carl M. Steubing – Mrs. Steubing’s face crumpled.

Mr. Kornak, who is scheduled to be sentenced in May, also agreed to cooperate in a widening investigation of the hospital’s cancer research program. From 1999 to 2003, when he worked there, scores of veterans were, at the least, put at risk. But allegations of carelessness, fraud and patient abuse in the hospital’s cancer research program predated Mr. Kornak, and employees say that administrators not only dismissed their concerns, but harassed them for standing up for the veterans.

“Research violations were a way of life at Stratton for 10 years,” said Jeffrey Fudin, a pharmacist at the hospital. “Stratton officials turned a blind eye to unethical cancer research practices and punished those who spoke out against them. The whole Kornak episode could have been prevented.”

According to Mr. Kornak’s lawyer, E. Stewart Jones, there was a “clear systems failure,” permitting a research culture where “rules weren’t followed, protocols weren’t applied and supervision was nonexistent.”

It was also a culture whose descent into criminality forced the Department of Veterans Affairs nationwide to reckon with what an internal memorandum in 2003 described as “systemic weaknesses in the human research protections program, especially in studies funded by industry.”

Excluding simple chart reviews, about 80 percent of the department’s human research is financed by industry. The private sector pumps considerable cash into the system. In Albany, it accounted for $500,000 of the $1.15 million in research funding in 2004.

Mr. Kornak, who declined to be interviewed, does not appear to have derived financial gain from his fraud. The Albany hospital’s research program, however, stood to benefit from the enrollment of patients, pulling in $5,000 from the drug company Aventis for Mr. Steubing’s participation.

Although veterans knew him as “Dr. Kornak,” Mr. Kornak was not licensed to practice medicine. Mrs. Steubing first learned this a year after her husband’s death when she read an article in The Times Union of Albany.

By 1993, Mr. Kornak had obtained and lost medical licenses in several states by forging his credentials and had pleaded guilty in Pennsylvania to felony fraud charges. The Albany hospital hired Mr. Kornak, who did attend some medical school, as a research coordinator, not as a physician. Nonetheless, he performed physical examinations, and his Veterans Affairs business card identified him as an M.D.

James A. Holland, Mr. Kornak’s supervisor, was the real M.D. and the principal oncology researcher. Federal prosecutors said in court papers last year that Dr. Holland, too, was possibly facing criminal charges.

Dr. Holland, who now works at Archbold Memorial Hospital in Thomasville, Ga., declined to comment. Archbold, in a statement, said Georgia’s medical board had investigated Dr. Holland’s actions in Albany and found no evidence of misconduct.

In September, however, the Food and Drug Administration started proceedings to disqualify Dr. Holland from conducting further clinical research because he had “failed to protect” subjects under his care in Albany.

According to the F.D.A., patients’ medical records were altered in at least five experimental drug studies, enabling veterans like Mr. Steubing to be enrolled in studies for which they were either too sick or too healthy to qualify. A patient with coronary disease, for instance, was enrolled in a study that excluded heart patients because of a risk of hemorrhages. A patient with impaired renal function was administered a drug toxic to kidneys that probably contributed to his death, the agency said.

“It kills me to think that the V.A. system deceived us,” said Mrs. Steubing, the director of an upstate school for emotionally troubled children. “You see these youngsters at Walter Reed now and everybody’s raving about the care they get. Well, Carl was one of those kids once, with a Bronze Star, a Purple Heart. And at the end of his life, his treatment was the antithesis of what you see on TV. It was such a betrayal.”

It can be hard to determine whether an experimental treatment is the cause of a cancer patient’s death. Mrs. Steubing will never know if her husband might have survived longer if he had undergone standard chemotherapy treatment or if he might have been spared the suffering he endured after each experimental infusion. The questions will always plague her, she said.

But, as Mr. Kornak’s homicide conviction indicates, the authorities have attributed one death directly to his fraud. In 2001, Mr. DiGeorgio, 71, declined precipitously and died within two weeks of being infused with experimental drugs that he should not have been given.

“My husband trusted and confided in the V.A. in Albany, and he wouldn’t go nowhere else,” Judith DiGeorgio, his widow, said. “It’s a disgrace what they did to him.”

Jon A. Wooditch, a deputy inspector general for Veterans Affairs, said department employees were forbidden to answer questions for this article because of the continuing investigations. Officials from the inspector general’s office have been questioning hospital employees in the last several weeks.

After Mr. Kornak’s guilty plea, the hospital director, Mary-Ellen Piché, circulated a letter to the staff noting “many improvements in research since the events,” among them that “credentials of researchers have been checked and confirmed” and that researchers have undergone ethics training.

Mr. Kornak, as it turns out, was so trained. As a certified clinical research professional, he had passed an examination covering such ethical topics as informed consent and clinical fraud.

Both Mrs. Steubing and Mrs. DiGeorgio have sued Mr. Kornak, Dr. Holland and the Department of Veterans Affairs. Mrs. Steubing’s complaint, in a class-action suit, says that veterans were treated like “guinea pigs.”

Overwhelmed Watchdogs

In the 1990’s, because of a marathon of new drug development, the field of clinical research grew into a multibillion-dollar industry, overwhelming the systems developed to protect human research subjects.

The ethical model for those systems was born in 1947 after German physicians were convicted for performing crippling and deadly medical experiments on concentration camp prisoners. But the Nuremberg Code did not stop unethical research.

Well into the 1970’s, the federal government sponsored human radiation experiments and the Tuskegee experiments, in which black men with syphilis were studied but not treated or told they had the disease.

Outrage over the Tuskegee experiments led to the gradual development of federal regulations governing clinical research. These regulations established the cornerstone protections for human subjects: a voluntary, informed consent process and oversight by an institutional review board, which would evaluate and monitor the scientific validity and ethical standards of studies.

In the 1990’s, however, the surge in drug research strained the institutional review boards and raised new questions about conflicts of interest and government oversight.

Veterans Affairs doctors have done pioneering research on spinal cord injuries and schizophrenia and helped develop the cardiac pacemaker. But like universities and private research companies, the department has grappled with allegations of exploiting its human research subjects.

The veterans department’s situation, though, was singular. Veterans, many unable to afford private health care, are a particularly captive and altruistic pool of subjects, “easy marks,” said Alan Milstein, a lawyer for Mrs. Steubing.

And the department’s huge, taxpayer-financed health care system, despite reports of significant improvements in quality of care, has struggled with issues of mismanagement. These problems include persistent complaints about abuse of power, cronyism and reprisals against whistle-blowers.

Speaking Up, to No Avail

Years before Mr. Kornak arrived at the Albany hospital in 1999, Mr. Fudin, a clinical pharmacist there, started expressing his concerns about the treatment of cancer patients.

Beginning in 1993, Mr. Fudin variously alleged that patients were placed in experimental studies without their consent, that patients who were ineligible for studies were nonetheless enrolled, and that patients were given “alternative therapies” that should have been classified as research. Veterans, he said, may have died as a result.

The former pharmacy manager, Anthony Mariano, shared his subordinate’s concerns.

“Every violation, I hand-delivered packets of information to the chief of research, threw them down on his desk and demanded he do something to stop the research,” Mr. Mariano said.

Instead, Mr. Fudin and Mr. Mariano found themselves under internal investigation. In 1996, Mr. Fudin was accused of patient abuse for refusing to dispense a certain cancer therapy. Mr. Fudin said he thought the therapy amounted to unsafe experimentation on patients. He was cleared of the charge, faced a second charge and again was cleared.

Claiming harassment and reprisal for whistle-blowing, Mr. Fudin filed a complaint with the Office of Special Counsel, a federal agency intended to protect federal employees. In late 1996, Veterans Affairs and Mr. Fudin reached a settlement. The department agreed to sponsor him for a doctorate in pharmacy by paying his tuition ($21,986) and giving him a flexible work schedule.

“It is regretful that these investigations of your clinical practices took place,” a senior Veterans Affairs official wrote to Mr. Fudin.

Still, Mr. Fudin said he was frustrated that his concerns about the cancer research program had not been addressed. His allegations were investigated in the mid-1990’s, but the doctor who conducted the inquiry, Thomas Ferro, said it was cursory and, ultimately, thwarted.

“There is always a hidden agenda either to exonerate or convict in these internal investigations,” said Dr. Ferro, who is now at the Veterans Affairs hospital in Richmond. “In this case it was to exonerate. I was buddies with the doctor I was deputized to investigate.”

Dr. Ferro said he did “a fairly superficial investigation only oriented toward uncovering egregious errors, of which none were found.” He reviewed about 10 patient charts, he said. He found a consent form missing in one and “consent form discrepancies” in others.

Dr. Ferro said he also found “creative science” in the use of “alternative chemotherapeutic regimens.” He said he was convinced that the oncologist was genuinely trying to help patients survive longer. “But,” Dr. Ferro said, “it didn’t strike me as prudent to be using alternative regimens when there was no clear-cut evidence they were helpful and the possibility that they might be harmful.”

Dr. Ferro said he “watered down” his findings in his final report, stating that no major violations were found, but that “minor discrepancies” were. His superiors, however, did not like any mention of problems, and they whited out “minor discrepancies” and other negative phrases, Dr. Ferro said.

They asked Dr. Ferro to initial the deletions, and he protested, but eventually did so, he said, “so as not to be a troublemaker.”

Dr. Ferro said he also recommended strict monitoring of cancer drug studies, and his ideas included having a chemotherapy expert “review the consent forms and review the documentation to make sure the patients were eligible for the studies.”

But the recommendations were shelved, he said. “The solution to the Kornak problem yet to come was in that document,” he said.

Both Mr. Fudin and Mr. Mariano faced additional internal investigations. Mr. Fudin was dismissed in 2001, and an administrative law judge ordered him reinstated in 2002.

Mr. Mariano, meanwhile, was criticizing a cost-saving drug substitution policy involving hypertension medication that he contended was harming patients who suffered from congestive heart failure. In 1999, after he published an article in a federal medical journal questioning the department’s drug policies, he was, at one point, reassigned from the pharmacy to a locked psychiatric ward and given no duties.

Eventually, after a complicated legal process, Mr. Mariano said, he resigned under pressure in 2001, and he now works as a pharmacist for Wal-Mart.

Mr. Fudin and Mr. Mariano served as grand marshals for Albany’s Memorial Day Parade in 2003, selected by local veterans honoring what they described as the men’s courage in blowing the whistle. Some veterans wore T-shirts emblazoned with whistles and, on a rainy May day, blew whistles as they marched.

Convicted, Then Hired

In 1993 in Harrisburg, Pa., Judge William W. Caldwell of United States District Court sentenced Mr. Kornak to a $2,500 fine and three years of probation for forging his credentials to obtain a medical license. Apparently, Mr. Kornak’s history of fraud began with the falsification of a college transcript, and lie followed lie until he lost a medical license in Iowa, was denied one in New Jersey and was arrested in Pennsylvania.

“As we all know, a house built on sand will eventually fall, and a career whose foundation is built on deception likewise has fallen,” Judge Caldwell said. “I think the conviction for this offense is going to make it extremely difficult, if not impossible, for Mr. Kornak to pursue a medical career.”

Six years after Judge Caldwell’s pronouncement, Mr. Kornak answered an advertisement for a research assistant position at the Albany veterans hospital’s research institute.

It was 1999. Dr. William Hrushesky, then the chief oncologist, interviewed Mr. Kornak, according to The Medical Research Law and Policy Report, a trade publication. (Dr. Hrushesky did not respond to inquiries from The New York Times.)

Mr. Kornak told Dr. Hrushesky that he had lost his medical license because he could not document a year of medical school in Poland, according to the journal. Mr. Kornak “gave us a résumé with an M.D. on it and a lot of gaps,” Dr. Hrushesky told the journal. “We decided to give him a chance.”

Dr. Hrushesky also said he assumed that the research institute, a foundation that oversees industry grants for research, checked Mr. Kornak’s credentials before hiring him. (Eventually, Mr. Kornak was hired away from the foundation by the veterans department itself.)

But at that point, the Veterans Affairs system did not require much background or credential checking for health professionals other than for physicians and dentists, and the system did not double-check to make sure that its hospitals actually did the required screening of doctors, according to a General Accounting Office report issued last year.

At the Albany veterans hospital, Dr. Holland inherited Mr. Kornak as a research associate. Mr. Fudin, the pharmacist, and other employees said Dr. Holland was swamped by the cancer patient load. According to an F.D.A. letter to Dr. Holland, he delegated far too much responsibility to unqualified subordinates in numerous drug studies.

Mr. Steubing was not a regular patient of the Albany hospital and, because he had private insurance, he was not a typical Veterans Affairs patient. He sometimes went to the veterans’ hospital in Castle Point, N.Y., for checkups, but he used private physicians for important health issues.

In early 2001, when Mr. Steubing’s gastroesophageal cancer was diagnosed, doctors at the Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center in Manhattan recommended a widely used two-drug chemotherapy regimen, which was available at Castle Point, closer to their home in Hopewell Junction.

At Castle Point, an oncologist suggested that Mr. Steubing see if he qualified for an experimental drug program, which added a third drug, Taxotere, to the mix. The study, sponsored by the drug company Aventis, involved both Sloan-Kettering and Veterans Affairs in Albany. Sloan-Kettering had a waiting period, Mrs. Steubing said she was told. Albany did not.

The Steubings met with Mr. Kornak.

“Kornak was your classic good-time Charlie,” Mrs. Steubing said. “Carl thought he could pick out a phony a mile away, but he really loved this guy.”

Mr. Kornak never gave them any indication that Mr. Steubing did not qualify for the study, Mrs. Steubing said. Instead, he encouraged Mr. Steubing to continue with the regimen even though it was devastating him.

“Kornak would say: ‘You’re going to beat this. The odds are in your favor,’ ” Mrs. Steubing said. “Little did we know that what they were doing to Carl was probably hastening his death rather than extending his life.”

Routine Visit Leads to an Inquiry

In December 2001, a clinical research associate for Ilex Oncology made a routine visit to the Albany veterans’ hospital, where Ilex was sponsoring a bladder cancer study.

Ilex, a cancer drug company, was offering the Albany research program $2,500 for each study subject. Such payments are a standard practice, and many researchers say that they barely cover the cost of conducting the studies. Critics of drug-testing practices, however, consider the payments a threat to scientific integrity.

Ilex’s research associate discovered some paperwork that raised suspicions, according to Caren Arnstein, a spokeswoman for the Genzyme Corporation, which bought Ilex at the end of last year.

“Things about the dates didn’t look right,” Ms. Arnstein said. “If the results of a pathology report for a biopsy are dated prior to the biopsy being taken – something seemed off.”

The discrepancies led to an audit by Ilex. In the spring of 2002, the Albany hospital began an internal review of the cancer research program, eventually referring the matter to the inspector general, according to The Times Union.

Ilex shut down the Albany study and alerted the F.D.A. The agency had also received another complaint, an F.D.A. official said.

In November 2002, the F.D.A. sent an investigative team to Albany. On average, it takes about a week to investigate a complaint. That team spent more than 50 days at the hospital. It studied the files of more than 50 research subjects and found problems in almost every one, according to its investigation report.

In January 2003, Mr. Kornak and Dr. Holland were dismissed. Mrs. Steubing got an unnerving call from a hospital official, telling her that her husband’s care might have been “compromised.”

“I said, ‘Well, Dr. Kornak and Dr. Holland were so wonderful to us,’ ” Mrs. Steubing said. “There was dead silence on the line and I thought, ‘Oh, it’s them.’ ”

Shaking Up the System, Twice

The year that the Albany veterans research program hired Mr. Kornak, 1999, was supposed to be a year of reckoning for the $1.2 billion research program at Veterans Affairs.

Federal regulators shook the system by suspending all human research at the West Los Angeles Veteran Affairs Medical Center, saying that it had been lax for years in obtaining informed consent and overseeing research.

News media reports about abuses of human subjects in West Los Angeles unleashed the fury of Congressional watchdogs, who asked the General Accounting Office to assess the safeguards for veterans who serve as research subjects. The office examined eight Veterans Affairs medical centers and reported “a disturbing pattern of noncompliance with regulations for the protection of human subjects.”

Dr. Stephan Fihn, the acting director of research and development for Veterans Affairs, said in an interview: “Historically, we relied on the integrity of investigators. In the vast majority of cases, that worked. We did discover, well, the tendency is to say, bad apples. There were some pretty egregious violations.

“What Congress basically said was that the V.A. has to take a very active role. What was lacking in human subjects protection was a strong oversight and enforcement effort.”

But the department did not change overnight, as the General Accounting Office said in a follow-up report four years later. It apparently needed a second shock to its system, and that came in 2003 when the problems in Albany – and the accidental fatal overdosing of a Veterans Affairs research subject in Detroit – came to light.

A new director of research for the department, Dr. Nelda Wray, ordered a nationwide review of research at Veterans Affairs medical centers and halted clinical research in Fargo, N.D., because the institutional review board there had all but ceased to function. She also ordered credential checks on researchers and ethics training for them.

By early 2004, the department’s inspector general had accused Dr. Wray herself of ethical problems and improprieties, including the mishandling of funds provided to Veterans Affairs by drug companies. Her lawyers called the investigation “an easy and convenient tool to stop sorely needed reforms.” She eventually left the department.

But there does appear to have been a sea change in the department’s approach toward protecting the subjects of human research. An external nonprofit agency, the National Committee for Quality Assurance, was hired in 2001 to accredit the agency’s programs to protect human subjects. The accreditation process, which requires medical centers to open up their research programs to full scrutiny, is rigorous.

At first, the committee met hostility.

“We just showed up and started telling them what was wrong, and it was way too abrupt,” said Brian Shilling, a spokesman for the committee. “But there’s been a lot of education and culture change in the V.A. since then.”

Just under a third of the veterans department’s 118 research centers have been accredited so far. Some centers did not pass their initial reviews, and research was curtailed until they showed improvement. One medical center, in Northampton, Mass., failed to earn accreditation.

Albany has not yet applied.

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Gay vets’ benefits at risk?

Gay vets’ benefits at risk?

As many as a million gay and lesbian veterans depend on the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs for health care—including many who can’t get HIV/AIDS care anywhere else. It’s reason enough for GLBT activists to keep an eye on the Bush administration’s coming cutbacks

On January 6 veterans across the country were shocked to learn that Republican congressman Chris Smith of New Jersey, the chair of the House Veterans Affairs Committee, had been ousted from his position in favor of the much more right-wing Republican Steve Buyer of Indiana. 

Smith was widely regarded as a staunch defender of veterans’ benefits, and it is widely believed that the GOP removed him in order to replace him with someone who would be much more amenable than Smith had been to implementing severe cutbacks at the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. 

Does this matter at all to the GLBT community? You wouldn’t think so, from the reaction of GLBT rights organizations, which was silence. In fact, you’d be hard pressed to find a press release or public statement from any GLBT organization on any matter related to VA. I cannot find a single GLBT lobbyist who has contacts on either of the Veterans Affairs Committees, nor a single HIV/AIDS organization that will so much as provide a link from its Web site to VA’s HIV/AIDS information page. 

But VA does matter to us a great deal. The Urban Institute estimates that there are well over a million GLBT veterans in the United States. We don’t know how many of them depend upon VA for health care, but we do know that VA is the nation’s single largest health care provider of HIV/AIDS-related services, with over 20,000 HIV-positive vets in the VA system, and that many other, primarily low-income GLBT vets depend on VA for treatment of other chronic conditions. 

Many of those veterans may not be in the VA health care system for much longer. 

In 1996, Congress changed VA’s eligibility criteria, allowing most honorably discharged veterans with income under about $30,000 a year to receive care at VA medical centers, regardless of whether they are disabled or ever served in a war zone. Elderly veterans without prescription coverage quickly learned that they could receive prescription drugs from VA and began crowding into VA hospitals, tripling VA’s patient caseload in just a few short years. 

Rather than respond by either increasing the VA’s funding or, better yet, solving the national prescription drug crisis, the Bush administration, with the assistance of people like Buyer, is expected to propose a return to the pre-1996 eligibility criteria, possibly in the next term. The effect would be to throw several million veterans, many of whom are uninsured, out on the street. A gay friend of mine who is receiving treatment from VA for his stage 4 cancer says, if that happens, “I guess I’ll just go out on the White House lawn and die there in protest.” And forget about adding HIV to the VA’s list of “catastrophic disabilities,” which entitles veterans to health care regardless of their income level, a proposal that will almost certainly fall by the wayside now. 

What can you do about this? 

You can start by getting involved with a veterans’ organization—if not my own organization, American Veterans for Equal Rights, then one of the mainstream organizations. Don’t assume that these groups will be hostile or homophobic. Vietnam Veterans of America, for example, sent its head lobbyist to speak at AVER’s recent convention. Most of these organizations, like The American Legion, Veterans of Foreign Wars, and AMVETS, are hungry for new members, especially younger veterans. Getting involved with them is a great way to build bridges between the GLBT and straight communities, and there are few nobler causes than helping out our nation’s veterans in their hour of need. 

Lara Ballard is a regional vice president of American Veterans for Equal Rights, a nationwide grassroots network of GLBT veterans and allies. She can be reached at ballardla@aver.us

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