Senate Will Advance Torture Commission

February 24, 2009 – The Senate Judiciary Committee plans to move forward with a commission to investigate torture during the Bush administration. Committee Chairman Pat Leahy, D-Vt., told Salon Tuesday that his panel would soon announce a hearing to study various commission plans. His staff said the announcement could come as early as Wednesday.

While Michigan Democrat Rep. John Conyers drafted a bill to create a commission to review abuse of war powers during the Bush administration, co-sponsored by North Carolina Republican Rep. Walter Jones, Leahy’s Senate commission would represent the first concrete steps toward a broad review of U.S. torture since 9-11.

Spearheading Senate efforts to establish a torture commission is Rhode Island Democrat Sheldon Whitehouse. As a member of both the Judiciary Committee and the Intelligence Committee, Whitehouse is privy to information about interrogations he can’t yet share. Still, regarding a potential torture commission, he told Salon, “I am convinced it is going to happen.” In fact, his fervor on the issue was palpable. When asked if there is a lot the public still does not know about these issues during the Bush administration, his eyes grew large and he nodded slowly. “Stay on this,” he said. “This is going to be big.”

Whitehouse admitted he had not discussed the plan yet with President Obama, who has been notably wishy-washy on the notion since taking office. On the one hand, Obama has consistently said that “my administration is going to operate in a way that leaves no doubt that we do not torture.” Yet on the other hand, he has insisted that “nobody is above the law, and if there are clear instances of wrongdoing, that people should be prosecuted just like any ordinary citizen; but that generally speaking, I’m more interested in looking forward than I am in looking backwards.”

According to Whitehouse, current politics dictate that Congress should take the lead on establishing a torture commission. “When you look at the economic meltdown that [Obama] was left by the Bush administration, you can see why he would want to reassure the American public that he is out there looking at these problems and trying to solve them and not focusing on the sins of the past,” he said.

Whitehouse, however, predicted that Obama would not object to a torture commission moving forward in Congress. Besides, he said, “When push comes to shove, we are the legislative branch of government. We have oversight responsibilities. And we don’t need the executive branch’s approval to look into these things just as a constitutional matter.”

Plans to establish the commission still remain in their infancy, as senators and staff look at previous panels, such as the 9-11 Commission, and investigations following Watergate. Whitehouse, a former U.S. attorney, noted that a torture commission might need the power to immunize witnesses on a case-by-case basis. The prospect of future prosecutions, he said, are beside the point. Most important was putting a spotlight on abuses committed by the Bush administration.

“We have this American government, which has an architecture and a shape and a system that drives it and constrains it and that keeps it honest,” he said. “And what happened is that the Bush administration figured out a lot of ways to tunnel through the walls and sneak over the fences. So now we need to go back and say, ‘We have got to plant those walls deeper so you can not tunnel under them.’ We’ve got to spotlight how they did it,” Whitehouse explained. “The ultimate goal in this is to protect and enhance American democracy.”

Last week, retired Maj. Gen. Tony Taguba, known for conducting an honest investigation of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, discussed his support for such a commission in an exclusive interview with Salon. Taguba joined a group of former high-level diplomats and law enforcement officials who also announced their support for a torture commission late last week, along with 18 rights groups.

During that interview, Taguba stated that any review must include close analysis of claims from Bush administration officials that abusive interrogations worked. “Some of those activities were actually not effective and those who thought so were in the academic or pristine settings of their offices,” Taguba said. “What would they know?”

Whitehouse agreed, and depicted as ironic the fact that some members of the intelligence community saw themselves as “the Lance Armstrongs of interrogation,” while some members of the military objected to abuse as ineffective. “In fact, the exact opposite was true,” Whitehouse said about such claims from the CIA.”It was amateur hour with them, and the career, tough, serious military interrogators said that this just was not effective,” he said. “But it is important to prove the point, because they keep saying, ‘We saved lives. We interrupted plans. We did this, that and the other.'” Whitehouse added, “Well, when you drill down, there is never a fact there. It turns into fog and evasion.”

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Senator Leahy Calls Hearing to Discuss Truth Commission to Investigate Bush Administration Abuses of Power

February 25, 2009 – On the Senate floor today, Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT), chairman of the Judiciary Committee, announced that his committee will hold a hearing next week to discuss proceeding with a “truth commission” to investigate the abuses of power of the Bush administration. Next week’s hearing will likely focus on how an independent commission could be constituted and the scope of the issues it would examine.

Leahy first proposed the idea of a truth commission earlier this month at a speech at Georgetown University. House Judiciary Chairman John Conyers (D-MI) has already introduced legislation, H.R. 104, to create a similar commission.

The ACLU is calling for a three-pronged approach to investigating abuses of power under the Bush administration. In addition to the proposed commission, a congressional select committee should be put in place to investigate these matters. This committee would be able to commit the necessary resources and have full subpoena authority to compel individuals with knowledge to come forth. Also, the executive branch should be examining whether prosecutions are appropriate through a Department of Justice special prosecutor.

The following can be attributed to Caroline Fredrickson, Director of the ACLU Washington Legislative Office:

“The ACLU welcomes Senator Leahy’s remarks today on the need to discover how America abandoned the rule of law. But we also call on Congress to establish a select committee and for the Justice Department to appoint a special prosecutor. Both the Obama administration and Congress have an obligation to conduct investigations in order to achieve accountability and to ensure these egregious errors will not happen again. In order for America to move forward and put torture and abuse behind us, we must know how our nation was led astray.”

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Frequently Asked Questions on Philippine World War II Veterans’ Disability Claims

February 24, 2009 – The President of the United States signed the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 on February 17, 2009, authorizing the release of a one-time, lump-sum payment to eligible World War II (WWII) Philippine veterans.  These payments are to be made through the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs from a $198 million appropriation established for this purpose.  Applying for this benefit will not affect other existing Veterans benefits.

Q:  Who is eligible for the new benefit, a one-time payment authorized by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009?

    * Persons who served before July 1, 1946, in the organized military forces of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, while such forces were in the service of the Armed Forces of the United States;

    * Members of the organized guerrilla forces under commanders appointed, designated, or subsequently recognized by the Commander in Chief, Southwest Pacific Area, or other competent authority in the Army of the United States;

    * Persons who served in the Philippine Scouts under Section 14 of the Armed Forces Voluntary Recruitment Act of 1945. 

    * To be eligible for the new benefit, service members in each of the three categories above must have been discharged or released from service under conditions other than dishonorable.

Q:  How do I apply for this benefit?

    * The United Stated Department of Veterans Affairs is now accepting claims.  Claims can only be accepted from Filipino WWII veterans.  We encourage all Filipino WWII veterans to apply in person.  If a veteran is unable to appear in person, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs Manila Regional Office will arrange to obtain the application in an appropriate manner.  Claims from spouses, widows and children of Filipino WWII veterans cannot be accepted. 

Q:  Where do I apply for this benefit?

    * Filipino WW II veterans can inquire about or submit a claim at the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs Manila Regional Office located at the U.S. Embassy in Manila, Philippines.  The United States Department of Veterans Affairs will also have representatives available to accept claims at the Philippines Veterans Affairs Office and the Philippine’s Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City beginning February 19, 2009 through February 27, 2009.  Additionally, the United States Department of Veterans Affairs will have representatives at following venues throughout the Philippines on the dates indicated:

Location / Province

Address

Dates

Times

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Central Office

Camp Gen. Aguinaldo
Quezon City

02/19/09 – 02/27/09

0800-1700

Veterans Memorial Medical Center

North Ave., Quezon City

02/19/09-02/27/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office San Fernando, La Union

National Highway cor. Diversion Rd. Pagdaraoan, San Fernando City, La Union

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Baguio City, Benguet

USAFIPNL Camp Henry T. Allen, Baguio City, Benguet

02/24/09-02/27/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Iloilo City, Iloilo

Old Provincial Capitol Bldg., Iloilo City, Iloilo

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Cebu City, Cebu

CENTCOM, Camp Lapu-Lapu Lahug, Cebu City, Cebu

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Tacloban City, Leyte

126 Gomez St. Tacloban City, Leyte

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Zamboanga City, Zamboanga del Sur

SOUTHCOM Upper Calarian, Zamboanga City, Zamboanga del Sur

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Davao City, Davao del Sur

Door 4, Gutierrez Compound, Abad Santos Ave., Davao City, Davao del Sur

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Batangas City, Batangas

Provincial Capitol, Batangas City, Batangas

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Tuguegarao, Cagayan

1-A Callangan Bldg., Bonifacio St. Tuguegarao City, Cagayan

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office San Fernando, Pampanga

Cleofer’s Bldg., Gen. Hizon Extension, San Fernando City, Pampanga

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Legazpi City, Albay

ANST Bldg., Washington Drive, Legazpi City, Albay

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Philippine Veterans Affairs Office Cagayan de Oro City, Misamis Oriental

Camp Evangelista, Patag, Cagayan de Oro City, Misamis Oriental

02/24/09-02/26/09

0800-1700

Q:  How long do I have to file a claim?

    * The United States Department of Veterans Affairs must receive all claims no later than February 16, 2010, which is one year from the date of enactment of the legislation, which is February 17, 2009.

Q:  How much will I receive?

    * Eligible veterans who are not United States citizens will receive a one-time payment of $9,000.

    * Eligible veterans who are United States citizens will receive a one-time payment of $15,000.

Q:  I am a U.S. citizen, but reside in the Philippines.  Will that affect the amount of my payment?

    * No.  The amount of the payment you are eligible to receive is determined by your citizenship, not by your residence.

Q:  My late husband was a veteran who served during WWII.  May I receive this benefit as his widow?

    * Once an eligible veteran files a claim before February 17, 2010, a surviving spouse can claim the benefit if the veteran passes away before the benefit is paid. 

Q:  My husband was a U.S. citizen who filed a claim for this benefit but died before receiving payment.  I am not a U.S. citizen.  Will I receive the $15,000 he was eligible to receive?

    * Yes.  The amount of the payment is determined by the citizenship of the eligible veteran, not by the citizenship of the surviving spouse.

Q:  Is this benefit considered as income for U.S. income tax purposes?

    * No.  The benefit is not considered income for U.S. income tax purposes.

    * No.  This is an additional benefit for those eligible and qualified WWII veterans.  It will not change or affect benefits an individual may be receiving under any other Federal or federally assisted program.

Q:  May I apply for or continue to receive other U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs benefits?

    * Yes.  This is an additional benefit for those eligible and qualified Filipino WWII veterans. 

Q:  What information or evidence do I need to submit with my application?

    * Filipino WW II veterans wishing to submit a claim for this benefit should be prepared to present the following items to the United States Department of Veterans Affairs (if applicable):
    * Two forms of identification such as a driver’s license, birth certificate, Senior Citizen ID, Bureau of Post ID, Voter ID Card;
    * Copies of any military discharge documents showing service in one of the three qualifying types of service; “Go to qualify types of service”
    * Your Philippines Veterans Affairs Office claim number;
    * Your Philippines Veterans Affairs Pension bank account number;
    * Your U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs claim number; and
    *  U.S. citizens should bring your U.S. passport.

Q:  When will I receive the payment?

    * The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs is working actively to implement this new public law to ensure all eligible veterans receive their rightful benefits as soon as possible.  Claims are now being accepted, and information regarding the actual release of payments will be provided as it becomes available.

 

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Senator McCaskill Wants Changes in How Military Treats Drugs and Alcoholism

February 25, 2009, Columbia, MO – Sen. Claire McCaskill wants the Army to clean up its method for treating soldiers with drug and alcohol problems.

 The Missouri Democrat introduced legislation today calling for changes in the military’s approach to substance abuse.

The bill was spurred by reports of growing prescription drug abuse by wounded soldiers at Fort Leonard Wood and other Army bases.

 The proposed changes include an independent review of military drug abuse and treatment by the Institute of Medicine at the National Academies of Science or a similar outside agency.

 Army records show that legal painkiller use by injured troops has increased nearly 70 percent since the start of the Iraq war six years ago.

Surveys show that more soldiers are struggling with prescription drug addiction while also seeking help from Army doctors and counselors.

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After Guilty Plea Offer in Iraq War Fragging Case, G.I. Cleared of Iraq Deaths

February 23, 2009 – On Dec. 4, Staff Sgt. Alberto B. Martinez was found not guilty of killing two New York Army National Guard officers in Iraq — a rare case of soldier-on-soldier violence in the war and a crime for which prosecutors had sought the death penalty.

Thе verdict demoralized Army prosecutors. Thе widows оf thе twо officers appeared devastated, convinced thаt a guilty mаn hаd gone unpunished. And lаѕt month, Sergeant Martinez wаѕ honorably discharged аnd returned tо civilian life, having publicly proclaimed hіѕ innocence аnd sense оf vindication.

Hоwеvеr, documents obtained bу Thе New York Tіmеѕ ѕhоw thаt mоrе thаn twо years bеfоrе thе trial, whіlе prosecutors wеrе ѕtіll gathering evidence аgаіnѕt hіm, Sergeant Martinez signed аn offer tо plead guilty tо thе murder charges. Hе offered tо bе sentenced tо life іn prison wіth thе possibility оf parole, аnd thеrеbу avoid thе death penalty.
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“This offer tо рlеа originated wіth me,” Sergeant Martinez said іn thе рlеа offer. “No person hаѕ mаdе аnу attempt tо force оr coerce mе іntо making thіѕ offer.”

Thе offer wаѕ swiftly rejected bу thе general responsible fоr prosecuting thе case.

Thеrе hаѕ bееn a rich debate іn civilian legal circles аbоut whеthеr charging a person wіth a crime punishable bу death compels ѕоmе defendants tо confess tо crimes thеу mіght nоt hаvе committed.

In thе Martinez case, thе guilty рlеа offer wаѕ аlѕо signed bу thе sergeant’s twо Army defense lawyers, Maj. Marc Cipriano аnd Capt. E. John Gregory, whо wеrе permitted bу Army regulations tо sign thе рlеа offer оnlу іf thеу believed аt thе tіmе thаt thеіr client committed thе crime. Thе twо lawyers later successfully defended Sergeant Martinez аt trial.

“They hаd a conviction handed tо thеm аnd chose nоt tо tаkе it,” Barbara Allen – thе widow оf оnе оf thе slain officers, Fіrѕt Lt. Lou Allen, аnd nоw a single mother оf fоur young boys – said оf thе Army.

Sergeant Martinez, whоѕе whereabouts аrе unknown, did nоt respond tо e-mailed requests fоr comment. Hіѕ lawyers did nоt respond tо calls аnd e-mail messages seeking comment оn thе рlеа offer.

Lt. Gen. John R. Vines, thе commander оf thе Army’s 18th Airborne Corps whо signed a document rejecting thе рlеа, retired іn February 2007 аnd соuld nоt bе reached; messages left wіth hіѕ relatives wеrе nоt returned. Lawyers fоr thе 18th Airborne Corps, based аt Fоrt Bragg, N.C., whоѕе office advised thе general оn thе Martinez case, аlѕо did nоt respond tо e-mail аnd phone messages.

An Army spokeswoman аt Fоrt Bragg said оn Friday thаt nо оnе wіth knowledge оf thе рlеа offer wаѕ available tо discuss іt.

Maj. John C. Benson, a prosecutor оf thе Martinez case whо wаѕ nоt involved іn thе decision tо reject thе рlеа offer, said thеrе wаѕ concern wіthіn thе Army thаt Sergeant Martinez mіght hаvе bееn eligible fоr parole аftеr 10 years, despite acknowledging murdering twо officers.

“The horrible nature оf thе crime created a lot оf conflict аbоut whеthеr tо tаkе thе plea,” hе said іn аn interview. But given thе outcome аt trial, Major Benson said, “I wish thаt thе guilty рlеа hаd bееn accepted,” adding later, “I don’t think thеrе саn bе аnу doubt whatsoever аѕ tо hіѕ guilt.”

Sergeant Martinez’s murder trial wаѕ оnе оf оnlу twо publicly known cases оf enlisted soldiers charged wіth intentionally killing superiors durіng thе Iraq wаr. In 2005, Sgt. Hasan K. Akbar оf thе 101st Airborne Division, wаѕ convicted аt trial аnd sentenced tо death іn a grenade аnd rifle attack thаt killed twо officers іn Kuwait іn 2003. General Vines affirmed thаt sentence іn 2006.

In Sergeant Martinez’s trial, prosecutors argued thаt hе detonated a mіnе оn аn American base іn thе Iraqi city оf Tikrit, killing hіѕ company commander, Capt. Phillip T. Esposito, аnd Lieutenant Allen іn June 2005. Sеvеrаl soldiers frоm thе 42nd Infantry Division, based аt Fоrt Drum, N.Y., testified thаt Sergeant Martinez hated Captain Esposito аnd mаdе ѕеvеrаl threatening statements аbоut hіm.

Sergeant Martinez’s рlеа offer, dated April 3, 2006, саmе аftеr hе аnd hіѕ lawyer learned thаt a soldier hаd admitted thаt weeks bеfоrе thе deaths, ѕhе hаd given hіm Claymore mines thаt hеr unit, аbоut tо return home, nо longer needed. Thе soldier, Staff Sgt. Amy Harlan оf thе Army Reserve’s 350th Psychological Operations Company, later testified аt Sergeant Martinez’s court-martial.

Thе рlеа offer document stipulated thаt Sergeant Martinez wоuld tell a military judge “the essential facts аnd circumstances оf thе offenses tо whісh I аm pleading guilty.” It аlѕо stated thаt thе offer, whіlе originating wіth Sergeant Martinez, соuld bе rescinded bу hіm аt аnу tіmе.

If thе рlеа offer hаd bееn accepted, Sergeant Martinez wоuld hаvе hаd tо dеѕсrіbе hіѕ criminal conduct іn еnоugh dеtаіl tо convince a judge. Military judges саn аnd ѕоmеtіmеѕ dо reject guilty рlеаѕ thеу fіnd unpersuasive.

“Martinez told hіѕ lawyer еnоugh thаt hіѕ lawyer believed hе соuld ethically рut hіm uр thеrе tо answer thе judge’s searching questions,” said Walt Huffman, a fоrmеr Army judge advocate general, nоw thе dean оf Texas Tech University School оf Law. “Otherwise,” hе said оf thе lawyer, “he wоuld bе engaging іn unethical conduct.”

Gary D. Solis, a fоrmеr Marine judge whо teaches thе law оf wаr аt Georgetown University Law Center, said General Vines’ rejection оf thе рlеа offer, dated April 4, 2006, wаѕ unusual.

“The оnlу reason уоu ѕhоuld turn thіѕ dоwn іѕ іf уоu hаvе аn absolutely bulletproof case,” hе said. “I can’t imagine whу thеу didn’t tаkе іt. You’ve got life іn prison іn hand.”

In thе Army, a soldier serving a life sentence іѕ eligible fоr parole аftеr 10 years.

In December, thе government’s six-week trial concluded. Prosecutors argued thаt Sergeant Martinez hаd nоt оnlу a motive tо kill Captain Esposito but аlѕо hаd access tо thе rarely used mіnе thаt killed thеm.

Defense lawyers accused thе Army оf fixating оn thеіr client vеrу early оn, wіth оnlу circumstantial evidence tо support thеіr arguments. Thеу аlѕо attacked thе credibility оf Sergeant Harlan’s testimony thаt ѕhе hаd given Claymore mines tо Sergeant Martinez, pointing оut thаt ѕhе initially hаd nоt mentioned tо Army investigators thаt ѕhе hаd given hіm аnу mines.

On Dec. 4, аftеr twо days оf deliberations, thе 14-member military jury аt Fоrt Bragg proclaimed Sergeant Martinez nоt guilty. Tо convict аt trial, a military jury requires a two-thirds majority.

Major Benson, thе Army prosecutor іn thе case, said ѕеvеrаl factors соuld hаvе swayed thе jury іn thе sergeant’s favor.

“A strong opposition tо death penalty wаѕ a definite factor аmоng ѕоmе оf thе panel members,” hе said. “It’s quite possible thаt thеу wеrе nоt able tо separate thе conviction frоm thе punishment.”

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Feb 24, President Obama Promises More Troops, Pay Raise for Military, Plus Benefits and Healthcare for Veterans

As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch abroad and more are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, and to the families who bear the quiet burden of their absence, Americans are united in sending one message: we honor your service, we are inspired by your sacrifice, and you have our unyielding support.  To relieve the strain on our forces, my budget increases the number of our soldiers and Marines. And to keep our sacred trust with those who serve, we will raise their pay, and give our veterans the expanded health care and benefits that they have earned.

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary

Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for Delivery
Address to Joint Session of Congress
Tuesday, February 24th, 2009

Madame Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, and the First Lady of the United States:

I’ve come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men and women in this great chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to the men and women who sent us here.

I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our economy is a concern that rises above all others.  And rightly so.  If you haven’t been personally affected by this recession, you probably know someone who has – a friend; a neighbor; a member of your family.  You don’t need to hear another list of statistics to know that our economy is in crisis, because you live it every day.  It’s the worry you wake up with and the source of sleepless nights.  It’s the job you thought you’d retire from but now have lost; the business you built your dreams upon that’s now hanging by a thread; the college acceptance letter your child had to put back in the envelope.  The impact of this recession is real, and it is everywhere.

But while our economy may be weakened and our confidence shaken; though we are living through difficult and uncertain times, tonight I want every American to know this:

We will rebuild, we will recover, and the United States of America will emerge stronger than before.

The weight of this crisis will not determine the destiny of this nation.  The answers to our problems don’t lie beyond our reach.  They exist in our laboratories and universities; in our fields and our factories; in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of the hardest-working people on Earth.  Those qualities that have made America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in ample measure.  What is required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly the challenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.

Now, if we’re honest with ourselves, we’ll admit that for too long, we have not always met these responsibilities – as a government or as a people.  I say this not to lay blame or look backwards, but because it is only by understanding how we arrived at this moment that we’ll be able to lift ourselves out of this predicament.

The fact is, our economy did not fall into decline overnight.  Nor did all of our problems begin when the housing market collapsed or the stock market sank.  We have known for decades that our survival depends on finding new sources of energy.  Yet we import more oil today than ever before.  The cost of health care eats up more and more of our savings each year, yet we keep delaying reform.  Our children will compete for jobs in a global economy that too many of our schools do not prepare them for.  And though all these challenges went unsolved, we still managed to spend more money and pile up more debt, both as individuals and through our government, than ever before.

In other words, we have lived through an era where too often, short-term gains were prized over long-term prosperity; where we failed to look beyond the next payment, the next quarter, or the next election.  A surplus became an excuse to transfer wealth to the wealthy instead of an opportunity to invest in our future.  Regulations were gutted for the sake of a quick profit at the expense of a healthy market.  People bought homes they knew they couldn’t afford from banks and lenders who pushed those bad loans anyway.  And all the while, critical debates and difficult decisions were put off for some other time on some other day.

Well that day of reckoning has arrived, and the time to take charge of our future is here.

Now is the time to act boldly and wisely – to not only revive this economy, but to build a new foundation for lasting prosperity.  Now is the time to jumpstart job creation, re-start lending, and invest in areas like energy, health care, and education that will grow our economy, even as we make hard choices to bring our deficit down.  That is what my economic agenda is designed to do, and that’s what I’d like to talk to you about tonight.

It’s an agenda that begins with jobs.

As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress to send me a recovery plan by President’s Day that would put people back to work and put money in their pockets.  Not because I believe in bigger government – I don’t.  Not because I’m not mindful of the massive debt we’ve inherited – I am.  I called for action because the failure to do so would have cost more jobs and caused more hardships.  In fact, a failure to act would have worsened our long-term deficit by assuring weak economic growth for years.  That’s why I pushed for quick action.  And tonight, I am grateful that this Congress delivered, and pleased to say that the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is now law.

Over the next two years, this plan will save or create 3.5 million jobs.  More than 90{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of these jobs will be in the private sector – jobs rebuilding our roads and bridges; constructing wind turbines and solar panels; establishing greywater systems; laying broadband and expanding mass transit.

Because of this plan, there are teachers who can now keep their jobs and educate our kids.  Health care professionals can continue caring for our sick.  There are 57 police officers who are still on the streets of Minneapolis tonight because this plan prevented the layoffs their department was about to make.

Because of this plan, 95{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of the working households in America will receive a tax cut – a tax cut that you will see in your paychecks beginning on April 1st.

Because of this plan, families who are struggling to pay tuition costs will receive a $2,500 tax credit for all four years of college.  And Americans who have lost their jobs in this recession will be able to receive extended unemployment benefits and continued health care coverage to help them weather this storm.

I know there are some in this chamber and watching at home who are skeptical of whether this plan will work.  I understand that skepticism.  Here in Washington, we’ve all seen how quickly good intentions can turn into broken promises and wasteful spending.  And with a plan of this scale comes enormous responsibility to get it right.

That is why I have asked Vice President Biden to lead a tough, unprecedented oversight effort – because nobody messes with Joe.  I have told each member of my Cabinet as well as mayors and governors across the country that they will be held accountable by me and the American people for every dollar they spend.  I have appointed a proven and aggressive Inspector General to ferret out any and all cases of waste and fraud.  And we have created a new website called recovery.gov so that every American can find out how and where their money is being spent.

So the recovery plan we passed is the first step in getting our economy back on track.  But it is just the first step.  Because even if we manage this plan flawlessly, there will be no real recovery unless we clean up the credit crisis that has severely weakened our financial system.

I want to speak plainly and candidly about this issue tonight, because every American should know that it directly affects you and your family’s well-being.  You should also know that the money you’ve deposited in banks across the country is safe; your insurance is secure; and you can rely on the continued operation of our financial system.  That is not the source of concern.

The concern is that if we do not re-start lending in this country, our recovery will be choked off before it even begins.

You see, the flow of credit is the lifeblood of our economy.  The ability to get a loan is how you finance the purchase of everything from a home to a car to a college education; how stores stock their shelves, farms buy equipment, and businesses make payroll.

But credit has stopped flowing the way it should.  Too many bad loans from the housing crisis have made their way onto the books of too many banks.  With so much debt and so little confidence, these banks are now fearful of lending out any more money to households, to businesses, or to each other.  When there is no lending, families can’t afford to buy homes or cars.  So businesses are forced to make layoffs.  Our economy suffers even more, and credit dries up even further.

That is why this administration is moving swiftly and aggressively to break this destructive cycle, restore confidence, and re-start lending.

We will do so in several ways.  First, we are creating a new lending fund that represents the largest effort ever to help provide auto loans, college loans, and small business loans to the consumers and entrepreneurs who keep this economy running.

Second, we have launched a housing plan that will help responsible families facing the threat of foreclosure lower their monthly payments and re-finance their mortgages.  It’s a plan that won’t help speculators or that neighbor down the street who bought a house he could never hope to afford, but it will help millions of Americans who are struggling with declining home values – Americans who will now be able to take advantage of the lower interest rates that this plan has already helped bring about.  In fact, the average family who re-finances today can save nearly $2000 per year on their mortgage.

Third, we will act with the full force of the federal government to ensure that the major banks that Americans depend on have enough confidence and enough money to lend even in more difficult times.  And when we learn that a major bank has serious problems, we will hold accountable those responsible, force the necessary adjustments, provide the support to clean up their balance sheets, and assure the continuity of a strong, viable institution that can serve our people and our economy.

I understand that on any given day, Wall Street may be more comforted by an approach that gives banks bailouts with no strings attached, and that holds nobody accountable for their reckless decisions.  But such an approach won’t solve the problem.  And our goal is to quicken the day when we re-start lending to the American people and American business and end this crisis once and for all.

I intend to hold these banks fully accountable for the assistance they receive, and this time, they will have to clearly demonstrate how taxpayer dollars result in more lending for the American taxpayer.  This time, CEOs won’t be able to use taxpayer money to pad their paychecks or buy fancy drapes or disappear on a private jet.  Those days are over.

Still, this plan will require significant resources from the federal government – and yes, probably more than we’ve already set aside.  But while the cost of action will be great, I can assure you that the cost of inaction will be far greater, for it could result in an economy that sputters along for not months or years, but perhaps a decade.  That would be worse for our deficit, worse for business, worse for you, and worse for the next generation.  And I refuse to let that happen.

I understand that when the last administration asked this Congress to provide assistance for struggling banks, Democrats and Republicans alike were infuriated by the mismanagement and results that followed.  So were the American taxpayers.  So was I.

So I know how unpopular it is to be seen as helping banks right now, especially when everyone is suffering in part from their bad decisions.  I promise you – I get it.

But I also know that in a time of crisis, we cannot afford to govern out of anger, or yield to the politics of the moment.  My job – our job – is to solve the problem.  Our job is to govern with a sense of responsibility.  I will not spend a single penny for the purpose of rewarding a single Wall Street executive, but I will do whatever it takes to help the small business that can’t pay its workers or the family that has saved and still can’t get a mortgage.

That’s what this is about.  It’s not about helping banks – it’s about helping people.  Because when credit is available again, that young family can finally buy a new home.  And then some company will hire workers to build it.  And then those workers will have money to spend, and if they can get a loan too, maybe they’ll finally buy that car, or open their own business.  Investors will return to the market, and American families will see their retirement secured once more.  Slowly, but surely, confidence will return, and our economy will recover.

So I ask this Congress to join me in doing whatever proves necessary.  Because we cannot consign our nation to an open-ended recession.  And to ensure that a crisis of this magnitude never happens again, I ask Congress to move quickly on legislation that will finally reform our outdated regulatory system.  It is time to put in place tough, new common-sense rules of the road so that our financial market rewards drive and innovation, and punishes short-cuts and abuse.

The recovery plan and the financial stability plan are the immediate steps we’re taking to revive our economy in the short-term.  But the only way to fully restore America’s economic strength is to make the long-term investments that will lead to new jobs, new industries, and a renewed ability to compete with the rest of the world. The only way this century will be another American century is if we confront at last the price of our dependence on oil and the high cost of health care; the schools that aren’t preparing our children and the mountain of debt they stand to inherit.  That is our responsibility.

In the next few days, I will submit a budget to Congress.  So often, we have come to view these documents as simply numbers on a page or laundry lists of programs.  I see this document differently.  I see it as a vision for America – as a blueprint for our future.

My budget does not attempt to solve every problem or address every issue.  It reflects the stark reality of what we’ve inherited – a trillion dollar deficit, a financial crisis, and a costly recession.

Given these realities, everyone in this chamber – Democrats and Republicans – will have to sacrifice some worthy priorities for which there are no dollars.  And that includes me.

But that does not mean we can afford to ignore our long-term challenges.  I reject the view that says our problems will simply take care of themselves; that says government has no role in laying the foundation for our common prosperity.

For history tells a different story.  History reminds us that at every moment of economic upheaval and transformation, this nation has responded with bold action and big ideas.  In the midst of civil war, we laid railroad tracks from one coast to another that spurred commerce and industry.  From the turmoil of the Industrial Revolution came a system of public high schools that prepared our citizens for a new age.  In the wake of war and depression, the GI Bill sent a generation to college and created the largest middle-class in history.  And a twilight struggle for freedom led to a nation of highways, an American on the moon, and an explosion of technology that still shapes our world.

In each case, government didn’t supplant private enterprise; it catalyzed private enterprise.  It created the conditions for thousands of entrepreneurs and new businesses to adapt and to thrive.

We are a nation that has seen promise amid peril, and claimed opportunity from ordeal.  Now we must be that nation again.  That is why, even as it cuts back on the programs we don’t need, the budget I submit will invest in the three areas that are absolutely critical to our economic future:  energy, health care, and education.

It begins with energy.

We know the country that harnesses the power of clean, renewable energy will lead the 21st century.  And yet, it is China that has launched the largest effort in history to make their economy energy efficient.  We invented solar technology, but we’ve fallen behind countries like Germany and Japan in producing it.  New plug-in hybrids roll off our assembly lines, but they will run on batteries made in Korea.

Well I do not accept a future where the jobs and industries of tomorrow take root beyond our borders – and I know you don’t either.  It is time for America to lead again.

Thanks to our recovery plan, we will double this nation’s supply of renewable energy in the next three years.  We have also made the largest investment in basic research funding in American history – an investment that will spur not only new discoveries in energy, but breakthroughs in medicine, science, and technology.

We will soon lay down thousands of miles of power lines that can carry new energy to cities and towns across this country.  And we will put Americans to work making our homes and buildings more efficient so that we can save billions of dollars on our energy bills.

But to truly transform our economy, protect our security, and save our planet from the ravages of climate change, we need to ultimately make clean, renewable energy the profitable kind of energy.  So I ask this Congress to send me legislation that places a market-based cap on carbon pollution and drives the production of more renewable energy in America.  And to support that innovation, we will invest fifteen billion dollars a year to develop technologies like wind power and solar power; advanced biofuels, clean coal, and more fuel-efficient cars and trucks built right here in America.

As for our auto industry, everyone recognizes that years of bad decision-making and a global recession have pushed our automakers to the brink.  We should not, and will not, protect them from their own bad practices.  But we are committed to the goal of a re-tooled, re-imagined auto industry that can compete and win.  Millions of jobs depend on it.  Scores of communities depend on it.  And I believe the nation that invented the automobile cannot walk away from it.

None of this will come without cost, nor will it be easy.  But this is America.  We don’t do what’s easy.  We do what is necessary to move this country forward.

For that same reason, we must also address the crushing cost of health care.

This is a cost that now causes a bankruptcy in America every thirty seconds.  By the end of the year, it could cause 1.5 million Americans to lose their homes.  In the last eight years, premiums have grown four times faster than wages.  And in each of these years, one million more Americans have lost their health insurance.  It is one of the major reasons why small businesses close their doors and corporations ship jobs overseas.  And it’s one of the largest and fastest-growing parts of our budget.

Given these facts, we can no longer afford to put health care reform on hold.

Already, we have done more to advance the cause of health care reform in the last thirty days than we have in the last decade.  When it was days old, this Congress passed a law to provide and protect health insurance for eleven million American children whose parents work full-time.  Our recovery plan will invest in electronic health records and new technology that will reduce errors, bring down costs, ensure privacy, and save lives.  It will launch a new effort to conquer a disease that has touched the life of nearly every American by seeking a cure for cancer in our time.  And it makes the largest investment ever in preventive care, because that is one of the best ways to keep our people healthy and our costs under control.

This budget builds on these reforms.  It includes an historic commitment to comprehensive health care reform – a down-payment on the principle that we must have quality, affordable health care for every American.  It’s a commitment that’s paid for in part by efficiencies in our system that are long overdue.  And it’s a step we must take if we hope to bring down our deficit in the years to come.

Now, there will be many different opinions and ideas about how to achieve reform, and that is why I’m bringing together businesses and workers, doctors and health care providers, Democrats and Republicans to begin work on this issue next week.

I suffer no illusions that this will be an easy process.  It will be hard.  But I also know that nearly a century after Teddy Roosevelt first called for reform, the cost of our health care has weighed down our economy and the conscience of our nation long enough.  So let there be no doubt: health care reform cannot wait, it must not wait, and it will not wait another year.

The third challenge we must address is the urgent need to expand the promise of education in America.

In a global economy where the most valuable skill you can sell is your knowledge, a good education is no longer just a pathway to opportunity – it is a pre-requisite.

Right now, three-quarters of the fastest-growing occupations require more than a high school diploma.  And yet, just over half of our citizens have that level of education.  We have one of the highest high school dropout rates of any industrialized nation.  And half of the students who begin college never finish.

This is a prescription for economic decline, because we know the countries that out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow.  That is why it will be the goal of this administration to ensure that every child has access to a complete and competitive education – from the day they are born to the day they begin a career.

Already, we have made an historic investment in education through the economic recovery plan.  We have dramatically expanded early childhood education and will continue to improve its quality, because we know that the most formative learning comes in those first years of life.  We have made college affordable for nearly seven million more students.  And we have provided the resources necessary to prevent painful cuts and teacher layoffs that would set back our children’s progress.

But we know that our schools don’t just need more resources.  They need more reform.  That is why this budget creates new incentives for teacher performance; pathways for advancement, and rewards for success.  We’ll invest in innovative programs that are already helping schools meet high standards and close achievement gaps.  And we will expand our commitment to charter schools.

It is our responsibility as lawmakers and educators to make this system work.  But it is the responsibility of every citizen to participate in it.  And so tonight, I ask every American to commit to at least one year or more of higher education or career training.  This can be community college or a four-year school; vocational training or an apprenticeship.  But whatever the training may be, every American will need to get more than a high school diploma.  And dropping out of high school is no longer an option.  It’s not just quitting on yourself, it’s quitting on your country – and this country needs and values the talents of every American.  That is why we will provide the support necessary for you to complete college and meet a new goal:  by 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.

I know that the price of tuition is higher than ever, which is why if you are willing to volunteer in your neighborhood or give back to your community or serve your country, we will make sure that you can afford a higher education.  And to encourage a renewed spirit of national service for this and future generations, I ask this Congress to send me the bipartisan legislation that bears the name of Senator Orrin Hatch as well as an American who has never stopped asking what he can do for his country – Senator Edward Kennedy.

These education policies will open the doors of opportunity for our children.  But it is up to us to ensure they walk through them.  In the end, there is no program or policy that can substitute for a mother or father who will attend those parent/teacher conferences, or help with homework after dinner, or turn off the TV, put away the video games, and read to their child.  I speak to you not just as a President, but as a father when I say that responsibility for our children’s education must begin at home.

There is, of course, another responsibility we have to our children.  And that is the responsibility to ensure that we do not pass on to them a debt they cannot pay.  With the deficit we inherited, the cost of the crisis we face, and the long-term challenges we must meet, it has never been more important to ensure that as our economy recovers, we do what it takes to bring this deficit down.

I’m proud that we passed the recovery plan free of earmarks, and I want to pass a budget next year that ensures that each dollar we spend reflects only our most important national priorities.

Yesterday, I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit in half by the end of my first term in office.  My administration has also begun to go line by line through the federal budget in order to eliminate wasteful and ineffective programs.  As you can imagine, this is a process that will take some time.  But we’re starting with the biggest lines.  We have already identified two trillion dollars in savings over the next decade.

In this budget, we will end education programs that don’t work and end direct payments to large agribusinesses that don’t need them.  We’ll eliminate the no-bid contracts that have wasted billions in Iraq, and reform our defense budget so that we’re not paying for Cold War-era weapons systems we don’t use.  We will root out the waste, fraud, and abuse in our Medicare program that doesn’t make our seniors any healthier, and we will restore a sense of fairness and balance to our tax code by finally ending the tax breaks for corporations that ship our jobs overseas.

In order to save our children from a future of debt, we will also end the tax breaks for the wealthiest 2{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of Americans.  But let me perfectly clear, because I know you’ll hear the same old claims that rolling back these tax breaks means a massive tax increase on the American people:  if your family earns less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increased a single dime.  I repeat: not one single dime.  In fact, the recovery plan provides a tax cut – that’s right, a tax cut – for 95{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of working families.  And these checks are on the way.

To preserve our long-term fiscal health, we must also address the growing costs in Medicare and Social Security.  Comprehensive health care reform is the best way to strengthen Medicare for years to come.  And we must also begin a conversation on how to do the same for Social Security, while creating tax-free universal savings accounts for all Americans.

Finally, because we’re also suffering from a deficit of trust, I am committed to restoring a sense of honesty and accountability to our budget.  That is why this budget looks ahead ten years and accounts for spending that was left out under the old rules – and for the first time, that includes the full cost of fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan.  For seven years, we have been a nation at war.  No longer will we hide its price.

We are now carefully reviewing our policies in both wars, and I will soon announce a way forward in Iraq that leaves Iraq to its people and responsibly ends this war.

And with our friends and allies, we will forge a new and comprehensive strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al Qaeda and combat extremism.  Because I will not allow terrorists to plot against the American people from safe havens half a world away.

As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch abroad and more are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, and to the families who bear the quiet burden of their absence, Americans are united in sending one message: we honor your service, we are inspired by your sacrifice, and you have our unyielding support.  To relieve the strain on our forces, my budget increases the number of our soldiers and Marines. And to keep our sacred trust with those who serve, we will raise their pay, and give our veterans the expanded health care and benefits that they have earned.

To overcome extremism, we must also be vigilant in upholding the values our troops defend – because there is no force in the world more powerful than the example of America. That is why I have ordered the closing of the detention center at Guantanamo Bay, and will seek swift and certain justice for captured terrorists – because living our values doesn’t make us weaker, it makes us safer and it makes us stronger.  And that is why I can stand here tonight and say without exception or equivocation that the United States of America does not torture.

In words and deeds, we are showing the world that a new era of engagement has begun.  For we know that America cannot meet the threats of this century alone, but the world cannot meet them without America.  We cannot shun the negotiating table, nor ignore the foes or forces that could do us harm.  We are instead called to move forward with the sense of confidence and candor that serious times demand.

To seek progress toward a secure and lasting peace between Israel and her neighbors, we have appointed an envoy to sustain our effort.  To meet the challenges of the 21st century – from terrorism to nuclear proliferation; from pandemic disease to cyber threats to crushing poverty – we will strengthen old alliances, forge new ones, and use all elements of our national power.

And to respond to an economic crisis that is global in scope, we are working with the nations of the G-20 to restore confidence in our financial system, avoid the possibility of escalating protectionism, and spur demand for American goods in markets across the globe.  For the world depends on us to have a strong economy, just as our economy depends on the strength of the world’s.

As we stand at this crossroads of history, the eyes of all people in all nations are once again upon us – watching to see what we do with this moment; waiting for us to lead.

Those of us gathered here tonight have been called to govern in extraordinary times.  It is a tremendous burden, but also a great privilege – one that has been entrusted to few generations of Americans.  For in our hands lies the ability to shape our world for good or for ill.

I know that it is easy to lose sight of this truth – to become cynical and doubtful; consumed with the petty and the trivial.

But in my life, I have also learned that hope is found in unlikely places; that inspiration often comes not from those with the most power or celebrity, but from the dreams and aspirations of Americans who are anything but ordinary.

I think about Leonard Abess, the bank president from Miami who reportedly cashed out of his company, took a $60 million bonus, and gave it out to all 399 people who worked for him, plus another 72 who used to work for him.  He didn’t tell anyone, but when the local newspaper found out, he simply said, ”I knew some of these people since I was 7 years old.  I didn’t feel right getting the money myself.”

I think about Greensburg, Kansas, a town that was completely destroyed by a tornado, but is being rebuilt by its residents as a global example of how clean energy can power an entire community – how it can bring jobs and businesses to a place where piles of bricks and rubble once lay.  “The tragedy was terrible,” said one of the men who helped them rebuild.  “But the folks here know that it also provided an incredible opportunity.”

And I think about Ty’Sheoma Bethea, the young girl from that school I visited in Dillon, South Carolina – a place where the ceilings leak, the paint peels off the walls, and they have to stop teaching six times a day because the train barrels by their classroom.  She has been told that her school is hopeless, but the other day after class she went to the public library and typed up a letter to the people sitting in this room.  She even asked her principal for the money to buy a stamp.  The letter asks us for help, and says, “We are just students trying to become lawyers, doctors, congressmen like yourself and one day president, so we can make a change to not just the state of South Carolina but also the world.  We are not quitters.”

We are not quitters.

These words and these stories tell us something about the spirit of the people who sent us here.  They tell us that even in the most trying times, amid the most difficult circumstances, there is a generosity, a resilience, a decency, and a determination that perseveres; a willingness to take responsibility for our future and for posterity.

Their resolve must be our inspiration.  Their concerns must be our cause.  And we must show them and all our people that we are equal to the task before us.

I know that we haven’t agreed on every issue thus far, and there are surely times in the future when we will part ways.  But I also know that every American who is sitting here tonight loves this country and wants it to succeed.  That must be the starting point for every debate we have in the coming months, and where we return after those debates are done.  That is the foundation on which the American people expect us to build common ground.

And if we do – if we come together and lift this nation from the depths of this crisis; if we put our people back to work and restart the engine of our prosperity; if we confront without fear the challenges of our time and summon that enduring spirit of an America that does not quit, then someday years from now our children can tell their children that this was the time when we performed, in the words that are carved into this very chamber, “something worthy to be remembered.”  Thank you, God Bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.

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Iraq War Veteran Who Died in Murder-Suicide was Being Treated for PTSD

February 21, 2009 – The Nellis Air Force Base airman who died in what is believed to be a murder-suicide Friday morning was being treated for post-traumatic stress disorder, a base spokeswoman told the Review-Journal today.

What role the possible disorder played in his death is still unknown, Capt. Amanda Ferrell said. The airman, 25-year-old Jason Matthew Klinkenberg, was receiving treatment in response to events that took place during a five-month tour of Iraq between 2005 and 2006, she said.

Details of those events weren’t available today. Ferrell said there weren’t any medals or awards in his file that would indicate he was injured during his tour.

Klinkenberg’s death came after a roughly two-hour standoff with police inside an apartment at the Craig Ranch Villas, at 370 Casa Norte Drive, near Commerce Street and Lone Mountain Road.

Police said Klinkenberg’s wife contacted a friend, who called police about 5:30 a.m. claiming that Klinkenberg was holding a gun to his wife’s head.

When officers arrived, Klinkenberg retreated into the ground-level apartment and fired shots out of the window at officers. Police did not return fire.

About 8 a.m., SWAT officers entered the apartment to find the couple dead. Clark County marriage records show he married his wife, 23-year-old Crystal Klinkenberg, in July 2007. The Clark County Coroner’s office will determine whether the incident was a murder-suicide.

Klinkenberg was a vehicle operator with the 99th Logistics Readiness Squadron. Ferrell said he had begun receiving treatment for PTSD on base but was eventually referred to an off-base specialist.

How long he had been serving at the base, or whether he had been diagnosed with PTSD, was not available today.

Ferrell said the Air Force is offering assistance to his family.

“We encourage them to come to us for anything they need, whether it’s the emotional support and assistance, or to serve as an intermediary with the media,” Ferrell said.

Ferrell did not know whether funeral services had been arranged.

Contact reporter Lawrence Mower at lmower@reviewjournal.com or 702-383-0440.

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Nuclear Agenda Draws Scrutiny

February 22, 2009 – President Obama is preparing to move ahead with the most ambitious arms-control agenda in decades, calling for dramatic cuts in US and Russian arsenals, a halt to the Bush administration’s plan for a more advanced nuclear warhead, and the ratification of a global treaty banning underground nuclear tests.

Obama’s agenda, posted on the White House website shortly after his inauguration and outlined by several top officials, also includes a worldwide ban on the production of nuclear weapons material – leading to what the administration calls “a world without nuclear weapons.”

The new administration’s goal of starting down what it calls the “long road” toward total elimination of nuclear weapons represents perhaps its most striking foreign-policy departure from the Bush administration, which expressed widespread skepticism about arms-control treaties and pulled out of the anti-ballistic missile pact with Russia.

Obama has said he would base his arms-control efforts in part on the work of the biparti san Nuclear Security Project, whose initiatives, including a plan for sharp reductions in US nuclear stockpiles, were crafted by centrists including former Democratic senator Sam Nunn and former Republican secretaries of state Henry Kissinger and George P. Shultz.

Nonetheless, the president’s plans are rousing sharp opposition from other key elements of the national security community, including members of government advisory boards on nuclear weapons, independent weapons analysts, and think tank scholars – all of whom have expressed concern that Obama’s proposals could weaken US security.

Henry D. Sokolski, a member of the bipartisan US Commission on the Prevention of Weapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation and Terrorism, which was established last year by Congress, is one who worries that Obama’s agenda could increase global nuclear competition.

“This brave new, nuclear world may be anything but peaceful,” said Sokolski, an independent analyst who has supported arms-control pacts in other contexts. “As the qualitative and quantitative differences between nuclear weapons states become smaller, rivalries are likely to become much more dangerous.”

Beyond the arms-control community, Obama is facing potential opposition within his own Cabinet. The White House website says the administration will “stop the development of new nuclear weapons,” a step that many arms control advocates believe is necessary to convince the international community that the United States is serious about disarmament.

But Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates said last fall that building the so-called Reliable Replacement Warhead is essential to ensuring that the nation’s nuclear defenses remain viable for years to come. Without the new warhead, Gates said, the United States would have to test its current inventory to be sure it works properly, something it hasn’t done since 1992. (Some specialists believe computer modeling technology may make it possible to test the new warheads without exploding one.)

Gates has also expressed concerns that it may be difficult to catch nations that disregard obligations under the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, which Obama is urging the Senate to ratify.

“Currently, the United States is the only declared nuclear power that is neither modernizing its nuclear arsenal nor has the capability to produce a new nuclear warhead,” Gates said in a speech last October to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “To be blunt, there is absolutely no way we can maintain a credible deterrent and reduce the number of weapons in our stockpile without either resorting to testing our stockpile or pursuing a modernization program.”

Gates has not outlined his views about the new warhead since deciding to remain as defense secretary under Obama. When asked earlier this month what his role will be in implementing Obama’s arms-control agenda, Gates made it clear that he will be questioning some of the White House’s assumptions.

“It will be our job to identify pros and cons of various proposals and help identify options for the president with the risks and benefits of each of those options,” he told reporters at the Pentagon.

Denis McDonough, Obama’s deputy national security adviser, told the Globe that the president is still assembling the team to implement his arms control agenda but said it “is a principal priority for the president, as he talked about during the campaign.”

On the campaign trail, Obama had said his arms-control efforts would follow the parameters laid out by the Nuclear Security Project, an initiative established last year by Shultz, Kissinger, Nunn, and former Clinton administration secretary of defense William J. Perry.

Their vision for a nuclear-free world is predicated on the view that the United States – the only country to ever use a nuclear weapon, to help bring an end to war with Japan in 1945 – must lead by example in reducing nuclear arms.

Without America taking the first step, they say, other nuclear powers will be too slow to reduce their arsenals, increasing the likelihood that terrorists will obtain a nuclear bomb.

Many arms control advocates and top government officials believe there is a historic opportunity to implement the first steps on the vision laid out by the four former officials.

Representative Ellen Tauscher, a California Democrat who chairs the House subcommittee overseeing US nuclear forces, said in an interview that reducing US and Russian arsenals, negotiating a treaty to end production of new nuclear weapons material, and ratifying the test ban pact “are all achievable goals. The debate is at a point where it is a question about when we achieve these goals, not if,” she said.

But there remain deep divisions among American specialists over the wisdom of some of the steps that the White House is contemplating.

Some are raising fears that changing the so-called “alert status” of the US and Russian arsenals – by taking weapons mounted on land-based missiles, submarines, and bombers off launch standby – would undercut the arsenal’s deterrent value and make the United States vulnerable to a sneak attack from another nuclear power.

Others are warning that reducing the overall number of US and Russian nuclear weapons from several thousand to hundreds – the initial goal of Perry, Nunn, Shultz, and Kissinger – could motivate states with smaller arsenals, such as China, India, and Pakistan, to seek parity, thus increasing the danger of nuclear confrontation.

And some argue that deep cuts in the American arsenal could force non-nuclear states – including US allies who have long relied on America’s “nuclear umbrella” for protection – to consider developing their own arsenals.

“The problem is that they are betting the physical survival of the US on nothing more than the hope that other nuclear-armed states and any states or non-state actors that join the nuclear club will follow suit by disarming,” said Baker Spring, a defense analyst at the conservative Heritage Foundation who is actively seeking to persuade members of Congress to vote against many of the Obama proposals. “This gamble involves the highest possible stakes and has an exceedingly low likelihood of success.”

Frank Gaffney, a top Pentagon official during the Reagan administration who is president of the conservative Center for Security Policy, is even more blunt about the risks of Obama’s approach at a time when other nuclear powers are upgrading their arsenals and US adversaries are seeking to develop their own arsenals.

“Every other declared nuclear weapon state is modernizing its stockpile and the most dangerous wannabes – North Korea and Iran – are building up their offensive missile capabilities and acquiring as quickly as possible the arms to go atop them,” Gaffney wrote in a newly published paper. As currently outlined, he said, Obama’s arms-control agenda risks turning America “into a nuclear impotent, with possibly catastrophic consequences.”

McDonough responded that such concerns – including the possible risks from reducing the US arsenal too much or too quickly – will be taken into account as the administration undertakes a series of policy assessments in the coming months.

But he also noted that taking the steps that Obama has outlined toward realizing a nuclear-free world already has a strong analytical foundation. “There is a very hardened strategic argument for this view,” he said.

Backers of the president’s agenda warned it won’t be easy to convince Congress, the international community, and the national security apparatus.

“It is going to require a herculean effort,” said Joseph Cirincione, president of the Ploughshares Fund, a nonprofit foundation dedicated to halting the spread of nuclear weapons. “It is completely doable, but it will require the sustained attention of the president himself.”

Bryan Bender can be reached at bender@globe.com 

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Echoes of Vietnam War Crimes

February 22, 2009 – Some lessons from the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, perhaps the most-debated invasion in American history, are just that: history. Other lessons are as fresh as today’s news, as U.S. military involvement continues in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Jamie Henry knows. In 1968, at age 20, he was serving as a medic on Vietnamese battlefields. He saw the horror of a massacre, when members of his military company executed 19 unarmed children and adults. Henry reported the deaths to the U.S. Army command. Their reaction? You are lying, Henry. He assumed that his military superiors had never investigated the claim.

Decades later, Henry learned that Army investigators had conducted more than 100 interviews to determine the truth of his allegation. Those interviews formed the basis of a report sent up the chain of command to the upper echelons of the Pentagon. But those in the upper echelons kept the truth from the American public.

As war crimes by U.S. personnel reverberate from Iraq around the world, journalist Deborah Nelson demonstrates, using the Vietnam War for her template, how such lethal behavior can escalate until it is out of control.

A former newspaper reporter, Nelson is one of the most experienced, talented investigative journalists alive. Earlier in her career, she never expected to use her investigative skills on something as quasi-historical as Vietnam War massacres of civilians during the late 1960s and early 1970s that were led by American soldiers.

Nelson, now a journalism professor at the University of Maryland, became involved in the reporting that resulted in her book during 2005, while working in the Washington bureau of the Los Angeles Times. The path to her remarkable book-length expose looks like this, in short:

In 1969, journalist Seymour Hersh published a story about what that became known as the My Lai massacre, named for a hamlet in Vietnam. The U.S. military was still deeply committed to fighting the war when the story about American troops slaughtering Vietnamese civilians made the headlines. The Army investigated, and four months later acknowledged both the magnitude of the massacre and the cover-up.

In secret, the Army began a broader inquiry into other alleged war crimes throughout Southeast Asia. The inquiry lasted five years, resulting in a file of about 9,000 pages connecting American troops to atrocities. The inquiry led to no public accounting, no major prosecutions of the perpetrators.

In 1990, Kali Tal, founder of a small-circulation journal about the 1960s called Vietnam Generation, learned about the closed archive. She requested access from the National Archives and Records Administration. After waiting about a year, she received access. The material turned out to be stunning in its revelations; Tal wrote a brief account in the journal to inform other potential researchers. She did nothing more, however, and the documents returned to their archival home.

A decade after Tal’s investigations, Cliff Snyder, employed at the National Archives, mentioned the documents to Nicholas Turse, a visiting military historian. Turse contacted the Los Angeles Times, where he ended up meeting Nelson. “We joined forces soon afterward to investigate the long-buried crimes,” Nelson says in the introduction to her book.

To narrate the story of what she and Turse discovered, Nelson uses herself and her research partner as characters. As a result, readers will learn a great deal about the internal processes of investigative journalism. Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein became famous in the 1970s partly because they built their White House expose around their day-to-day reporting. Nelson’s book is not exactly patterned after All The President’s Men. To some extent, however, the admirable effect is the same.

After reviewing the archival files carefully, Nelson and Turse began tracking down military veterans who had reported allegations of atrocities and those who allegedly had conducted the killing. Nelson, with a well-deserved reputation as a master interviewer, explains how she persuaded some of the frightened and resentful veterans to talk openly.

The stonewalling by some veterans and the confessionals by others make for fascinating reading. At the end of the book, Nelson provides an accounting of “war-crime investigations compiled by Army staff during the Vietnam War.” Although her book shows the investigators did not learn about all the massacres, the list nevertheless tops 150.

The recounting, Nelson says, comes at an important time, “when, having failed to address the past, we’re hell-bound to repeat it.”

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PTSD in the Female Soldier

February 20, 2009 – According to military records, as of September 30, 2008 over 200,000 women were serving on active duty. While women are technically barred from serving in combat, they are serving in support positions in combat areas in greater numbers.

This new role for women in the military brings with it new physical and mental health concerns, namely post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) for those exposed to combat-related trauma.

According to the National Institute of Mental Health, PTSD is a condition that develops after a distressing ordeal that involved physical harm or the threat of physical harm. This harm may have happened to the person who develops PTSD or to a friend or loved one, or may have simply been witnessed by the person who develops PTSD.

People with PTSD may suffer flashbacks to the traumatic event, become aggressive or withdrawn, have nightmares, or become emotionally numb or even violent. Symptoms of PTSD usually appear about three months after the traumatic event.

PTSD affects approximately 2.6 percent of the U.S. population. Among military personnel serving in Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) and Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), that percentage climbs as high as 17 percent. In the general population, women suffer from PTSD at almost twice the rate as do men.

Why are women more susceptible to PTSD? Animal models have shown that male and female rats react to stress differently. For example, male rats are more prone to develop memory impairments in response to stressors.

In addition, women have been shown to ruminate over nontraumatic negative events more than men, who tend to use more distraction-based coping techniques. While these behaviors may pose evolutionary advantages for each sex, they also may contribute to the increased incidence of PTSD in women. Surprisingly, female soldiers suffer from PTSD at about the same rate as do male soldiers.

More study is needed to determine whether the degree of trauma experienced by female soldiers is less severe, due to the differences in job assignments.

Because the female combat-exposed soldier is a relatively new phenomenon, little is known about the unique needs and issues facing the female soldier with combat-related PTSD. Studies have shown that the PTSD symptoms of female and male soldiers are different. Female patients report more depressive symptoms than do male patients, and men report more irritability and anger, nightmares, and flashbacks.

The good news for female soldiers suffering from PTSD is that effective treatments are available.

Cognitive processing therapy (CPT) and exposure therapy have shown promise in treating both combat and noncombat-related PTSD. However, not everyone who experiences a trauma seeks treatment.

Women are more likely than men to seek help after a traumatic event and least one study found that women respond to treatment as well as or better than men. This may be because women are generally more comfortable sharing feelings and talking about personal things with others than men.

While the Veterans Administration is developing treatment programs specifically tailored to the unique needs of the female soldier, more and more female soldiers are returning from combat and transitioning into the private health care system.

According to Dr. Dan McCarthy, chief clinical officer of Magellan Health Services, “Behavioral health providers in the private sector have a couple of basic hurdles to overcome in preparing to better serve our nation’s female veterans who may have PTSD.

“The first has to do with regularly obtaining information from women, as they routinely do with men, about their military service and veteran status in order to facilitate follow-up questioning regarding possible military-related traumatic experiences.

“The second has to do with acquiring a greater familiarity with military culture so that private sector treatment can be delivered in a culturally sensitive manner and coordination with Department of Defense and VA resources can be maximized.”

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