May 10, VCS in the News: The Truth About Veteran Suicides

In fact, the e-mails would have come to light were it not for a class action lawsuit brought by Veterans for Common Sense and Veterans United for Truth on behalf of the 1.7 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan.  

May 9, 2008 – Eighteen American war veterans kill themselves every day. One thousand former soldiers receiving care from the Department of Veterans Affairs attempt suicide every month. More veterans are committing suicide than are dying in combat overseas.

These are statistics that most Americans don’t know, because the Bush administration has refused to tell them. Since the start of the Iraq War, the government has tried to present it as a war without casualties.

In fact, they never would have come to light were it not for a class action lawsuit brought by Veterans for Common Sense and Veterans United for Truth on behalf of the 1.7 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan. The two groups allege the Department of Veterans Affairs has systematically denied mental health care and disability benefits to veterans returning from the conflict zones.

The case, officially known as Veterans for Common Sense vs. Peake, went to trial last month at a Federal Courthouse in San Francisco. The two sides are still filing briefs until May 19 and waiting for a ruling from Judge Samuel Conti, but the case is already having an impact.

“Shh!”

That’s because over the course of the two week trial, the VA was compelled to produce a series of documents that show the extent of the crisis effecting wounded soldiers.

“Shh!” begins one e-mail from Dr. Ira Katz, the head of the VA’s Mental Health Division, advising a media spokesperson not to tell CBS News that 1,000 veterans receiving care at the VA try to kill themselves every month.

“Our suicide prevention coordinators are identifying about 1,000 suicide attempts per month among the veterans we see in our medical facilities. Is this something we should (carefully) address ourselves in some sort of release before someone stumbles on it?” the e-mail concludes.

Leading Democrats on the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee immediately called for Katz’s resignation. On May 6, the Chair of the House Committee on Veterans Affairs, Bob Filner (D-CA) convened a hearing titled “The Truth About Veteran’s Suicides” and called Katz and VA Secretary James Peake to testify.

“That e-mail was in poor tone but the content was part of a dialogue about what we should do about new information,” Katz said in response to Filner’s questions. “The e-mail represents a healthy dialogue among members of VA staff about when it’s appropriate to disclose and make public information early in the process.”

Filner was nonplused and accused Katz and Peake of a “cover-up.”

“We should all be angry about what has gone on here,” Filner said. “This is a matter of life and death for the veterans that we are responsible for and I think there was criminal negligence in the way this was handled. If we do not admit, assume or know then the problem will continue and people will die. If that’s not criminal negligence, I don’t know what is.”

A Pattern

It’s also part of a pattern. The high number of veteran suicides weren’t the only government statistics the Bush Administration was forced to reveal because of the class action lawsuit.

Another set of documents presented in court showed that in the six months leading up to March 31, a total of 1,467 veterans died waiting to learn if their disability claim would be approved by the government. A third set of documents showed that veterans who appeal a VA decision to deny their disability claim have to wait an average of 1,608 days, or nearly four and a half years, for their answer.

Other casualty statistics are not directly concealed, but are also not revealed on a regular basis. For example, the Pentagon regularly reports on the numbers of American troops “wounded” in Iraq (currently at 31,948) but neglects to mention that it has two other categories “injured” (10,180) and “ill” (28,451). All three of these categories represent soldiers who are so damaged physically they have to be medically evacuated to Germany for treatment, but by splitting the numbers up the sense of casualties down the public consciousness.

Here’s another number that we don’t often hear discussed in the media: 287,790. That’s the number of returning Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans who had filed a disability claim with the Veterans Administration as of March 25th. That figure was not announced to the public at a news conference, but obtained by Veterans for Common Sense using the Freedom of Information Act.

Why all the secrecy? Why is it so hard to get accurate casualty figures out of our government? Because the Bush Administration knows if Americans woke up to the real, human costs of this war they would fight harder to oppose it.

Some ‘Cakewalk’

Think back to 2002, before the invasion of Iraq, when leading neo-conservative thinker and Donald Rumsfeld aide Ken Adelman predicted the war would be a “cakewalk.”

Or consider this statement from Vice President Dick Cheney. Two days before the invasion, Cheney told NBC’s Tim Russert the war would “go relatively quickly…(ending in) weeks rather than months.”

Today, those comments are gone but the motivation behind them remains. This is why the VA’s head of mental health wrote “Shh!” telling a spokesperson not to respond to a reporters’ inquiry.

But all the shhing in the world cannot stop the horrible pain that’s mounting after five years of war in Iraq and nearly seven years of war in Afghanistan.

Unpleasant Facts

According to an April 2008 study by the Rand Corporation, 300,000 Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans currently suffer from post traumatic stress disorder or major depression. Another 320,000 suffer from traumatic brain injury, physical brain damage. A majority are not receiving help from the Pentagon and VA system which are more concerned with concealing unpleasant facts than they are with providing care.

In its study, the RAND Corporation wrote that the federal government fails to care for war veterans at its own peril – noting post traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury “can have far reaching and damaging consequences.”

“Individuals afflicted with these conditions face higher risks for other psychological problems and for attempting suicide. They have higher rates of unhealthy behaviors — such as smoking, overeating, and unsafe sex — and higher rates of physical health problems and mortality. Individuals with these conditions also tend to miss more work or report being less productive,” the report said. “These conditions can impair relationships, disrupt marriages, aggravate the difficulties of parenting, and cause problems in children that may extend the consequences of combat trauma across generations.”

“These consequences can have a high economic toll,” RAND said. “However, most attempts to measure the costs of these conditions focus only on medical costs to the government. Yet, direct costs of treatment are only a fraction of the total costs related to mental health and cognitive conditions. Far higher are the long-term individual and societal costs stemming from lost productivity, reduced quality of life, homelessness, domestic violence, the strain on families, and suicide. Delivering effective care and restoring veterans to full mental health have the potential to reduce these longer-term costs significantly.”

Bush and Congress have the power to stop this problem before it gets worse. It’s not too late to extend needed mental health care to our returning Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans; it’s not too late to begin properly screening and treating returning servicemen and women who’ve experienced a traumatic brain injury; and it is not too late to simplify the disability claims process so that wounded veterans do not die waiting for their check. As the Rand study shows, this isn’t only in the best interest of veterans, it’s in the best interest of our country in the long run.

To start with, the Bush Administration needs to give us some honest information about the true human costs of the Iraq War.

Aaron Glantz, a Foreign Policy In Focus contributor, is the author of two upcoming books on Iraq: The War Comes Home: Washington’s Battle Against America’s Veterans (UC Press) and Winter Soldier Iraq and Afghanistan: Eyewitness Accounts of the Occupations (Haymarket). He edits the website www.WarComesHome.org.

Edited by Emily Schwartz Greco

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Editorial Column: CNN, The Pentagon’s ‘Military Analyst Program’ and Gitmo

May 9, 2008 – The Pentagon has posted to its website the roughly 8,000 pages and audio tapes it was forced to provide to the New York Times regarding its “military analyst” program. Anyone who reads through them, as I’ve now done, can only be left with one conclusion (other than being extremely impressed with David Barstow’s work in putting together this story): if this wasn’t an example of an illegal, systematic “domestic propaganda campaign” by the Pentagon, then nothing is.

Despite this, the truly extraordinary blackout by the major television and cable news networks — which were complicit in this program — continues. Howard Kurtz of CNN and The Washington Post previously called this blackout “pathetic”, and yesterday, The Politico published a relatively impressive article further documenting the “deafening silence” from the networks at the center of this story. As the article noted:

While bloggers have kept the story simmering, Democratic congressional leaders also are speaking out, calling for investigations that could provoke the networks to finally cover the Times story — and, in effect, themselves.
Beyond the networks’ keeping this scandal completely concealed from their viewers, The Politico story noted that only two network executives — CNN’s President Jim Walton and ABC’s President David Westin (.pdf) — even bothered to respond to the letters sent by Rep. Rosa DeLauro to all networks demanding answers with regard to their complicity in this program. When responding, the two executives — exactly as Brian Williams was when he was finally forced by blog-inspired commenters to respond (on his blog, but not on NBC) — were casually dismissive of the entire matter, insisting that they had done nothing wrong (other than CNN’s acknowledgment that they failed to detect a conflict of interest with regard to a single military analyst they had used).

Let’s just lay out some of the relevant facts about what happened — looking at one episode illustrating how this entire program worked and what CNN specifically did. Then, we can see whether CNN served as an eager instrument for a corrupt domestic propaganda campaign by the Pentagon, or whether, as Walton claims, CNN acted with perfect propriety. Tomorrow, we’ll do the same with regard to ABC.

* * * * *

In June of 2005, communications officials in the Pentagon began planning a military-sponsored trip to Guantanamo for selected retired military officers who were currently working as “news analysts” for various television networks and magazines. Amnesty International had just issued its most scathing report yet about Gitmo, as part of its 2005 report on America’s “new gulag of prisons around the world beyond the reach of the law and decency.” It specifically called Gitmo “the gulag of our times,” and detailed years of extreme abuses that had taken place there.

To counter Amnesty’s findings, the Pentagon planned the Gitmo trip over the course of two weeks in mid-June. They eventually confirmed June 24 as the date for the tour, with a list of ten participants, including retired Gen. Don Shepperd of CNN, along with various “military analysts” from MSNBC and Fox.

From the beginning, the whole trip was transparently propagandistic, and there was no possibility that the participants could learn anything meaningful about Gitmo. It was a one-day itinerary (pp. 7476-7477). They left Andrews Air Force Base at 6:45 a.m. on June 24, and did not land in Cuba until 10:00 a.m. Virtually the entire 3 hour plane ride was filled with “briefings” by various DoD officials, and after they landed — and before they were taken to the detention camps — they were given another 90 minutes of briefings.

They did not even arrive at Camp Delta — where the detainees are kept — until 12:35 p.m. that afternoon. After a 50-minute lunch with the troops, they began a guided tour of Camp Delta at 1:20 p.m. which lasted a grand total of one hour and 25 minutes. Packed into that 85-minute tour was a viewing of an interrogation, a tour of an “unoccupied cellblock,” and a visit to the detention hospital. That was all the time they spent touring Camp Delta: 85 minutes.

Then, at 2:45 p.m., they were brought to Camp V for 10 minutes, followed by a tour of Camp X-Ray for 35 minutes. Then they left Cuba — to fly home, with the “wheels up” on their plane at exactly 4:30 p.m. the same day, arriving back at Andrews that night at 7:45 p.m. They were then brought back to the Pentagon at 8:00 p.m. They spent a grand total of 3 hours and 55 minutes at the Guantanamo detention facilities, with almost one hour of that devoted to lunch with the troops. That was the sum total of their grand tour of the detention facility: less than 3 hours. And then the propaganda campaign to malign and dispute the extensive, amply documented findings of Amnesty was unleashed in full.

* * * * *

In a “trip report” he filed with his Pentagon handlers, CNN’s Gen. Shepperd explicitly acknowledged both the blatantly propagandistic purpose of the trip, as well as the extremely limited and controlled scope of information to which he had access in a single-day trip (7434). Shepperd stated:

“Did we drink the ‘Government Kool-Aid?’ — of course, and that was the purpose of the trip.” In his Pentagon report, Shepperd added the obvious: that “a one day visit does not an expert make,” that “the government was obviously going to put its best foot forward to get out its message,” and that “former military visitors are more likely to agree with government views than a more appropriately skeptical press.”

Shepperd’s statement as to the purpose of the GITMO trip — to have the pro-government analysts “drink the government Kool-Aid” — was unquestionably accurate, as multiple Pentagon documents reflect. As but one example, a planning email from Pentagon official Dallas Lawrence, dated June 21, 2005, highlighted the importance of scheduling the Gitmo trip to ensure that The American Spectator’s Jed Babbin could participate, noting (7486):

He is hosting a number of radio shows this summer. I would have to think he would have every member of Congress on to talk about their trip together — a definite plus for us looking to expand the echo chamber.
Shepperd, despite being employed by CNN as an “analyst,” clearly had as his first priority ensuring the success of the Pentagon’s messaging mission. Upon returning from the Gitmo trip, Shepperd, on June 25, sent an email to Pentagon officials praising the Gitmo tour and telling them: “let me know if I can help you.” He signed the email: “Don Shepperd (CNN military analyst)” (7470):
Demonstrating how controlled by the Pentagon were these “analysts,” Shepperd’s email to “help” was forwarded to top Rumsfeld aide Larry Di Rita, who replied (7470): “OK, but let’s get him briefed on Khatani so he doesn’t go too far on that one” — referring to the so-called 20th hijacker Mohammed al-Khatani, whose Guantanamo interrogation had been particularly brutal, as he “was stripped naked, isolated, given intravenous fluids and forced to urinate on himself, and exercised to exhaustion during interrogations that lasted 18 to 20 hours a day for 48 of 54 days.”

* * * * *

“Helping” the Pentagon is exactly what Shepperd, pretending to be an “independent analyst” on CNN, then proceeded to do. In numerous appearances on CNN talking about Gitmo, no mention was ever made of Khatani or other specific, documented abuses. To the contrary, Shepperd’s “analysis” — broadcast all over CNN — was exactly what it would have been had Rumsfeld himself written the script.

Shepperd — after his half-day visit — went on several CNN shows and opined emphatically about how great things were at Guantanamo and how reports from Amnesty were “totally false.” On the day of the Guantanamo “tour” — June 24, 2005 — CNN’s Betty Nguyen conducted a live telephone interview with Gen. Shepperd that went as follows:

NGUYEN: We have just established a line to Guantanamo Bay, to our military analyst General Don Shepperd. He arrived there as part of a trip put together by the Pentagon in wake of that human rights report that criticized conditions at the U.S. prison for war detainees. General Shepperd on the phone with us right now.

General Shepperd, what do you see so far while being there?

MAJ. GEN. DONALD SHEPPERD, CNN MILITARY ANALYST: Well, . . . I tell you, every American should have a chance to see what our group saw today. The impressions that you’re getting from the media and from the various pronouncements being made by people who have not been here, in my opinion, are totally false.

What we’re seeing is a modern prison system of dedicated people, interrogators and analysts that know what they are doing. And people being very, very well-treated. We’ve had a chance to tour the facility, to talk to the guards, to talk to the interrogators and analysts. We’ve had a chance to eat what the prisoners eat. We’ve seen people being interrogated. And it’s nothing like the impression that we’re getting from the media. People need to see this, Betty. . . .

I have been in prisons and I have been in jails in the United States, and this is by far the most professionally-run and dedicated force I’ve ever seen in any correctional institution anywhere.

Here’s what Shepperd reported about the hand-picked interrogation he watched:
NGUYEN: Let’s back up for just a moment, because you said you said watched an interrogation.

SHEPPERD: Yes.

NGUYEN: Kind of explain to us how that played out. And were there any instances of abuse or possible abuse?

SHEPPERD: Absolutely not. These — when I sat and watched them, I want to be very careful in describing them. And I don’t want to describe how we watched or anything of that sort. But basically, you’re able to observe interrogations. They have various ways of monitoring the interrogations and what have you and letting you see what’s going on. With the interrogations that we watched were interrogators, there were translators that translated for the detainee and there were also intelligence people in there.

And they’re basically asking questions. They just ask the same questions over a long period of time. They get information about the person’s family, where they’re from, other people they knew. All the type of things that you would want in any kind of criminal investigation. And these were all very cordial, very professional. There was laughing in two of them that we…

NGUYEN: Laughing in an interrogation?

SHEPPERD: … in the two of them that we watched. Yes, indeed. It’s not — it’s not like the impression that you and I have of what goes on in an interrogation, where you bend people’s arms and mistreat people. They’re trying to establish a firm professional relationship where they have respect for each other and can talk to each other. And yes, there were laughing and humor going on in a couple of these things. And I’m talking about a remark made where someone will smirk or laugh or chuckle.

NGUYEN: All right. General Don Shepperd, we appreciate your time and that look inside Gitmo, with you being there on this tour. Thank you for that.

CNN then put a transcript of the interview on CNN.com with this headline:
“Shepperd: Bad Impressions of Gitmo ‘Totally False'”
On June 27, Gen. Shepperd appeared on CNN with Soledad O’Brien, who introduced him as a “CNN military analyst” just back from Gitmo. Shepperd “reported”:
What we saw in Guantanamo bears no resemblance to what we are reading in the print press out there. Most of the people writing about this, I believe, have never been there.

What I saw is we have — we have impressions of an old facility, Camp X-ray, that was closed three years ago. What we have now is a modern, well-constructed prison, guarded by very, very dedicated people, doing an extremely tough job in the midst of very, very dangerous people, Soledad.

Shepperd then went on to claim that interrogators are still getting “valuable information” even from detainees held there for years. In fact, “we have really gotten a lot of information to prevent attacks in this country and in other countries with the information they’re getting from these people. And it’s still valuable.”

Shepperd managed to reach all of these findings — and to label Amnesty’s findings “totally false” — by virtue of a single, three-hour guided tour. Shepperd is the President of The Shepperd Group, which “provides expert guidance and consulting services to defense contractors.” CNN’s viewers were never told about that.

* * * * *

All television and print appearances of what the Pentagon called “our analysts” were meticulously tracked. Shepperd’s live CNN call was particularly celebrated at the Pentagon, in an email entitled “Transcript of Don Shepperd’s Remarks on CNN a little while ago” 7471).

The Pentagon’s analysts faithfully reported back to their handlers with pride about their success in getting booked on shows and being able to spout their talking points. From an email sent by one of the Gitmo trip participants, Gordon Cucullu, to top Pentagon aides (7444).

[“I did a Fox & Friends hit at 0620 this morning. Good emphasis on 1) no torture, 2) detainees abuse guards, and 3) continuing source of vital intel”].

Those who served the Pentagon’s messaging mission were rewarded. The American Spectator’s Babbin emailed the Pentagon a column he had written defending Gitmo, lambasting “the outrageous lies of the Democrats,” and attacking Dick Durbin, who had criticized Gitmo the prior week (“if you watch the video of Durbin’s speech, you’ll see . . . his face morphing into that of Jane Fonda’s”). Babbin’s email header about Durbin (7496): “The man disgusts me.” The same day, Pentagon officials excitedly noted that “Bill O’Reilly read [Babbin’s] GTMO article and wants Jed on the show Thursday.” That prompted this email from top Rumsfeld communications aide Larry Di Rita (7495). 

Conversely, those whose media commentary displeased the Pentagon had their access cut off. In May, 2006, Greg Kittfield wrote a cover story for National Journal featuring criticism by numerous retired generals of Rumsfeld’s war management. In response, Pentagon official Bryan Whitman circulated an email which read: “Given this cover story by Kittfield, I don’t think we need to find any time for Kittfield on the Secretary’s calender.”

The Pentagon comprehensively tracked every word uttered by their “surrogates,” as their chosen messengers, back from Gitmo, spread out over MSNBC, CNN, ABC, Fox, and various newspapers and magazines — all presented as independent analysts — proclaiming Gitmo to be the very model of human rights and sterling respect for detainees. Here is the DOD’s self-satisfied summary of the tidal wave of propaganda produced by its three-hour, staged tour (7416).

Just to underscore how these retired military officers were anything but “independent news analysts,” here is an email memorializing how two of them — NBC’s Montgomery Meigs and Jack Jacobs (the latter of whom was specifically praised by Brian Williams as an independent journalist) — actually engaged in media strategy sessions with the Pentagon in order to maximize the efficacy of the Pentagon’s Gitmo messaging program (7442).

These same individuals, after planning media strategies with the Pentagon, were then repeatedly presented to MSNBC viewers as independent analysts to assess the Pentagon’s conduct at Gitmo. From the Pentagon’s tracking summary of Meigs’ and Jacobs’ post-trip media appearances. 

* * * * *

This Gitmo trip and the ensuing “analysis” was but one small — though highly representative — episode that was part of the Pentagon’s five-year propaganda program aimed at shaping domestic opinion on the Iraq war, the “War on Terrorism” generally, and virtually every controversy relating in any way to the Pentagon. It is difficult to see how this could be anything but illegal [for an analysis of laws prohibiting covert domestic propaganda activities, see here, here, here, and here< (.pdf)].

But what is most extraordinary about all of this is that huge numbers of Americas who were subjected to this propaganda by their own Government still don’t know that they were, because the television networks which broadcast it to them refuse to tell them about it, opting instead to suppress the story and stonewall any efforts to find out what happened. As corrupt as the Pentagon was here, our nation’s major media outlets were at least just as bad. Their collective Pravda-like suppression now of the entire story — behavior so blatantly corrupt that even the likes of Howie Kurtz and The Politico are strongly condemning them — has become the most significant and revealing aspect of the entire scandal.

 

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May 10 Editorial Column: New Front in Republican War on Voting: Disabled American Veterans

Veterans for Common Sense has been fighting for veterans to be allowed to register to vote in VA facilities across the country.  Initially reluctant, VA decided last week to allow volunteers to come into their facilities and register voters.  VCS praised the move, and word went out through the veterans’ community.  In an amazing turn-around, James Peake reversed the decision and announced earlier this week that voter registration will not be allowed in VA facilities.  This leaves all injured bedridden veterans without the possibility of exercising their civil liberties and voting in the upcoming presidential election.  This is an affront to all our veterans who stood between a bullet and our Constitution. 

May 10, 2008 – Now that they’ve made it as difficult as possible for those pesky 90-year-old nuns to cast votes, it’s time to make sure that vets injured and disabled in Iraq and Afghanistan have as difficult a time voting as possible.

The Republican War on Voting, as directed by Commander-in-Chief George W. Bush out of the White House, continues to continue.

The new front: Disallowing registration drives, by non-partisan organizations at Veterans Administration facilities. That, despite an order issued in late April by the Department of Veterans Affairs that they would allow such activity, in compliance with the National Voter Registration Act of 1993.

Apparently someone high up (we don’t yet know who) found out about that, and ordered an about-face on the previous directive, leading the Veterans Health Administration’s Under Secretary for Health, Michael J. Kussman, to announce this week that “Voter registration drives are not permitted” at their facilities, “due to Hatch Act requirements and to avoid disruptions to facility operations.”

“The Department of Veterans Affairs has retreated on a recently announced policy to allow voter registration drives at its facilities where veterans’ groups and others would assist wounded former soldiers to participate in the 2008 presidential election,” writes Steven Rosenfeld over at AlterNet, where he points out that “the Hatch Act restricts political activities by federal employees.”

Non-partisan voter registration drives by groups such as the League of Woman Voters, however, can hardly be considered “political activities by federal employees.”

Senators such as Feinstein and Kerry, and disabled veterans groups, as you may imagine, are none too happy…

Rosenfeld goes on to quote from a statement and letter issued yesterday by the Senators, demanding an explanation for the quickly changed policy, and wondering what “type of disruptions the VA envisions might occur during voter registration drives by…the League of Women Voters or veterans’ organizations.” (Their statement and letter are posted in full at the end of this article.)

As well, Rosenfeld offers comment from disabled vet groups who charge “block[ing] voter registration for our hospitalized veterans is shameful, outrageous, and despicable.”

But since when has shamefulness ever gotten in the way of Republican Party policy to undermine American democracy or show out-and-out contempt for U.S. troops?

Paul Sullivan of Veterans for Common Sense added that his group “finds it unconscionable that VA would reverse position and prohibit voter registration efforts for our wounded, injured, ill, and disabled veterans in VA hospitals and nursing homes as more and more casualties flood home from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.”

An attorney who has been taking on the VA further points out that the Administration got caught allowing paid campaign workers from the Republican Party to register voters at their facilities while they disallowed nonpartisan groups from the same places.

“They’ve been forced to admit under oath that they told the League of Women Voters that if they took a position on Iraq, they’d lose their access. The court told them they can’t do that anymore, so they are going to ban all voter registration drives,” D.C. attorney Scott Rafferty tells Rosenfeld.

Yeah, it’s that bad.

***** MORE *****

The complete statement from Feinstein and Kerry follows below [emphasis in original]…

Senators Feinstein and Kerry Express Concerns About Apparent Reversal in Department of Veterans Affairs Policy in Providing Access to Voter Registration for Veterans

– New VA Directive appears to include blanket prohibition on voter registration drives –

Washington, DC U.S. Senators Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) and John Kerry (D-Mass.) today expressed concern about a new directive by the Veterans Health Administration that appears to reverse an earlier proposal to provide greater voter registration access to veterans in the departments care.

On April 25, the Department of Veterans Affairs issued a directive that required all VA facilities develop comprehensive voter registration plans to assist veterans in voting. It also required the VA to publicly post voter registration information for veteran facility inpatients and required that VA facilities provide absentee voter applications if patients cannot leave the facility.

Earlier this week, the Department of Veterans Affairs withdrew that directive, and issued a new directive that introduces a broad prohibition against organizations conducting voter registration drives at VA facilities.
In response, the senators wrote a letter to Veterans Affairs Secretary James B. Peake, saying the new policy could discourage involvement from nonpartisan groups such as veterans service organizations and the League of Women Voters in helping veterans to vote.

We believe that the earlier directive better addressed the need for a consistent voter registration policy for our veterans, the senators wrote to Secretary Peake. While the changes made in the new directive seem small, the impact is large. It appears to us that the Department took one step forward for our veterans and the right to vote by directing that assistance be provided with voter registration and with securing absentee ballots, but then took a large step back by prohibiting voter registration drives.

The Senators requested clarification about why the new directive was issued, who retracted the initial policy directive and whether Secretary Peake sees the change as a complete bar on external, nonpartisan voter registration drives.

Background

The VAs April 25 directive came in the wake of a letter exchange between Senators Feinstein and Kerry and Veterans Affairs Secretary James B. Peake over whether VA facilities should be designated as voter registration agencies within the definition of the National Voter Registration Act of 1993. The Act requires states to offer voter registration opportunities at all offices that provide public assistance, services to the disabled and at all motor vehicle offices.

Many veterans live at VA facilities and some, especially those who are disabled, find it difficult to travel off-campus for services including voter registration. However, a federal appeals court recently ruled that voter registration groups do not have the right to register veterans on the grounds of VA facilities.

In light of the court decision, Senators Feinstein and Kerry wrote a letter in March to Secretary Peake to find ways to ensure that all veterans have access to voter registration materials and identify the policies they have in place to support voter registration.

Following is the text of the letter by Senators Feinstein and Kerry:

May 6, 2008

The Honorable James B. Peake
Secretary
U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs
810 Vermont Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20420

Dear Secretary Peake:

On April 25, 2008, the Department of Veterans Affairs responded to our request for a consistent voter registration policy by issuing Directive 2008-23.While we do not believe it went far enough, we commend the changes made by the Directive which provided that veterans would be required to receive voter information and assistance in registering and applying for an absentee ballot.We were pleased that you took action to ensure that our nations veterans can easily register to vote and apply for an absentee ballot.

However, in the few days following the issuance of the first directive, the Department apparently withdrew it.Without explaining the rationale for this change, the Department today released a new policy, Directive 2008-25.While the new directive retains many positive provisions found in the earlier directive, it appears that a new and broad prohibition was included against third-party organizations conducting voter registration drives, even with the approval of the Department of Veterans Affairs.This would have the impact of discouraging involvement from nonpartisan groups for civic support for veterans.

We request that some clarification be provided on why the new directive was issued, who specifically retracted the initial policy directive, and whether you consider this change a complete bar on external, nonpartisan voter registration drives.The new directive references Hatch Act requirements, but the Office of Special Counsel has made clear that federal employees, even those who are considered to be in sensitive positions, may assist in voter registration drives. It is also clear from numerous policy statements issued by the Office of Special Counsel that federal employees can participate in nonpartisan voter registration drives on federal property and on official time. Moreover, the veterans the VA should support are not subject to any restrictions under the Hatch Actbecause they are not federal employees.

Directive 2008-25 further states that the policy changes are designed to avoid disruptions to facility operations. We would appreciate knowing the type of disruptions the VA envisions might occur during voter registration drives by nonpartisan organizations, such as the League of Women Voters or veteransorganizations, and why any potential disruption could not be addressed by less restrictive means.

We believe that the earlier directive better addressed the need for a consistent voter registration policy for our veterans.While the changes made in the new directive seem small, the impact is large. It appears to us that the Department took one step forward for veterans and the right to vote by directing that assistance be provided with voter registration and with securing absentee ballots, but then took a large step back by prohibiting voter registration drives.

We hope to continue to work with your office to ensure that the VA has a strong and consistent policy to support voter registration for our veterans.

Sincerely,

U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein
U.S. Senator John Kerry

###

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The Fall and Rise of Blackwater Mercenaries – Iraq Contractor in Iraq War Civilian Shooting Case Makes Comeback

May 10, 2008 – Last fall, Blackwater Worldwide was in deep peril.
Guards for the security company were involved in a shooting in September that left at least 17 Iraqis dead at a Baghdad intersection. Outrage over the killings prompted the Iraqi government to demand Blackwater’s ouster from the country, and led to a criminal investigation by the F.B.I., a series of internal investigations by the State Department and the Pentagon, and high-profile Congressional hearings.

But after an intense public and private lobbying campaign, Blackwater appears to be back to business as usual.

The State Department has just renewed its contract to provide security for American diplomats in Iraq for at least another year. Threats by the Iraqi government to strip Western contractors of their immunity from Iraqi law have gone nowhere. No charges have been brought in the United States against any Blackwater guard in the September shooting, either, and the F.B.I. agents in Baghdad charged with investigating whether Blackwater guards have committed any crimes under United States law are sometimes protected as they travel through Baghdad by Blackwater guards.

The chief reason for the company’s survival? State Department officials said Friday that they did not believe they had any alternative to Blackwater, which supplies about 800 guards to the department to provide security for diplomats in Baghdad. Officials say only three companies in the world meet their requirements for protective services in Iraq, and the other two do not have the capability to take on Blackwater’s role in Baghdad. After the shooting in September, the State Department did not even open talks with the other two companies, DynCorp International and Triple Canopy, to see if they could take over from Blackwater, which is based in North Carolina.

“We cannot operate without private security firms in Iraq,” said Patrick F. Kennedy, the under secretary of state for management. “If the contractors were removed, we would have to leave Iraq.”

Still, serious risks remain for Blackwater and at least some of its current and former personnel. A federal grand jury continues to consider evidence in the Baghdad shooting. Although the company is not likely to face any criminal charges, people involved in the case say that some Blackwater guards involved in the shooting are cooperating with the F.B.I. as it pursues evidence against other guards.

Separately, a former Blackwater guard is under criminal investigation for the December 2006 shooting death of an Iraqi guard for an Iraqi vice president, and may soon face federal charges. In a third case, two former Blackwater workers pleaded guilty to weapons-related charges, but both received sentences that included no jail time in return for their cooperation with federal prosecutors in a broader investigation.

A House committee has also asked the Internal Revenue Service to begin an inquiry into whether Blackwater has designated its guards as independent contractors rather than employees to in order to avoid paying and withholding federal taxes. The State Department renewed the security contract for only one year — just long enough to take the company into the start of the next administration. And Blackwater’s political connections to the Bush administration may not serve it well if the Democrats win the White House in November.

Given the furor that surrounded Blackwater after the September shooting in Baghdad, critics say the decision to renew the company’s contract in Iraq is a sign of the Bush administration’s inability to curb its reliance on outside contractors in the war.

“The shooting incident was like a hammer blow, but where are the consequences?” said Peter W. Singer, a scholar at the Brookings Institute and author of “Corporate Warriors,” a book about contractors in Iraq. “I think it points to the fact that the dependence on contractors is like a drug addiction. They just can’t help themselves.”

Representative Henry Waxman, California Democrat who is chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, which has been investigating Blackwater on several fronts, said, “I can’t understand why Blackwater’s contract was renewed. It seems to me the administration should have looked for others who could do the job, including the U.S. military.”

In the past administration officials have dismissed the notion of using military personnel to guard diplomats.

Founded in 1997 by Erik Prince, a former member of the Navy Seals and heir to a family fortune made in the auto parts industry, Blackwater began to generate controversy in Iraq long before last September’s shooting. Blackwater had developed a reputation among both Iraqis and American military personnel as a company that flaunted a quick-draw image that led its security personnel to take overly aggressive actions to protect the people they were paid to guard.

Last year the State Department acknowledged that Blackwater had been involved in significantly more shootings per convoy mission than DynCorp and Triple Canopy, which provide security for the State Department outside Baghdad.

The shooting death of the bodyguard for the Iraqi vice president in 2006 rankled the Iraqi government well before last September’s shooting. An off-duty Blackwater guard who American and Iraqi officials said had been drinking heavily was the sole suspect. The off-duty Blackwater guard, Andrew J. Moonen, who no longer works for the company and who is a former Army paratrooper, is now under criminal investigation by federal prosecutors in Seattle. Although Mr. Moonen has not been charged, his lawyer, Stewart Riley of Seattle, said that he had recently been in contact about the case with prosecutors from the United States Attorney’s Office in Seattle.

People familiar with the case said they believed that the Justice Department had recently concluded that it had found a way to skirt some of the jurisdictional problems that in the past made it difficult to bring charges in American courts for crimes committed by contractors in Iraq.

“I think they may come to a decision on what to do with this case in the next three or four months,” said one person familiar with the matter. Mr. Riley says that Mr. Moonen maintains his innocence in the shooting.

In addition, a wrongful death lawsuit against Blackwater filed by the families of four Blackwater guards killed in Falluja, Iraq, in 2004 — an event that prompted the first major battle in Falluja between the American military and insurgents that year — is also still pending.

A federal appeals court is expected to rule this year on whether the families can proceed with their lawsuit or be forced into arbitration with Blackwater, an outcome the company prefers, according to the families’ lawyer, Daniel Callahan of California.

Donna Zovko of Cleveland, the mother of Jerko Gerald Zovko, one of the Blackwater guards, says Blackwater has stonewalled the families.

“It is 1,501 days since he was killed, and I don’t know one-tenth of what happened to him, and no one seems to care,” Mrs. Zovko said in an interview.

Given so many headlines about his company, Mr. Prince until recently seemed eager to tell his side of the story, and there were reports that he planned to write a book. But on Friday, Anne Tyrrell, a Blackwater spokeswoman, said Mr. Prince’s book project had been put on hold.

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Federal Judge Orders CIA To Turn Over Torture Memo For Court Review

May 8, 2008, New York – A federal judge today ordered the CIA to produce, for the court’s review, a memo specifying brutal interrogation methods for use on prisoners held in U.S. custody overseas. The judge demanded the government make the memo available to him so that he can determine whether it should be made public pursuant to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union and other organizations. The memo, which is one of the most important torture documents still being withheld by the Bush administration, was written by the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) and sent to the CIA in August 2002.

“This memo authorized the CIA to use specific torture techniques – including waterboarding,” said Jameel Jaffer, Director of the ACLU National Security Project. “As Attorney General Mukasey has acknowledged, CIA agents waterboarded prisoners because this memo told them that they could. The memo is being withheld not for legitimate security reasons, but in order to protect government officials from accountability for their decisions.”
For almost four years, the ACLU has been challenging the government’s assertion that the OLC memo could not be released because of attorney-client privilege. The ACLU has argued that the privilege does not apply to a legal memo that the CIA adopted as a matter of policy. At a hearing in January, the judge sided with the government, but he reconsidered his decision after senior officials publicly acknowledged that the CIA had waterboarded three prisoners and after Attorney General Michael Mukasey stated to Congress that the CIA’s interrogation program had been authorized by the OLC.

In today’s order, the judge wrote, “I have read the materials submitted by the plaintiffs, and realize that I did not give sufficient consideration…to the evidence submitted by plaintiffs to the effect that all or parts of Item 29 may have been incorporated into official practice and policy.” Item 29 refers to the August 2002 memo. The judge has scheduled a review of the document on May 12.

“This memo has already been withheld for far too long,” added Jaffer. “We are hopeful that the judge’s review will ultimately result in the memo finally being released.”

In October 2003, the ACLU and New York Civil Liberties Union — along with the Center for Constitutional Rights, Physicians for Human Rights, Veterans for Common Sense, and Veterans for Peace — filed a request under the Freedom of Information Act for records concerning the treatment of prisoners in U.S. custody abroad. To date, more than 100,000 pages of government documents have been released in response to the ACLU’s FOIA lawsuit.
A copy of today’s order is available at: www.aclu.org/safefree/torture/35217lgl20080508.html

More information on the torture and abuse of detainees in U.S. military custody and an index of documents received by the ACLU in this lawsuit can be found online at: www.aclu.org/torturefoia

Many of these documents are also compiled and analyzed in a recently published book by Jaffer and Amrit Singh, “Administration of Torture.” More information is available online at: www.aclu.org/administrationoftorture

Attorneys in this case are Lawrence S. Lustberg and Melanca D. Clark of the New Jersey-based law firm Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan, Griffinger & Vecchione, P.C.; Jaffer, Amrit Singh and Judy Rabinovitz of the ACLU; Arthur Eisenberg and Beth Haroules of the NYCLU; and Shayana Kadidal and Michael Ratner of the Center for Constitutional Rights.

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May 9, VCS in the News: Sen. Bond Proposes Opening Vet Centers to Active Duty Soldiers

“It’s multiple deployments, the stop-loss and the extended deployments that are causing enormous problems for the psychological well-being of some of our soldiers,” said Paul Sullivan of Veterans for Common Sense. 

May 1, 2008, Washington, DC – More and more troops are returning from Iraq and Afghanistan with mental health issues, so U.S. officials Thursday offered new plans to get them help.

Missouri Sen. Kit Bond proposed a bill opening the Veterans Affairs Department’s network of community-based, walk-in treatment centers to active duty troops and members of the National Guard and Army Reserve, in order to deal with what he called “invisible injuries.”

Meanwhile, Defense Secretary Robert Gates talked about the importance of removing the stigma from seeking help, adding that getting therapy “is not going to count against” troops when they apply for national security clearances — which has long been a question asked on clearance applications.

The new policy revises Question 21 on a “Questionnaire for National Security Positions,” allowing applicants to respond “no” as to whether they have sought mental health care over the past seven years if that care was “strictly related to adjustments from service in a military combat environment” and not court-ordered.

Bond, a senior Republican who co-chairs the Senate National Guard Caucus, said his plan would sidestep a military bureaucracy that has been slow and insensitive.

A recent study by the Rand Corp., a nonprofit policy think tank, found a third of the more than 1.6 million troops deployed to both wars since 2001 have returned with mental health or cognitive problems, particularly post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or traumatic brain injury (TBI).

“It’s multiple deployments, the stop-loss and the extended deployments that are causing enormous problems for the psychological well-being of some of our soldiers,” said Paul Sullivan of Veterans for Common Sense.

Bond’s bill, which he co-sponsored with Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer of California, would also:

•Guarantee benefits for the survivors of former troops who committed suicide as long as the deceased had a history of PTSD or TBI.

•Permit the VA to screen a veteran’s discharge record to ensure that he or she was not removed from the service and denied benefits based on a misdiagnosis of PTSD, TBI or another medical condition.

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NOVA Testifies Before Congress on Veterans’ Issues

May 7, 2008 – Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee:

Thank you for the opportunity to present the views of the National Organization of Veterans’ Advocates, Inc (“NOVA”) on legislation pending before the Committee.

NOVA is a not-for-profit § 501(c)(6) educational organization incorporated in 1993 and dedicated to train and assist attorneys and non-attorney practitioners who represent veterans, surviving spouses, and dependents before the Department of Veterans Affairs (“VA”), the United States Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (“CAVC”) and before the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit (“Federal Circuit”).

NOVA has written many amicus briefs on behalf of claimants before the CAVC and Federal Circuit.  The CAVC recognized NOVA’s work on behalf of veterans when it awarded the Hart T. Mankin Distinguished Service Award to NOVA in 2000. 

The positions stated in this testimony have been approved by NOVA’s Board of Directors and represent the shared experiences of NOVA’s members, as well as my own fifteen-year experience representing claimants at all stages of the veteran’s benefits system from the VA Regional Offices to the Board of Veterans’ Appeals to the CAVC and the Federal Circuit.

Because of space and time constraints, and in the interests of concentrating on those areas in which our members have the most expertise and the most information to add to the dialogue, NOVA will limit its comments to those bills which directly impact the operation of the Veterans Benefits Administration and the CAVC.

S. 2090, S.2091 and S.2737

In an effort to decrease the time required to prepare the record for appeals, the CAVC has implemented Miscellaneous Order No.03-08, adopting new Rules 10 and 28.1.  Pursuant to these new rules, the VA will scan a veteran’s entire VA claims file onto a disk to create the “Record Before the Agency”. Thus, the veteran’s confidential and sensitive information will be transformed into electronic data. Because the CAVC is preparing for the electronic filing of records (including personal data such as military service records, past and present medical treatment records, and veterans’ personal statements, etc.), briefs and motions and for remote access to these same electronically-filed documents, there is an increased risk of unauthorized disclosure of confidential information unless precautions are taken. NOVA supports S. 2090 because it seeks to protect and secure veterans’ private information in these electronically-filed documents, a serious concern to NOVA members and veterans alike. 

Consistent with our testimony before this Committee on November 7, 2007, NOVA continues to support S. 2091. As NOVA predicted, the number of notices of appeals filed with the CAVC continues to increase, with a record-setting high of 4,643 appeals filed during FY 2007.  Because this trend of increased appellate filings will likely continue, NOVA support S. 2091, which would authorize adding two more judges to the CAVC.  These two new judges will help shorten the time a veteran’s appeal waits for a judge to render a decision. NOVA applauds Congress’ proactive steps in this area to date and further suggests Congress consider implementing legislation that would add two judges for every two thousand additional appeals filed.

NOVA also supports S. 2737 because it seeks to amend 38 U.S.C. §7252 (b), which provides for limited review of the Schedule of Ratings for disabilities to determine whether it complies with the provisions of Chapter 11. Currently, the CAVC has no jurisdiction to review the Schedule of Ratings, which is utilized by the VA to determine the appropriate percentage of a veteran’s disability and thus the amount of VA compensation to be paid. This legislation (S. 2737) would correct this problem, as highlighted by the case of Wanner v. Principi, 370 F.3d 1124,1129 (Fed. Cir. 2004), which held that the statutory scheme “excludes from judicial review all content of the ratings schedule as well as the Secretary’s actions in adopting or revising that content”..

For example, because of the Court’s limited jurisdiction, veterans are precluded from arguing that the “acoustic trauma” requirements contained in the diagnostic code for tinnitus is contrary to 38 U.S.C. § 1110.  This principle also has been applied in later cases, such as Jones v. Principi, 18 Vet. App. 248 (2004) (rejecting challenge to failure to provide for separate ratings for multiple scars under diagnostic code 7804); and Byrd v. Nicholson, 19 Vet App. 388 (2005) (rejecting challenge to the Schedule of Rating regarding exclusion of periodontal disease).  It is appropriate to open the CAVC’s jurisdiction to include consideration of well-supported challenges to the VA’s rating schedule.

S. 2309

NOVA supports the modification to 38 U.S.C. § 1154(b) which provides that a service member who served in a combat zone will be considered to have been in combat with the enemy.  Establishing combat with the enemy can be a crucial first step in proving exposure to combat stressors, which is essential for receipt of VA service-connected benefits for medical conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This legislation would eliminate the incredible barriers facing veterans who were in combat, but whose service records do not include such designations (e.g., Combat Infantry Badge (CIB) or a purple heart) and who only knew their service buddies by nicknames. These barriers frustrate a veteran’s later attempts to establish what occurred during his or her service in a combat zone.

To truly benefit service members who have difficulty proving that their PTSD is related to their military service, NOVA suggests a different modification of § 1154(b). If the intent is to significantly assist combat veterans in receiving the benefits they earned, the current proposal will not bring about its intended purpose because 38 U.S.C. § 1154(b) does not provide a presumption that a veteran is entitled to benefits for a service connected injury or disorder even for those veterans whom the VA concedes engaged in combat with the enemy.  Rather, §1154(b) has been interpreted as providing only a presumption of service incurrence which still requires proof of medical nexus, Dalton v. Nicholson, 21 Vet. App. 23 (2006). In order to accomplish the intended result, § 1154 (b) needs the following addition:

‘(3) In the case of a veteran who has been diagnosed with PTSD after military service and who engaged in combat with the enemy as defined in (2) above, a connection between PTSD and active military service shall be presumed and may be rebutted only by clear and convincing evidence to the contrary.’

S. 2573

Although NOVA recognizes Congress’ benevolent intent to encourage veterans to agree to treatment and rehabilitation which may prove beneficial, NOVA opposes S.2573, “Veterans Mental Health Treatment First Act” primarily because of its likely unintended detrimental financial and treatment consequences.   Section 1712C will impose upon veterans the “Hopson’s choice” of treatment and a stipend or the standard VA treatment and compensation program. Veterans who have a diagnosis of service-connected PTSD and whose service-connected mental condition severely impairs their ability to earn a living will be forced to chose between the treatment first path or the path to receive adequate VA compensation. 

Specifically, S. 2573 proposes that, a veteran who is married, and who has a disability which would be rated at 100{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} would forfeit the right to VA compensation of $ 2,699  per month in exchange for receiving only $2,000 at the beginning of the program and $3,000 at the conclusion and $ 500 per month during the program.  Thus, over a year-long program, such a veteran would forfeit $21,388, (i.e., $32,388 less $11,000), and the veteran’s family would be forced to live on $11,000 for that year.  According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision ( “DSM-IV-TR”) veterans with PTSD may habitually attempt to avoid thoughts or conversations associated with the trauma (DSM-IV-TR, C.(1)). They may also have markedly diminished interest or participation in significant activities (DSM-IV-TR, C.(4)) and irritability or outbursts or anger (DSM-IV-TR D.(2)). Thus, the medical community recognizes that such veterans may reject all treatment if treatment is compelled.  Furthermore, “[m]ost empirical studies or trials conducted to date show no relationship between compensation seeking, PTSD disability status, and treatment outcomes.”  IOM (Institute of Medicine) and NRC (National Research Council).  2007.  PTSD Compensation and Military Service.  Washington, DC: The National Academies Press, pages 183-184.

Finally, this bill would create two classes of veterans and two programs of treatment: (1)  the treatment first veterans; and (2) the simultaneous benefits and treatment veterans.  It follows that all veterans would not be in the same treatment plans for the same conditions and that care givers will come, however subconsciously, to stigmatize the non- treatment first veterans.

S.2617

NOVA supports the Cost of Living Adjustments provided in S.2617 but, additionally, supports the across the board immediate 25{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} increase for loss of quality of life which was recommended by the Veterans’ Disability Benefits Commission (“VDBC”) in its October 2007 report “Honoring The Call To Duty: Veterans’ Disability Benefits In The 21ST Century.”

S. 2674

NOVA generally supports Title II of America’s Wounded Warrior Act, but with reservations concerning that portion of Sec. 201, i.e., (b)(6) and (c)(2)(F) and Sec. 203, which suggest a study of whether disability compensation may be used as an incentive to encourage veterans to undergo appropriate treatment and vocational rehabilitation.  This is especially inappropriate if the veteran’s disability compensation is contingent on the veteran getting treatment at a VA facility.  Where and when a veteran seeks treatment is his/her personal choice.  Veterans do not always seek treatment at a VA facility–especially if they have the means (i.e. disability compensation) to go to a private doctor. As explained above, with respect to S. 2573, NOVA is concerned that the implementation of such a program would have the unintended consequence of discouraging veterans from applying for benefits which they deserve.

NOVA also opposes (c)(2)(E) which would create different classes of veterans according to their age at the time they file their claim. Any attempt to revise the existing payment scale based on the veteran’s age at the date of the initial claim conflicts with the VDBC’s conclusion that it “does not concur with the recommendation” to investigate whether to including factors such as the veteran’s age would improve the ability of the rating schedule to predict earnings losses.  (VDBC 235.)  A review of VDBC’s tables 7.2, 7.3 (VDBC 226,227) reflects the conclusion that veterans who enter the VA disability system up to age 55 do not present a problem in terms of income parity.  Moreover, 54.6{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of veterans receiving initial VA disability awards are 55 years old or younger.  (VDBC 101, Table 5.2.)  Indeed, NOVA agrees with the VDBC’s position that it “does not support a policy of considering age or other vocational factors in individual rating determinations” and does not believe that including factors such as age would improve the ability of the rating schedule to protect earnings losses because such determinations are unjustified and unfair to our WWII, Korean War and Vietnam veterans and to officers who are generally older than the enlisted troops under their supervision. (VDBC 235.) 

Because Sec. 1205 appears to represent an unwarranted renunciation of the concepts of protected and permanent and total ratings (38 U.S.C. §  110; 38 U.S.C. § 1521; 38 C.F.R. § 3.951(b); 38 C.F. R. § 3.343(a)), NOVA opposes the broad discretion for periodic reevaluation and adjustment of disability evaluations contained in that section.  Moreover, as found by the Institute of Medicine with respect to ratings for PTSD, “It is not appropriate to require across-the-board periodic reexaminations for veterans with PTSD service-connected disability.” IOM and NRC 2007. “PTSD Compensation and Military Service”. The National Academies Press, p. 195.

S. 2825

NOVA supports S. 2825 because it seeks to add language to 38 U.S.C. § 1155, which would establish a minimum rating of 10{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} for a veteran who requires continuous medication or the use of an adaptive device is equitable.  NOVA supports this proposed legislation because it is equitable and takes into account the real world limitations and restrictions imposed by chronic impairments which have previously slipped through the cracks and been non-compensatble. 

The “Veterans’ Benefits Enhancement Act of 2008″

The “Veterans’ Benefits Enhancement Act of 2008″, includes at Sec. 201 a modification of 38 U.S.C. by inserting §501A which would grant the VA the authority, in the exercise of its own unsupervised discretion, to stay the adjudication of claims whenever it determines the stay to be “necessary.”.  NOVA opposes S. 201 modifications as an unjustified intrusion into the jurisdiction of the CAVC by divesting the CAVC of its inherent jurisdiction to grant or deny such stays.  Moreover, granting the VA the power to stay claims adjudication is dangerous because in actual terms, it would give the VA unfettered power to stall the development and consideration of hundreds of thousands of veterans’ claims for benefits whenever the VA deems it necessary.  Based on the vast experience of NOVA’s members in assisting veterans with their appeals, it is NOVA’s position that the VA cannot be trusted to exercise its use of this powerful tool in the best interest of our nation’ s veterans.

NOVA’s primary concern regarding this issue is highlighted by the VA’s history of  opposition to adjudicating the claims of critically-ill Navy veterans for benefits based upon illnesses caused by Agent Orange exposure.  Thus, in the case of Ribaudo v. Nicholson, 21 Vet. App. 137 (2007), after the Court held unlawful and rescinded the unilateral stay instigated by the VA Secretary and imposed by the Chairman of the Board of Veterans’ Appeals on the processing of appeals, the VA reluctantly resorted to the courts to obtain a stay of its obligation to continue adjudicating claims under the principles set forth in Hass v. Nicholson, 20 Vet. App. 257 (2006), appeal docketed, No. 07-7036 (Fed. Cir. Nov. 8, 2006). In Ribaudo, the VA asserted that the harm to the VA of continuing the adjudication of claims outweighed the harm to veterans ill with cancers resulting from their exposure to Agent Orange during Navy service off the coast of Vietnam. Another example of the VA utilizing procedural bureaucracy to the detriment of veterans was criticized by the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit which observed that the performance of the VA regarding the administration of benefits for diseases caused by Agent Orange exposure has contributed substantially to our sense of national shame, because the VA continues to resist payment of benefits through obstructionist bureaucratic opposition, Nehmer v. U.S. Dep. Of V.A. 494 F.3d 846, 849, 865 (9th Cir. 2007).

Similarly, NOVA is concerned about the effect of Sec. 202 which would amend 38 U.S.C. § 7107(a)(1) to allow an earlier BVA docket number to be ignored if “the earlier case has been stayed” or if “the earlier case has been delayed for any reason”..  There is no justification for departing from time-honored procedures of docket management to provide the BVA with complete discretion to juggle the docket and, without the possibility of challenge, to stay or delay a veteran’s appeal and cause appeals to languish for many years longer than the usual 2 year waiting period until the veteran dies. 

Richard Paul Cohen
Executive Director
National Organization of Veterans’ Advocates, Inc.
1425 K Street, NW, Suite 350
Washington, DC 20005
(877) 483-8238
(202) 587 5708
Rich@wvajustice.com

Since 1992, Mr. Cohen has been representing veterans before the United States Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (“CAVC”) and the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). In that time, he has successfully represented veterans in Court and before the Department of Veterans Affairs. In addition, Mr. Cohen has represented veterans before the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit. In November 2006, Mr. Cohen was elected to serve as the President of the National Organization of Veterans Advocates, Inc. (“NOVA”) and he continued to serve in that capacity until December 2007. On January 1, 2008 he began serving as NOVA’s Executive Director.  Mr. Cohen has presented at CAVC Judicial Conferences and is a member of the CAVC Bar Association.

Education: B.M.E., June 1968, the City University of New York, School of Engineering; J.D. June 1973, Fordham University School of Law

Court Admissions
NY 1974
WV 1979
Supreme Court of United States of America 1977 United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit 1994 United States Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims 1993 United States Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit 1974
United States Court of Appeals for the 4nd Circuit 1985 
United States District Court for the Southern District of New York 1974 United States District Court for the Southern District of West Virginia 1979 United States District Court for the Northern District of West Virginia 1979

Associations and Organizations
American Bar Association
CAVC Bar Association
West Virginia State Bar
National Organization of Social Security Claimants Representatives National Organization of Veterans’ Advocates, Inc.

Neither Mr. Cohen nor NOVA have received any federal grant money or contract work in the last two years related to this testimony.

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May 9 VCS in the News: Questions and Answers About Veterans Suicide

May 9, 2008, Washington, DC – Veterans Affairs Secretary James Peake took heated questions this week on Capitol Hill about whether his agency was withholding information about the number of veterans who are committing suicide.

His testimony was prompted by the disclosure of e-mails during a recent trial that seemed to suggest some VA officials were hiding the number of veterans trying to kill themselves. Peake promised to make the agency more transparent.

Here are some questions and answers on veteran suicides, what information exists, and what changes in care have been made.

Q: How many U.S. troops who fought in Iraq and Afghanistan have committed suicide?

A: It’s difficult to know for sure. There is no central place where the government keeps track of the number of troops who fought in these wars and subsequently took their own lives.

The Department of Veterans Affairs tracks the number of suicides among those who have left the military. It says there have been 144 suicides among the nearly 500,000 service members who left the military from 2002-2005 after fighting in at least one of the wars.

The Pentagon says there have been 172 suicides by troops in the war zones. That’s not the entire picture, however, because that count does not include those who returned home and committed suicide while still in the military. The Associated Press has repeatedly asked the Department of Defense and the Army for this information, but they have not provided it.

Q: What else do we know about these suicides?

A: Peake said the VA’s research has found the rate of suicide among veterans of Afghanistan and Iraq was slightly higher — but not significantly different statistically — than the comparable general population. The VA’s research is limited to suicides through the end of 2005.

In upcoming weeks, the Army is expected to release a report with information on Army suicides that occurred last year. As of January, the Army said at least 89 soldiers had taken their own lives in 2007, and the deaths of 32 others were being investigated as possible suicides.

In 2006, the Army’s suicide rate rose to 17.3 per 100,000 troops — the highest in 26 years of record-keeping.

Q: What is being done to address the problem?

A: The Department of Defense does mental and physical screenings of all troops when they return to the United States after fighting in a war zone, and a second time from 90 to 180 days later. Army leaders say they’re also working to change the stigma against seeking help.

The VA last year created a national suicide hot line for veterans. It also has appointed suicide prevention coordinators at all VA medical centers.

Some veterans advocates say that’s not enough. Two veterans groups, Veterans for Common Sense in Washington and Santa Barbara, Calif.-based Veterans United for Truth filed a lawsuit seeking a judge’s ruling to force the VA to make changes in mental health care. During the trial in the case, the e-mails surfaced. The judge has not yet ruled.

Q: Are veterans at higher risk for suicide than the general population?

A: There is what is called the “healthy soldier effect.” When troops enter the military, they are considered at lower risk for suicide than the general population because they passed mental and physical health screenings. Researchers at Portland State University in Oregon found last year that male veterans were twice as likely to commit suicide as male non-veterans. High gun ownership rates, debilitating injuries and mental health disorders were all factors that seemed to put veterans at greater risk.

Q: Is there a reason to be concerned?

A: Many mental health professionals say yes. A recent Rand Corp. study estimated that about 300,000 of the 1.6 million troops who have fought in the recent wars are suffering from mental health problems. Based in part on that report, Dr. Thomas Insel, director of the National Institute of Mental Health, told reporters Monday that it’s possible that suicides and psychiatric mortality “could trump combat deaths.” About 4,500 troops have died in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Q: A VA official said in an e-mail to colleagues that surfaced recently during a trial that 1,000 veterans a month attempt suicide while under VA care. Is this correct?

A: Peake told the House Veterans Affairs committee this week that the number was not accurate. He said it could be an underestimate. He said the VA is trying to improve its tracking of suicide attempts by veterans under its care. The number he cited was a count of all veterans, not just those from Iraq and Afghanistan.

Q: How many veterans commit suicide every year?

A: The true incidence of suicide among veterans is not known, according to a Congressional Research Service report released this month. Based on numbers from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the VA estimates that 18 veterans a day — or 6,500 a year — take their own lives. That number includes veterans from all wars.

Q: There are more than 58,000 names listed on the Vietnam Wall. Is it true that more Vietnam veterans have committed suicide than are named on the wall?

A: No one knows for sure. Some say that’s an urban myth, while others believe it’s true. One government study of Army veterans from Vietnam found they were more likely to have taken their own lives than other veterans in the first five years after leaving the military, although the study found the likelihood dissipated over time. While there have been improvements in tracking suicides, advocates say more tracking and research must be done to better quantify and understand suicide among veterans and society as a whole.

Q: Is there a direct link between combat and suicide?

A: Suicide is complex and difficult to understand. There is research that indicates traumatic events like combat generally increases a person’s suicide risk, but there is considerable debate about why, according to the VA’s National Center for Postraumatic Stress Disorder. Combat experience is just one of many possible risk factors for suicide.

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Killing by the Numbers – The Use of Snipers in the Iraq War

May 9, 2008 – Genei Nesir Khudair al-Janabi, an Iraqi vegetable farmer, walked down to the ramshackle pump house along the banks of the Euphrates. Each day at midmorning, he would start the seven-horsepower pump to water his crops.

Khudair passed through the tall grass and palm trees of his farm in Jurf as Sakhr, a predominantly Sunni area 30 miles south of Baghdad dominated by sprawling patches of farmland, irrigation canals and regular eruptions of lethal violence. Daytime temperatures had lately been over 115 degrees, and it was already sweltering as he crossed the 500 meters for the last time.

As Khudair approached the pump house on May 11, 2007, he stumbled upon a team of five sweat-soaked U.S. Army snipers, dazed with heat and fatigue, hidden in the grass of a small hill. It’s hard to say who was more surprised, the Iraqi or the American troops. The sniper on guard at the “hide” was so shocked to see Khudair wander up to his position that he froze for a moment, staring. Then he approached Khudair and pointed a 9 mm pistol at the farmer’s head.

Meanwhile, Khudair’s 17-year-old son, Mustafa, was at the family home when he learned that a cousin had been killed in an accident. Mustafa hurried from the house to find his father in the fields and tell him the horrible news.

But as Mustafa approached, an American sniper popped out of the brush and waved him closer. Struck with fear, he entered the snipers’ hide to find his father, alive, face down on a patch of dirt with the corner of a plastic Army poncho over his head. Two soldiers were standing over him. They forced Mustafa to lie down, with his head close to his father’s in an “L” on the ground, and then pulled the corner of the poncho over his head too.

A half-hour passed. Khudair complained about the heat. The soldiers suddenly hoisted Mustafa up and signaled that he was free to go, but his father was still on the ground under the poncho. As he left the hide, Mustafa motioned toward Khudair and tried, in broken English, to tell the Americans who their prisoner was: “Father, father.”

Mustafa had just gotten back to the family home, 15 minutes later, when he heard two gunshots.

Three snipers with exemplary military records from the 1st Battalion of the 25th Infantry Division’s 501st Regiment were charged in Khudair’s killing. They were tried by the military judicial system in Iraq beginning in 2007. But the most important question raised by his death remains unanswered. Why would these elite American soldiers kill an unarmed prisoner in cold blood? The answer: pressure from their commanding officers to pump up a statistic straight out of America’s last long war against an intractable insurgency.

A review of thousands of pages of documents from the legal proceedings obtained by Salon shows that in the months prior to Khudair’s death, the young snipers, already frustrated by guerrilla tactics, were pressed to their physical limits and pushed by officers to stretch the bounds of the laws of war in order to increase the enemy body count. When the United States wallowed in Vietnam’s counterinsurgency quagmire decades ago, the same pressure placed on soldiers resulted in some of the worst atrocities of that war. A paratrooper who remembered the insidious influence of body counts in Vietnam warned Salon in 2005 that the practice could also ensnare good soldiers in Iraq. “The problem is that in Iraq, we are in a guerrilla war,” said Dennis Stout. “How do you keep score? How do you prove you are winning?”

The pressure from above for more bodies was also toxic in Iraq, where the isolated, outnumbered and outgunned snipers of the 1st Battalion had to make split-second life-or-death decisions. When those decisions landed them in a military court, it was the lowest-ranking soldiers, not the brass, who paid the price, and a sergeant who said he was pushed into taking a fatal shot who wound up with a long prison sentence. It was battalion commander Lt. Col Robert Balcavage, who pushed for a higher body count, who initiated the prosecution of three of the battalion’s snipers. “Yes, the chain of command deserves to burn in hell,” one sniper who served with the unit wrote Salon in an e-mail. “But I am not going on record saying that, well, cause I am still in the fucking Army.”

The body-count pressure on the 1st Battalion’s sniper section began to build in early 2007. In an insurgency like Vietnam or Iraq, it’s hard to point to achievement of a military objective or conquest of a town or region as success. Instead, commanders find themselves relying on numbers, which is how body counts began to creep into the Iraq war, despite their explicit disavowal by former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld in 2003 (“We don’t do body counts”). In need of a positive metric, commanders of the 1st Battalion reached for body counts, since the metrics they did have were moving in the wrong direction. At the time, U.S. casualties from invisible roadside bombs were mounting. In the six months before the snipers arrived in country from Alaska in late October 2006, 426 U.S. service members had died in Iraq. In the six months between the 1st Battalion’s arrival and the day Khudair was killed, May 11, 2007, nearly 590 service members died in Iraq. It was one of the bloodiest periods of the Iraq war. At the time there was a new commander in Iraq, Gen. David Petraeus, who was talking about winning hearts and minds. The snipers’ commanders were talking about bodies. The battalion commander, Lt. Col. Balcavage, and top noncommissioned officer Command Sgt. Maj. Bernie Knight sent a clear message to the battalion’s snipers. Spc. Alexander Flores, a sniper, described it this way in a hearing: “Get more bodies. Raise the morale of the battalion.”

The résumé of Staff Sgt. Mike Hensley made the battalion leadership think he would be the leader who could produce the bodies. It wasn’t just that during a previous tour in Afghanistan, he refused to leave his unit despite contracting malaria, or that in Iraq he insisted on inspecting bridges personally for road bombs to keep his soldiers out of harm’s way, though that helped. He combined that commitment to the mission and to his men with a reputation for lethality. He was a competition-winning sniper. “The rest of the sniper section love Staff Sgt. Hensley,” Sgt. Alexander Anuschat, a sniper who reported to Hensley, would later testify. “He was the perfect man for the job.”

Officers hand-picked Hensley to lead the sniper section in early 2007. Hensley immediately suggested beefing up his new section from seven to 13 snipers, that in the field would operate in teams of about six men per mission. The men Hensley commanded also included Sgt. Evan Vela, Spc. Jorge Sandoval, Pvt. David Petta and Spc. Alexander Flores. Vela was a father of two from Idaho, married to his high school sweetheart. Sandoval, of Laredo, Texas, had never seen snow before being stationed in Fort Richardson in Alaska prior to Iraq. Petta and Flores would later start the investigation of the sniper section’s actions by reporting questionable shootings to their commanding officers.

Officers were pleased when, under Hensley’s lead, the snipers started racking up kills. But soon, the snipers were pushing the envelope. The decision of when to shoot and when not to shoot is often vexing for snipers, but following the rules of engagement became still more difficult for the snipers after commanding officers encouraged a loose interpretation of the rules to increase the likelihood of a kill.

The Law of Armed Conflict requires soldiers to identify “hostile intent” before pulling the trigger. “You have to decide if the individual you are looking at is a combatant or a civilian,” explained Scott Silliman, executive director of the Center on Law, Ethics and National Security at Duke Law. “You must conclude that the individual is a combatant.” There is no requirement that a target be armed, but he can’t be hors de combat — injured, surrendering or detained.

The nature of guerrilla warfare makes it difficult, however, to nail down exactly what that means on the battlefield. Lt. Matthew Didier, the officer directly in charge of the snipers, offered a tautology in one hearing late last year, explaining that the snipers could shoot if they had “reasonable certainty that the military target is, in fact, a military target.” Knight, the senior noncommissioned officer in the battalion, told Army investigators who later looked into the killing of unarmed Iraqis that the snipers were instructed that they could fire when they had “reasonable certainty that someone is committing acts of violence against coalition forces or Iraqis.”

The snipers remained nervous because, at best, the guidelines they were getting from their commanders were nebulous. The snipers felt they were being pressured to interpret “hostile intent” loosely to justify kills. During testimony, sniper Spc. Joshua Michaud said that Lt. Col. Balcavage and Command Sgt. Maj. Knight “constantly pushed for ‘If you feel threatened, you know, obviously eliminate the threat.’ But they kind of said it in a manner in which a lot of us took it like, ‘Hey, you need to go out there and you guys gotta start getting kills.'”

At worst, the rules explicitly allowed the killing of unarmed Iraqis under certain circumstances, a particularly dicey concept given an enemy that does not wear a uniform and hides among civilians. Specifically, the snipers were allowed to shoot unarmed people running away from explosions or firefights. The chain of command was particularly frustrated by insurgents fleeing after attacks from roadside bombs, called improvised explosive devices. The notes from Army agents who later investigated the shootings said the battalion leaders, Balcavage and Knight, worried that the snipers had “let a lot of guys go after IED explosions.” The snipers called these fleeing, sometimes unarmed Iraqis “squirters.” Of course, it’s not unusual for innocent people to run from explosions.

Didier, who has since been promoted to captain, said that “if that individual makes contact with you and then breaks contact of their own accord and disarms themselves while they are breaking contact, they are still an engageable target because they are not wounded, nor did they surrender.” He explained, “They are only breaking contact so that they can engage coalition forces at a later time.” In court, Sgt. Anthony Murphy, one of the snipers who was responsible for a questionable kill, testified that he interpreted this order about breaking contact so they can engage at a later time as: “Engage fleeing local nationals without weapons.”

In addition to the vague rules of engagement and pressure to boost the body count, a furtive Pentagon unit, the Asymmetric Warfare Group, further blurred the soldiers’ perceptions of what was acceptable. The covert program run by the Pentagon and supported by another “government agency” supplied the snipers with materiel to place on the battlefield, like explosives and ammunition, that might interest insurgents.

The Washington Post reported in September 2007 that the items were part of a “baiting” program and that the purpose was to shoot Iraqis who picked them up. Pulling the trigger, however, was never part of the operation, according to testimony and people with knowledge of the program.

The idea of “baiting,” or putting out items and shooting Iraqis who picked up the materiel, was actually developed at the platoon level, according to the testimony of Didier, the officer in charge of the platoon. It is unclear if the tactic was ever used in the field.

Only a handful of the snipers were informed of the materiel’s real purpose, which remains secret but has nothing to do with shooting people on sight. Because equipment was distributed equally among their packs, some soldiers who were not aware of the materiel’s purpose were still forced to lug it. Soon, confused about the extra equipment’s true purpose, they were imagining other explanations, and their confusion seems to have contributed to their willingness to bend the rules of engagement. The two snipers who eventually alerted authorities to the questionable kills and spurred an investigation believed the items were “drop weapons” to be placed on unarmed Iraqis after an illegal kill.

The killing of Genei Nesir Khudair al-Janabi took place on May 11, and it was the final kill for which snipers were prosecuted. But Khudair was, in fact, at least the fourth unarmed Iraqi the snipers had killed in the short time since Hensley took over leadership of the sniper section in March 2007. Each incident illustrates the ways in which the rules of engagement, the pressure to produce, the mysterious extra equipment, and the inherent difficulties of their jobs landed the snipers in court.

The first incident occurred on April 7, 2007. Sgt. Anthony Murphy’s sniper team was hiding in a shallow ravine. Through his rifle scope, Murphy watched a lone Iraqi man approaching through some bushes, his figure distorted by a heat mirage. The man appeared and then disappeared again, winding through nearby ravines. Soon, he was 50 meters away and Murphy was sure the man had spotted the team’s satellite communications gear through the brush.

In sniper talk, they had been “compromised.” Being compromised, or seen while on a mission, was particularly chilling, especially in areas where there had been significant insurgent activity. Three days earlier, a seemingly innocent goatherd had spotted one of the sniper teams in the same location. Within minutes, mortars were raining down on them.

Even a handful of insurgents could easily overrun one of the small, autonomous sniper teams. “They are all around us,” Murphy said during a court hearing. “We are put into their environment, their backyard.”

On April 7, even after the Iraqi man had apparently seen the snipers’ gear, he continued to move forward, alarming Murphy. “When people see us, they freak out,” Murphy explained in a hearing. “They leave. They get scared. They stop. They start screaming.” This Iraqi kept moving closer.

Murphy could see through the bushes that the man also had something in his hands, he just couldn’t make out what it was. Murphy did not wait to find out. He pulled the trigger, killing the man with one bullet.

When it turned out that the Iraqi was carrying a 3-foot piece of pipe, the snipers got nervous. Murphy later testified that Sgt. 1st Class Steven Kipling worried that higher-ups might question the legitimacy of the shooting and asked Murphy if they should place a weapon on the body to make him look “more guilty.”

Murphy refused. “I did the right thing,” he said, and then cited the rules of engagement. “Hostile intent. Hostile act. End.”

Murphy’s aggressive commanders agreed. Notes from Army special agents who later investigated the snipers show the chain of command had looked into the April 7 shooting and “concluded Sgt. Murphy correctly determined hostile intent and engaged the individual with a single shot.” The words “hostile intent” would show up again and again in thousands of pages of sworn testimony about the incidents that were reviewed by Salon.

In such a dangerous area, seeing an Iraqi eyeing U.S. troops with binoculars, or just digging a ditch, was enough to create a belief in “hostile intent.” On April 14, a sniper team was monitoring a power substation when Hensley, the sniper section leader, told other snipers that he had spotted an Iraqi man who appeared to be laying command wire for a roadside bomb. But Hensley couldn’t get in a clean shot and lost sight of the man.

A little before 5 p.m. Hensley received an order to keep an eye on a nearby house while incoming infantry troops performed a search there. According to the notes of Army investigators, this irritated Hensley, who asked for two volunteers. Hensley, Pvt. David Petta and Sgt. Richard Hand walked directly down a road toward the home.

Hand and Petta flanked Hensley as they approached the house. There were women and children outside and an unarmed Iraqi man, Mutham Nia Hussein Alwan, working on a water pump. At about 120 meters away, Hensley said, “That’s the guy.” Hand and Petta split off to the left. According to the investigating agents’ notes, when the snipers were 50 meters away from the house, a little more than half a football field, Hensley raised his weapon, then lowered it. They continued to close in.

Then a single shot rang out from Hensley’s M14 sniper rifle. At that moment, Sgt. Hand’s weapon was trained on one of the women. “As soon as the shot happened, she became hysteric [sic],” Hand would later testify. “She started going crazy. I mean, obviously, somebody she loved or cared for had just died. She became my No. 1 priority, because I was afraid I was going to have to shoot her.”

The body was later tested with EXPRAY, a field test kit used to detect explosives. It came up positive. But there is some evidence that Hensley might have been worried that the chain of command would still balk at the kill. Kipling testified that earlier that day he had found a length of detonation wire, balled it up, and given it to Hensley to bring back to base. A balled-up section of detonation wire was found on the body. Kipling said in court that he was “80 percent sure” the wire on the body was the same wire he had given Hensley. If Kipling is to be believed, the snipers had moved from merely talking about “drop weapons” to using them.

Two weeks later, on April 27, the loose rules for shooting unarmed, fleeing Iraqis — “squirters” — contributed to a death. Didier, the snipers’ immediate superior officer, radioed to Hensley that a squirter was headed his way.

An Iraqi army unit was investigating a weapons cache site when they were attacked by two insurgents dressed in dark track suits who quickly broke contact and fled east. Didier had set up Hensley and other snipers a half-mile in that direction. He radioed Hensley and described the two men en route.

A half-hour later, Hensley replied that he had “got eyes on” a man who fit that description moving east, according to hearing transcripts. “[Hensley] said [the man] was no longer armed. But he asked if he could still engage the individual,” Didier recalled. “I said yes, based on the current ROE, he could.”

The sniper team was hidden in a 3-foot-deep dry creek bed. Hensley and another sniper, Spc. Jorge Sandoval, watched through some trees as a man in dark clothing walked into an olive grove, squatted and began cutting the knee-high grass with a sickle. Hensley told Sandoval to grab his weapon and the two men moved 150 to 200 meters south along the creek bed to the edge of the tree line that had been blocking their shot.

Even from the new position, 200 meters away, only the man’s head appeared intermittently in Sandoval’s rifle scope through the tall grass. Hensley asked Sandoval if he had the shot. Sandoval stood to get a better angle. Hensley asked twice more. The third time, Sandoval fired. He quickly chambered another round, but Hensley told him he wouldn’t need it.

Sandoval drew his sidearm as the two snipers approached the body. The man had been shot in the head. Other snipers from the team approached as well and recognized the Iraqi as a man they had detained and released just days earlier. “You could tell by some of his face that was left,” Michaud, one of the other snipers there that day, said in a hearing.

As shocking as it might seem to shoot an unarmed Iraqi cutting grass, many times the snipers had seen insurgents feign farming or other harmless activity after attacking U.S. troops. Michaud said in one hearing that “they’ll run and pick up some farm equipment, or they might run to their house and start working on their vehicle, or they basically try to do anything they can to throw you off to make you think that, ‘Hey I was not part of that.'”

Even though the snipers had seen squirters’ tricks before — and this shot had been approved by Didier — Hensley and Sandoval apparently worried officers would not see the April 27 shooting as a clean kill. Sandoval testified that when he and Hensley first stood over the mutilated corpse, Hensley handed him command wire and told him to put it next to the body.

The snipers, however, did not use the Pentagon’s secret equipment as drop weapons. The use of drop weapons by Hensley was freelance. The presence of the unexplained equipment, however, may have encouraged the belief among soldiers that drop weapons were acceptable. If drop weapons were standard operating procedure, where was the line between right and wrong?

The events leading to the killing of Genei Nesir Khudair al-Janabi began three days earlier, on May 8. The snipers awoke at 4 a.m. to begin preparations for a mission that night. The team finally left Patrol Base Jurf at 11:30 p.m., bearing packs that weighed more than 100 pounds. They moved slowly through the night to avoid detection. It took them 90 minutes to travel three miles. The snipers finally reached their “hide” at 4 a.m.

They spent the next day hidden in reeds by a canal, while the temperature climbed past 115. That afternoon, Murphy drank 12 quarts of water in six hours and still needed two IVs. He checked his pulse and counted 120 beats per minute. “Once you feel like you are cooking inside, your heart begins to race,” he later testified.

The snipers stayed in position until 8 p.m. that night. For part of the march back to the patrol base, the snipers joined an infantry company headed in the same direction. One soldier from the company who was not even carrying a rucksack passed out from heat exhaustion. Medics gave him three IVs when the men reached the base at 11:30.

The snipers ate, debriefed and changed their clothes. Some got a few hours of sleep. Hand, who had been awake for 45 hours, testified that he slept from 3 a.m. to 7 a.m. then “scrounged together enough coffee” to have a cup.

The snipers spent a restless, sleep-deprived May 10 cleaning equipment and preparing for the next mission outside the wire, scheduled for that night. “In terms of the patrol base,” Hand testified, “you really can’t sleep, there is too much movement, too much noise and there is no shade unless you make some.”

Murphy, still recovering from the previous day’s dehydration, told Hensley, the leader of the sniper section, he could not make that night’s mission. Another sniper, Sgt. Robert Redfern, volunteered to take Murphy’s place.

Murphy, whom Vela later described as “like a brother to me,” saw Vela just before the mission. Vela was readying his gear. He looked drained. Murphy asked Vela, “Are you good, man?”

Hensley, Vela, Sandoval, Hand and Redfern left Patrol Base Jurf at around 10 p.m. and arrived at their “hide” at 2 a.m. on the morning of May 11. The hide was a grassy hill next to a run-down pump house on the banks of the Euphrates. An infantry company soon began raiding a nearby house in a futile effort to locate insurgent rockets.

In the field, snipers sleep in shifts, or “rest cycles,” with one man keeping guard while the others try to rest. By 10 a.m. the next morning, the guard on duty was Vela.

Vela testified that he remembered looking over a nearby berm and then in another direction at some children playing a few hundred meters away. When he turned back around toward the berm, Khudair, the vegetable farmer, “was just there.”

Vela froze. Sandoval, who had been woken by the sound of the Iraqi’s approach, motioned toward Vela’s gun. Taking the signal, Vela pointed the 9 mm pistol at the farmer’s face.

Sandoval woke up Redfern. Redfern and Vela waved the Iraqi into the hide, forced him down on his stomach and put the corner of the plastic poncho over his head. Vela stood over the man with the pistol, while Redfern ran his hands over Khudair’s shoulders, arms, sides, back and chest in a cursory search. No weapons.

Vela woke Hensley and told him an unarmed Iraqi was in the hide. Hensley stood up, walked over to the Iraqi — and from a standing position dropped a knee into his back with the full force of his body.

Khudair threw his head back, gasping for wind. “Staff Sgt. Hensley grabbed him by the mouth,” Vela testified, “and told him to shut up or he was going to kill him.”

Hensley wrapped parachute cord around the Iraqi’s hands and Redfern dragged him deeper into the snipers’ hide. At this point, Redfern spotted a boy approaching and waved him into the hide site as well. The snipers put him on his stomach, so the two Iraqis formed an L-shape on the ground with both of their heads under the corner of the poncho.

Hensley then dispatched Sandoval and Redfern to the pump house, 15 to 20 meters away, to provide security. Vela handed his pistol to Sandoval, who was armed with a bolt-action rifle that could only hold five rounds without reloading.

Vela said Hensley sat down on the berm for a moment. He then got up and radioed their superior officer, Didier. Hensley reported that he had spotted an Iraqi nearby armed with an AK-47. But Vela couldn’t see anyone who matched that description. Vela alerted Hand, who was fading in and out of sleep on a nearby berm, that Hensley “might have seen something.” Then Hensley ordered Vela to retrieve his pistol from Sandoval in the pump house.

A half-hour after the 17-year-old Iraqi boy entered the hide, Sandoval and Redfern saw him pass by their position in the pump house as he walked home. Thinking that both Iraqis had been released, Sandoval peered around the pump house wall to look into the hide. Khudair was still there. Vela was sitting on his rear, with one leg cocked up and an elbow resting on his knee, holding the pistol in one hand.

Inside the hide, Hensley radioed Didier a second time, saying an insurgent was moving closer to their position. Hensley asked permission to do a “close kill” to avoid being compromised.

Vela then looked around, but still didn’t see any armed insurgent. “I was just really confused about what he was saying,” Vela testified.

Hensley untied the Iraqi. “I thought we were going to let him go,” Vela told the Army court.

“Are you ready?” Hensley allegedly asked Vela.

Hensley stepped aside. “Shoot,” he said.

Vela claimed during testimony that he doesn’t remember pulling the trigger. “It took me a second to realize that the shot had come from the pistol and it was in my hand.”

Hensley radioed to Didier that the snipers had killed an insurgent. Meanwhile, the Iraqi’s body convulsed. Hensley “kind of laughed” at the spectacle, according to Vela. Hensley then “[punched] the guy in the throat, and said, ‘Shoot him again,’ which I did.”

Vela testified that after he shot the man for the second time, Hensley pulled an AK-47 out of his rucksack and placed it on the body. The snipers then agreed on a story about the shooting consistent with Hensley’s radio calls.

Murphy, the soldier who had stayed behind because of dehydration, was sitting on a Humvee when the snipers trailed back into Patrol Base Jurf. The men were so soaked with sweat that Murphy thought they had waded through a canal.

“Hey, what’s up, man?” Murphy asked Vela. But Vela just walked past his friend in silence. In testimony Murphy described Vela as “detached, somber, serious.”

In late June 2007, less than two months after Khudair’s death, Flores and Petta informed military authorities that the sniper section might be using drop weapons. That led to investigation of the circumstances of several of the unit’s kills, which led in turn to the arrest of Sandoval, Hensley and Vela.

Sandoval was charged with murder for the deaths on April 27 and May 11, but convicted only of planting command wire in connection with the April 27 killing. He served about a month and a half in prison. The Army charged Hensley with three murders for the shootings of April 14, April 27 and May 11. He was convicted of planting a weapon, for placing the AK-47 next to Khudair, and insubordination. He was sentenced to time served and busted down to sergeant.

On February 10, 2008, however, Vela was sentenced to 10 years in a military prison for the murder of Khudair.

Top battalion leaders, who had to sign off on the charges, have faced no serious questions about whether their demand for more bodies, their vague rules of engagement or the confusion sown by the secret program might have contributed to the events of spring 2007. U.S. Army Alaska spokesman Lt. Col. Jonathan Allen said Balcavage and Knight were unavailable for an interview.

Hand, one of the snipers in the hide on May 11, later testified that he believes his “main responsibility is to take care of my subordinates.” But the battalion leaders, he said, “have been very lax in their care of anybody except themselves.”

“If you have never been outside the wire, you really have no basis [to judge],” said Hand. “You’ve never been in a life-or-death situation where you have had to count on the guy to your left and right … You see stuff out there that no one back here is going to see.”

Hensley, meanwhile, is back on active duty. Now a sergeant, he is stationed in Georgia, where he is an instructor for Army Rangers.

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Pentagon Drops Post in Pakistan for Top General

May 9, 2008, Washington, DC – When the Pentagon announced in March that Maj. Gen. Jay W. Hood would become the senior American officer based in Pakistan, it reflected the military’s aim to put a crisis-tested veteran in a critical job at a pivotal time in the fight against Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Pakistan’s tribal areas.
But nearly two months later, the military has quietly canceled the assignment of General Hood, a 33-year Army veteran who was excoriated in the Pakistani news media for one of his previous jobs: commander of the United States prison at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.

During General Hood’s command from 2004 to 2006, military authorities force-fed with tubes detainees who were engaging in hunger strikes at the Guantánamo prison, a step they justified as necessary to prevent the prisoners from committing suicide to protest their indefinite confinement. Also during General Hood’s tenure, reports that an American guard may have desecrated a Koran stirred wide protests in the Islamic world.

The decision to withdraw General Hood’s assignment has not been announced, but it appears to reflect the widening shadow that the military prison at Guantánamo is casting over American foreign policy. While the United States considers Pakistan a close ally in its counterterrorism efforts, the accounts by Pakistanis who have returned to Pakistan after being held at Guantánamo Bay have added to anti-American sentiment in the country.

Several leading Pakistani military and foreign affairs commentators denounced General Hood’s selection in recent weeks, calling on their new government to block his appointment. In interviews this week, American military officials said they had reluctantly concluded that General Hood’s effectiveness could be seriously hindered, and that his personal safety might even be at risk if he were to take up the post.

About 65 detainees at Guantánamo Bay have been repatriated to Pakistan, according to Cmdr. Pauline Storum, a military spokeswoman.

It is not clear whether Pakistan’s new government requested that the appointment be canceled. But on Thursday, a spokesman for the Pakistani Foreign Ministry, Mohammed Sadiq, told reporters that the government was “fully cognizant of the public sentiments and sensitivities regarding the reported transfer of General Hood to Islamabad,” and he added, “We hope to address this matter of public interest in the best possible manner.”

Asked about the withdrawal of the appointment, an American military spokesman sought Thursday to put the best face on an awkward situation. “General Hood is being considered for a different, equally important job in the Centcom headquarters,” said Capt. James Graybeal, chief spokesman for the United States Central Command, which oversees military affairs in Pakistan.

General Hood did not return e-mail messages or a telephone call to his office on Thursday.

General Hood, who served in the 1991 Persian Gulf war and in Kosovo, had been expected to become chief of a division of the United States Embassy in Islamabad known as the Office of the Defense Representative to Pakistan. The office has about two dozen people and oversees military relations with Pakistan, including training and equipment.

Until a few years ago, a colonel typically directed the office. But in a sign of Pakistan’s strategic importance in the Bush administration’s campaign against terrorism after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, the job was upgraded to that of a two-star general. The current head of the office, Maj. Gen. James R. Helmly, had been scheduled to leave at the end of May. No replacement for General Hood has been named.

Two senior Defense Department officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the issue involves personnel decisions, expressed chagrin that General Hood’s selection had not been evaluated more carefully.

Under General Hood’s command, and after consultations with senior Pentagon officials, American guards at Guantánamo Bay used forceful methods in dealing during 2006 with detainees who engaged in hunger strikes. They strapped them into “restraint chairs,” sometimes for more than two hours at a time, to feed them through tubes and prevent them from deliberately vomiting afterward.

General Hood, who took command of the detention center at Guantánamo Bay in March 2004, shortly before the Abu Ghraib scandal in Iraq broke, sought to put a more human face on it. He was credited by lawyers for the prisoners and human rights groups with having improved the treatment of detainees, and it was soon after he took over that some of the most severe interrogation methods were curtailed.

But he also had to deal with the fallout of a report in Newsweek asserting that a military inquiry was expected to find that a Koran had been flushed down a toilet at the detention center. The magazine later retracted the article, but the military inquiry concluded that a soldier had inadvertently splashed urine on a Koran. The magazine’s original assertion led to riots in Pakistan and Afghanistan that left at least 17 people dead.

Criticism of General Hood in the Pakistani news media was unrelenting after the Pentagon announced on March 13 that he would take over the post.

“Guantánamo Bay itself has become a symbol of injustice, torture and abuse of Islam, and sending a commanding officer from there to Islamabad begs the question: What is the message coming out of the Pentagon for Pakistanis by this insensitive act?” Shireen M. Mazari, director general of the Institute of Strategic Studies, a research group in Islamabad financed by Pakistan’s foreign office, wrote on March 20 in The News, one of the largest English-language newspapers in Pakistan.

Dr. Mazari added, “Equally important, given that host governments always have a choice of refusing a nominee — and many Western countries have exercised that right in the diplomatic nominees of the Pakistan government — why has the Pakistan government chosen to silently accept what the U.S. military dishes out, with no thought to the sensitivities of its own people?”

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