A Soldier in Iraq Asks in Despair – Why Are We Here?

May 29, 2007 – BAGHDAD, May 12 — My name is Donald Hudson Jr. I have been serving our country’s military actively for the last three years. I am currently deployed to Baghdad on Forward Operating Base Loyalty, where I have been for the last four and a half months.

I came here as part of the first wave of this so called “troop surge”, but so far it has effectively done nothing to quell insurgent violence. I have seen the rise in violence between the Sunni and Shiite. This country is in the middle of a civil war that has been on going since the seventh century.

Why are we here when this country still to date does not want us here? Why does our president’s personal agenda consume him so much, that he can not pay attention to what is really going on here?

Let me tell you a story. On May 10, I was out on a convoy mission to move barriers from a market to a joint security station. It was no different from any other night, except the improvised explosive device that hit our convoy this time, actually pierced through the armor of one of our trucks. The truck was immediately engulfed in flames, the driver lost control and wrecked the truck into one of the buildings lining the street. I was the driver of the lead truck in our convoy; the fifth out of six was the one that got hit. All I could hear over the radio was a friend from the sixth truck screaming that the fifth truck was burning up real bad, and that they needed fire extinguishers real bad. So I turned my truck around and drove through concrete barriers to get to the burning truck as quickly as I could. I stopped 30 meters short of the burning truck, got out and ripped my fire extinguisher out of its holder, and ran to the truck. I ran past another friend of mine on the way to the burning truck, he was screaming something but I could not make it out. I opened the driver’s door to the truck and was immediately overcome by the flames. I sprayed the extinguisher into the door, and then I saw my roommate’s leg. He was the gunner of that truck. His leg was across the driver’s seat that was on fire and the rest of his body was further in the truck. My fire extinguisher died and I climbed into the truck to attempt to save him. I got to where his head was, in the back passenger-side seat. I grabbed his shoulders and attempted to pull him from the truck out the driver’s door. I finally got him out of the truck head first. His face had been badly burned. His leg was horribly wounded. We placed him on a spine board and did our best to attempt “Buddy Aid”. We heard him trying to gasp for air. He had a pulse and was breathing, but was not responsive. He was placed into a truck and rushed to the “Green Zone”, where he died within the hour. His name was Michael K. Frank. He was 36 years old. He was a great friend of mine and a mentor to most of us younger soldiers here.

Now I am still here in this country wondering why, and having to pick up the pieces of what is left of my friend in our room. I would just like to know what is the true reason we are here? This country poses no threat to our own. So why must we waste the lives of good men on a country that does not give a damn about itself? Most of my friends here share my views, but do not have the courage to say anything.

Donald C. Hudson Jr. is a private assigned to the 1st Brigade Special Troops Battalion, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division.

E-mail: donaldchudsonjr@yahoo.com

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Army Puts Amputees Back Into Combat

May 30, 2007 – SAN ANTONIO — In the blur of smoke and blood after a bomb blew up under his Humvee in Iraq, Sgt. Tawan Williamson looked down at his shredded leg and knew it couldn’t be saved. His military career, though, pulled through. Less than a year after the attack, Williamson is running again with a high-tech prosthetic leg and plans to take up a new assignment, probably by the fall, as an Army job counselor and affirmative action officer in Okinawa, Japan.

In an about-face by the Pentagon, the military is putting many more amputees back on active duty – even back into combat, in some cases.

Williamson, a 30-year-old Chicago native who is missing his left leg below the knee and three toes on the other foot, acknowledged that some will be skeptical of a maimed soldier back in uniform.

“But I let my job show for itself,” he said. “At this point, I’m done proving. I just get out there and do it.”

Previously, a soldier who lost a limb almost automatically received a quick discharge, a disability check and an appointment with the Veterans Administration.

But since the start of the Iraq war, the military has begun holding on to amputees, treating them in rehab programs like the one here at Fort Sam Houston and promising to help them return to active duty if that is what they want.

“The mindset of our Army has changed, to the extent that we realize the importance of all our soldiers and what they can contribute to our Army. Someone who loses a limb is still a very valuable asset,” said Lt. Col. Kevin Arata, a spokesman for the Army’s Human Resources Command at the Pentagon.

Also, just as advances in battlefield medicine have boosted survival rates among the wounded, better prosthetics and treatment regimens have improved amputees’ ability to regain mobility.

So far, the Army has treated nearly 600 service members who have come back from Iraq or Afghanistan without an arm, leg, hand or foot. Thirty-one have gone back to active duty, and no one who asked to remain in the service has been discharged, Arata said.

Most of those who return to active duty are assigned to instructor or desk jobs away from combat. Only a few – the Army doesn’t keep track of exactly how many – have returned to the war zone, and only at their insistence, Arata said.

To go back into the war zone, they have to prove they can do the job without putting themselves or others at risk.

One amputee who returned to combat in Iraq, Maj. David Rozelle, is now helping design the amputee program at Walter Reed Medical Center in Washington. He has counted seven other amputees who have lost at least part of a hand or foot and have gone back to combat in Iraq.

The 34-year-old from Austin, Texas, said he felt duty-bound to return after losing his right foot to a land mine in Iraq.

“It sounds ridiculous, but you feel guilty that you’re back home safe,” he said. “Our country is engaged in a war. I felt it was my responsibility as a leader in the Army to continue.”

Rozelle commanded a cavalry troop and conducted reconnaissance operations when he returned to Iraq, just as he had before the mine blast. Other amputees who have returned to combat, ranging from infantry grunts to special forces soldiers, have conducted door-to-door searches, convoy operations and other missions in the field.

“Guys won’t go back if it means riding a desk,” Rozelle said.

He said his emotions at the start of his second tour in Iraq, which lasted four months, were a lot like those during his first stint: “I was going back to war, so it was as heart-pounding as the first time.”

Mark Heniser, who worked as a Navy therapist for 23 years before joining the amputee program at Fort Sam Houston in 2005, said both the military and the wounded benefit when amputees can be kept on active duty: The military retains the skills of experienced personnel, while the soldiers can continue with their careers.

Staff Sgt. Nathan Reed, who lost his right leg a year ago in a car bombing, is 2 1/2 years from retirement and has orders to head in July to Fort Knox, where he expects to be an instructor.

“My whole plan was to do 20 years,” said the 37-year-old soldier from Shreveport, La. “I had no doubt that I would be able to go back on active duty.”

Not everyone comes through treatment as rapidly or as well as Williamson, Reed and Rozelle. Some have more severe injuries or struggle harder with the losses, physically or emotionally. Soldiers who lose a limb early in their careers are more likely to want out. Those with long service are more motivated to stay, Heniser said.

Williamson did not want to return to combat, and it is not clear he could have met the physical qualifications anyway.

The military planned to discharge him on disability, but he appealed, hoping to become a drill instructor. The Army ruled that would be too physically demanding for Williamson, a human resources officer before being sent to lead convoys in Iraq, but it agreed to let him return to active duty in some other capacity.

He is regaining his strength and balance at the new $50 million Center for the Intrepid, built to rehabilitate military amputees. A hurdler in high school, he ran the Army minimum of two miles for the first time in mid-May, managing a 10-minute-per-mile pace on his C-shaped prosthetic running leg decorated with blue flames.

He is working out five days a week – running, lifting weights and doing pool exercises – and just got his first ride on a wave machine used to improve balance.

“I could leave here today if they told me I had to,” Williamson said.

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Editorial Column – Choosing a Fast buck Over Help for Veterans

May 30, 2007 – Coming soon, perhaps, to a bottleneck near you:

More skyscrapers, more condos, more retail.

Where? At one of the busiest intersections in Southern California — Wilshire Boulevard and the 405.

Yes, it’s the West Los Angeles Veterans Affairs property.

What, you thought the VA might expand services to accommodate the legions of soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan with medical and mental maladies?

That would make sense, especially given the fact that bomb-rattled veterans now sleep on the street and in parks just a few miles from long-abandoned buildings on the shamefully under-utilized property. But VA administrators appear to be headed in another direction, and their long-secret intentions have never been more clear than they were over Memorial Day weekend — of all weekends.

That’s when local officials learned that a ban on private development of the Wilshire site didn’t make it into a war-spending bill, at the behest of the Bush administration.

“I think there’s an army of developers and their consultants in Washington who see an opportunity to make a lot of money, and this VA and the [Bush] administration is hell-bent on giving them that opportunity,” said Los Angeles County Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky.

Although the VA has been tight-lipped about its plans for the property, Yaroslavsky says VA brass have in recent years talked about “optimizing the use of the land,” which means selling it off because of the top dollar it would bring.

Yaroslavsky said the VA has signaled that it might circumvent zoning restrictions by leasing land to private developers before selling it to them. So Donald Trump, for instance, could conceivably build a high-rise hotel on leased VA land and later buy the property outright.

Rep. Henry A. Waxman and Sen. Dianne Feinstein have bills pending that would ban such commercialization and require a plan for expanded veteran services. Waxman’s office said Tuesday that he’ll send a letter to the VA secretary reiterating his position and urging him to move ahead with plans for a housing program for homeless vets.

Is it possible, I asked Yaroslavsky, that the VA has a brilliant plan to increase services nationwide by selling this property? (I tried to ask the VA this question, but was told no one could get back to me Tuesday.)

“And what do they sell the following year?” Yaroslavsky asked. Besides, he said, that land was dedicated in the late 1800s to exclusive use by veterans, and Congress reiterated that intent in 1998.

As Yaroslavsky and Waxman point out, California has the nation’s largest population of veterans, and roughly a half-million of them live within 50 miles of the West L.A. VA center. That’s reason enough to do right by those who have sacrificed for the country rather than clutter an outrageously congested area with another Cineplex or Costco.

As it is, some buildings are in bad shape and some are empty, and the VA has allowed an Enterprise car rental agency and a bus company to lease space on the 388-acre site.

“There are vacant buildings that could be used for therapy, housing, vocational rehabilitation, life skills training — all the things a vet would need to transition back into civilian life,” said Keith Jeffreys, president of Citizens for Veterans’ Rights.

Unless the staff at Enterprise is trained to treat post-traumatic stress disorder, it’s hard to understand what the VA is thinking.

steve.lopez@latimes.com

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With Veterans Benefits, Knowing is Half the Battle

May 27, 2007 – Donat “Dan” LeBlanc clearly remembers the day nearly 40 years ago when a Marine Corps bureaucrat, running down a list of questions intended to gauge the extent of his disability from a fresh war wound, asked, “Are you right-handed or left-handed?”

Sitting there with only one arm, the young Mr. LeBlanc nearly answered, “Are you stupid?” It was pretty clear that the enemy machine gunner in Vietnam’s Quang Tri province had taken his right arm, part of his right shoulder and, as it happened, a piece of his lung.

“Left-handed” was his bitter answer, because the answer seemed obvious.

Now he knows better. He knows he got caught on a technicality.

“He didn’t ask me what I was BEFORE I lost my arm,” Mr. LeBlanc remembers, in which case the answer would have been different — with very different consequences. Losing one’s dominant arm in combat qualified as a “major” injury; losing the other one was “minor.”

Mr. LeBlanc soon retired from the Marine Corps after two years with an injury judged as 90 percent disability, which qualified him for all of $156 a month.

It wasn’t until five years later, when he was working for the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), that Mr. LeBlanc “realized I was getting (expletive deleted).”

He reapplied to the VA for benefits, and at last corrected the error, hiking his disability pay with a new rating of 100 percent disability.

Those 10 percentage points made a world of difference. The checks increased to almost $700 a month then and about $2,000 a month today.

During nearly three decades of employment with the VA, Mr. LeBlanc, who today is New Bedford’s veterans agent, learned that there are countless men and women like him, young and old. They — or their survivors — may qualify in one way or another for benefits, but don’t even know what might be out there for them. Often, they don’t even know the questions to ask.

What’s more, once someone is discharged or retired from the service, the chances are slim that somebody is going to track him or her down to ask about it and offer help.

Today, it’s a veterans agent’s job to try to find people who qualify for the VA’s assistance. In the past five years, Mr. LeBlanc’s client list has grown from 59 to 210 and counting.

In the weeks leading up to Memorial Day and Veterans Day, the work turns toward the task of making certain that deceased veterans’ graves are honored and decorated with the requisite flags.

But the rest of Mr. LeBlanc’s year is spent shaking the benefits tree for the living.

He’s not the only one. Massachusetts is the only state that requires every community to employ a veterans agent — and provides some state and some local funding support for those veterans and their survivors who really need it.

Veteran at the end of his rope

Dartmouth Veterans Agent Shawn Goldstein, a Marine Corps veteran of both Iraq wars, is half Mr. LeBlanc’s age but is learning quickly from his mentor. In short order, Mr. Goldstein has expanded his client list from just 10 to more than 30.

These are clients like Andrew Nolin of Fairhaven. At age 81, Mr. Nolin says that only a few weeks ago he was pretty much at the end of his rope. After paying the rent on his subsidized apartment and his other expenses, he had literally nothing left.

“God forbid, my refrigerator was empty. I ended up going to the Red Cross and they helped me with food,” he said. “Sometimes I didn’t have a nickel in my pocket.”

Mr. Nolin, a widower of 21 years, was broke, living on Social Security, a meager retirement account from the Acushnet Co. long gone.

Until, that is, someone suggested he contact Jim Cochran, the Fairhaven veterans agent.

“I was told that they said there’s no God, but I think there is one, because of this man,” he said. “This man is the right guy for that job, I’ll tell you that. He pulled me right out of my misery.”

It took him until this year to find out, but as it happens, Mr. Nolin’s two years in the Army, serving in Japan in the post-World War II occupation, qualified him for benefits after all these years. When he contacted the veterans agent, his whole life changed.

He went down the list: Mr. Cochran arranged for his Medicare payments to be taken care of, along with the Blue Cross supplemental policy. He was told to go down to the pharmacy and pick up the prescriptions he had been scrimping on for lack of funds.

“Then my glasses broke. I said I was going to solder them or something. He told me, ‘Go get your glasses. We’ll take care of it.’ I said, ‘Oh, my God, are you telling me the truth?’ He said, ‘I’m calling them now, so do it.’ ”

It didn’t end there. “My teeth are worn out. It’s been 40 years since I had them checked,” Mr. Nolin said. “He said, ‘Pick any dentist you want. We’re going to take care of it.’

“It’s unbelievable. And he doesn’t make you feel like a chiseler.

“I feel like the luckiest man in the world now. … He’s just the greatest guy I ever met. You ask for help at any other place and they put you down. He doesn’t do this. He makes you feel like a human. I didn’t know if I was dreaming. That’s how bad I was.”

Veterans who know the ropes

Mr. Cochran, like Mr. LeBlanc, is someone who knows the ropes. He knows what questions to ask, which drawers to open, which doors need a knock. The veterans they help, along with veterans’ widows and families, all too often don’t even realize they qualify, or are too proud to ask, or, as Mr. LeBlanc said, may have been turned down years ago and are skittish about trying again.

Many of them have been out of the military for so long they have almost no idea what benefits there might be for them. A visit to a Web site might only compound the confusion. There’s a 150-page booklet from the Department of Veterans Affairs to explain, but Mr. LeBlanc held up another book, five times as thick, that he bought just to explain the first booklet.

To make things worse, Mr. LeBlanc said, the Department of Defense and the Veterans Administration are barely on speaking terms. The VA had to fight just to get access to the injured soldiers inside the Walter Reed Army Hospital, to tell them about what they might qualify for.

Then there is the small matter of the VA’s disability rating system versus the Pentagon’s. There is the problem of some benefits cancelling others, in particular a supplemental death benefit for survivors. A special commission has been holding hearings around the country and recommendations are expected in October.

Mr. Cochran said, “It’s a huge quagmire out there, to be honest. There could be benefits in two or three places. Nothing is coordinated.”

There are also some false leads, he said. Well-intentioned organizations sometimes post announcements that say, for example, home health care is available for veterans, who may later learn that only a few of them qualify. That could discourage any further investigation.

But as the years pass, expenses increase, and life gets tougher, veterans and their families who have been resolutely self-sufficient for decades may find themselves out of options. Those in Massachusetts might not realize that beyond whatever the VA or Pentagon might provide, this state offers a rather extraordinary package of benefits to veterans who qualify, as many of them do, but may not know it. Known as Chapter 115, it pays death and medical benefits, but it helps a lot to have a veterans agent handle the paperwork, which most of them are more than happy to do.

Help, without judgment

Margaret Smith of New Bedford was caring for her ailing husband, William, an Army veteran of the Korean conflict who had suffered a stroke about four years ago and who was worsening, when he passed on a suggestion. He had been watching a lot of television — local access programs, she said, and Dan LeBlanc was often on.

“He told me, ‘You know. I’m not going to be around long. When I go, go see this guy Dan. He helps everybody.’ When he passed away a month later, I thought about that and talked to Dan,” she said.

“I told him I just became a widow, and we had a talk about things. He asked me for different information, where I was living, what I was paying in rent, and he started talking about what he could do for me.”

It wasn’t long before she moved to a much more affordable apartment in the city’s far North End. She said she no longer has to worry about Medicare or supplemental insurance premiums, either.

Through it all, she heaped praise on Mr. LeBlanc for being supportive, and not the least bit judgmental. “When things get tough, you don’t want to ask for help like this,” she said.

Norman and Lucille Pepin of New Bedford, he a World War II veteran of the Army Air Corps, know what Mrs. Smith means. “People don’t like to tell people how much money they have — insurance, savings, whatever,” Mr. Pepin said. “That’s one of the reasons I think some people I’ve spoken to don’t want to apply. Which is dumb, when you think about it, really.”

It was about a year and a half ago that Mr. and Mrs. Pepin went to see Mr. LeBlanc, who soon enrolled them for state benefits that pay their Medicare premiums and cover all their prescription expenses.

“He’s amazing,” Mr. Pepin said of Mr. LeBlanc. “This program has meant a better quality of life for people our age. It’s only been a year and a half since we’ve been on it, and it’s amazing.”

Mrs. Pepin is especially eager to tell young veterans that they, too, probably qualify for these benefits, though they might not know it.

Much has changed since many elder veterans left the service, although for a long time that wasn’t the case. Mr. LeBlanc said, “from the end of World War II until the end of the ’70s, a lot of benefits from the VA never changed.” The survivor benefit for someone killed in action was $10,000 40 years ago, and only $12,000 until very recently when Congress, under public pressure, increased it to $100,000.

In past years, veterans got little if any advice on what benefits they could obtain later on; they were left to fend for themselves to find out. Today, Mr. LeBlanc said, the families of those killed in wartime are assigned a casualty officer to walk them through the process. In the case of local men killed in Iraq, he said, that help has apparently been enough that they didn’t need the local veterans agent and didn’t accept his offers to help.

But others miss out, he said. One Brockton veteran lost limbs in Iraq and became a cause celebre as people raised money for him; Mr. LeBlanc said he evidently didn’t know that the VA was ready to pay the bills for prosthetics, if asked.

Others may believe that the benefits they have been collecting are all they are entitled to. Mr. LeBlanc said his own aunt was surprised to learn upon her veteran husband’s death that she could collect from the state program for health insurance and prescription benefits. She was collecting “$21 a month and that hadn’t changed in 30 years,” he said.

“You’d be surprised to discover the number of widows who are living better with their husbands dead than when they were alive,” Mr. LeBlanc said. The state benefits — one-quarter financed by the local government — can amount to hundreds of dollars a month, a huge difference in the life of someone on a fixed income.

The difficulty is in getting the word out.

For that, veterans agents are making a point of visiting senior centers, appearing on cable TV and inquiring about people they might learn about.

In Dartmouth, Mr. Goldstein is taking things a step further: On Aug 4., at the Veterans of Foreign Wars post on Cross Road, he’s organizing a veterans cookout. “I’ve invited 50 different organizations to come and tell about what they do for assistance for veterans and family members,” Mr. Goldstein said.

And with any luck, there will soon be a lot more veterans who will find themselves saying, as Mr. Nolin does, that “I feel like I’m floating on air. I can’t believe it.”

Contact Steve Urbon at surbon@s-t.com

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VFW Sides With Veteran Facing Discipline for Wearing Uniform at Protest

June 1, 2007 – WASHINGTON – The nation’s largest combat veterans group on Friday urged the military to “exercise a little common sense” and call off its investigation of a group of Iraq war veterans who wore their uniforms during anti-war protests.

“Trying to hush up and punish fellow Americans for exercising the same democratic right we’re trying to instill in Iraq is not what we’re all about,” said Gary Kurpius, national commander of the 2.4 million-member Veterans of Foreign Wars.

“Someone in the Marine Corps needs to exercise a little common sense and put an end to this matter before it turns into a circus,” Kurpius said.

A military panel in Kansas City, Mo., is holding a hearing on Monday to decide whether Marine Cpl. Adam Kokesh’s discharge status should be changed from honorable to “other than honorable” after he was photographed wearing fatigues – with military insignia removed – during a mock patrol with other veterans at a protest rally in April.

The Marine Corps is investigating whether Kokesh might have violated a rule prohibiting troops from wearing uniforms without authorization. Kokesh was honorably discharged following a combat tour in Iraq, but he remains part of the Individual Ready Reserve, a pool of former active duty service members in unpaid, non-drill status.

Kokesh also was cited for making a disrespectful comment to a military officer investigating the incident. His attorney, Michael Lebowitz, has called the case an effort to stifle critics of the Bush administration’s Iraq policy.

Kurpius said even an implied threat to lower the discharge rating could threaten educational and other benefits Kokesh is eligible to receive from the Department of Veterans Affairs. The action might also prevent Kokesh from future employment opportunities that require a security clearance, Kurpius said.

“We all know that people give up some individual rights when they join the military,” Kurpius said. “But these Marines went to war, did their duty, and were honorably discharged from the active roles. I may disagree with their message, but I will always defend their right to say it.”

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Home From Iraq, Veterans Battle Pentagon

May 24, 2007 – WASHINGTON — President Bush will churn out shopworn platitudes about the sacrifices of the nation’s brave soldiers this Memorial Day. But many of the soldiers, active duty and retired, are not listening. Instead, they want Bush to stop ducking and answer some hard questions.

What about a Department of Defense study to be published in the June issue of the journal NeuroToxicology? That report reveals that 100,000 U.S. troops were exposed to deadly sarin nerve gas during the first Gulf War and many now suffer permanent “brain deficits.”

The plume of deadly nerve gas was released in March 1991 when soldiers blew up two Iraqi ammunition and missile caches discovered near the Iraqi town of Khamisiyah. Some of the missiles contained sarin and cyclosarin.

The study was led by professor Roberta F. White, chair of the environmental health department at the Boston University School of Public Health. The team studied 26 Gulf War veterans, half of whom were exposed to sarin gas. Magnetic resonance imaging revealed shrinkage of the brain’s connective tissue or “white matter” in the soldiers exposed to sarin compared to soldiers not exposed.

When 700,000 troops came home from that war, dubbed “Operation Desert Storm,” many thousands complained of chronic headaches, joint pain, nausea and fatigue, lumped together as “Gulf War Syndrome.” More than 150,000 continue to suffer from the maladies, according to the Department of Veterans Affairs. But the Pentagon under successive administrations has rebuffed veterans’ claims that GWS is a service-related disability qualifying victims for VA benefits.

Michael McPhearson, executive director of Veterans for Peace, himself a paratrooper deployed to Iraq during Operation Desert Storm, told the World, “I’m concerned about this. I am a veteran of the Gulf War myself. At last there is some validation for what we have been saying all along. Look how long it has taken! Look how many veterans have suffered without getting any help.”

The federal government, he said, must provide long-overdue compensation and medical care for these veterans. “I hope it doesn’t take the Pentagon 15 years to address the problems suffered by the veterans of the current Iraq war. Our mission is to stop wars. There has to be a better way of solving our problems than war.”

Toby Hartbarger, a veteran of Gulf War II, is a member of Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW). He was in combat in Baghdad, Fallujah and Nejaf as a mortar-man assigned to a squad of Army scouts. Since he left the Army he has suffered post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

“I’m going through the VA system, trying to get some compensation for my PTSD,” he told the World in a phone interview. “Anytime you have to deal with VA, it’s a pain in the ass.”

Hartbarger said he plans to go back to college, but Veterans Affairs has informed him his tuition benefit will be reduced because he served only two years instead of three. It makes no difference that 15 of those months were spent in harm’s way in Iraq, he said. “After World War II, veterans went to college on the GI Bill of Rights. But its not like that now.”

He added, “There is so much exploded and unexploded munitions around, just being in Iraq you are exposed to depleted uranium and other toxic substances. We are extremely concerned about how the returning soldiers are being treated — or not treated — by the military and the Veterans Administration.”

Dr. Michael McCally, executive director of Physicians for Social Responsibility (PSR), praised the study. “It uses a very hard measure, looking at brain structure with magnetic imaging. It appears from their data that soldiers most exposed to the sarin suffered the greatest changes in brain structure. It’s a very powerful technique, and obviously it will be followed up.”

McCally was a member of the PSR team that prepared a report on depleted uranium (DU) weapons in Iraq. That report assailed the U.S. for having “explicitly forbidden the UN Environmental Program from doing the requisite environmental sampling to determine the extent of DU contamination that in the second Gulf War was spread into numerous Iraqi cities.”

Iraqi doctors blame DU for the skyrocketing birth defects and cancer death rates among Iraqi children.

Paul Richardson, executive director of the Gulf War Resource Center in Kansas City, said the Defense Department report corroborates an earlier report by the Institute of Medicine released last September that also found evidence of brain damage to the veterans from exposure to toxic chemicals.

“The first thing you can say is that many veterans have known this for a long time,” Richardson said. “Why didn’t the defense establishment acknowledge these veterans’ illness so they could get their benefits and medical treatment? Congress must step forward and fund more research.”

For tens of thousands of disabled veterans, he added, “There are grounds for reopening a claim based on ‘new and material evidence’ that the soldier did indeed sustain a disabling injury. The government is finally admitting that their sickness is the result of an exposure while serving their country.”

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Local Iraq War Veteran Continues Anti-War Crusade

May 24, 2007 – BRATTLEBORO, Vermont — He’s been out of the Marine Corps for less than six months, but the war in Iraq is never far from Vermont native Liam Madden’s mind.

While still in the service, he co-founded the Appeal for Redress movement, and presented a petition to Congress from active duty service members opposed to the war.

Since his discharge from the Marine Corps, Madden, who grew up in Rockingham, has been recruiting other Iraq war veterans to stand up in opposition to what he calls “the illegal occupation of Iraq.”

To further his outreach, he helped form a branch of Iraq Veterans Against the War in Boston — which he now calls his “base of operations” — and will be traveling the country with 11 other Iraq veterans to talk to active-duty service men and women about the war.

“They’re struggling with the same things we were struggling with,” said Madden. “And they’re ready to talk.”

And he doesn’t think the service members they speak with will be hostile to their message.

“Maybe they’ll be reassured that they’re not crazy.”

The mission of the veterans on the bus tour is to “recruit new members, inform service members about their rights and ability to oppose the Iraq war and gain community support for our message that this war is not, and will never be, winnable, moral or justified,” said Madden, in an e-mail announcing the bus tour.

At each base they visit, the former service members will “meet and greet” active-duty service members and invite them to an off-base function where they can learn more about their right to oppose the war.

“In the age of YouTube and blogs, people are neglecting the most powerful tool of outreach — showing up and having a meaningful conversation,” said Madden.

The “Bring the War Home” bus tour starts in Washington, D.C., in June and will travel to 20 military bases, including Fort Drum in New York and the New London Naval Submarine Base in Connecticut.

The tour is similar to one conducted by Veterans for Peace in 2005.

“We feel the veterans and the people still in the military have the power to effectively end this war by opposing it, either from within the ranks or from the viewpoint of those who have served in Iraq,” said Kelly Dougherty, a co-founder of Iraq Veterans Against the War and a former member of the Colorado National Guard.

“People on active duty are being mistreated by this administration and at the same time they feel powerless to vocalize their opposition to the war,” she said.

To make matters worse, many who serve in the military consider speaking out an act of disloyalty to the command structure and to the president himself.

There is also the image of the war protesters as “aging hippies,” said Dougherty, that many active duty members hold to be true. By having former service members speak to the troops, perhaps they can see that the anti-war movement is full of people from all walks of life, even war veterans, she said.

“It shows people still in the military that there is a movement of young people in and out of the service who they can relate to.”

Iraq Veterans Against the War was founded by Iraq war veterans in July 2004 “to give a voice to the large number of active duty service people and veterans who are against this war, but are under various pressures to remain silent.”

The group has members in 43 states and on military bases around the world, including in Iraq, said Madden. Members speak at community events, in classrooms and to the media about their experiences in Iraq and how they came about to oppose the war.

Other efforts by Iraq Veterans Against the War include a truth-in-recruiting campaign in schools and college campuses and the support of conscientious objectors.

Bob Audette can be reached at raudette@reformer.com or 802-254-2311, ext. 273.

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Weekly Update: Saving Lives by Preventing ‘Suicide by Cop’

May 30, 2007

Dear  VCS Supporter:

Suicide is a tough subject. If you could save a life, would you? A veteran’s life? A police officer’s life? A hostage’s life?

The number of Iraq and Afghanistan war veteran suicides keeps escalating. And a highly disturbing, yet very small, pattern is emerging: suicide by cop.

Here are three disturbing cases of potential suicide by cop, where a veteran would rather die in a hail off civilian police gunfire than return back through the gates of hell to the Iraq War combat zone.

Andres Raya in California in 2005. James Dean in Maryland in 2006. And Brian Skold in Minnesota in 2007.

If the deaths of these three recent combat veterans are an indicator, then Americans may face more tragic suicide by cop incidents as more soldiers are sent back to fight a second, third, or fourth time to the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.

In 1998 I gave a speech to a Veterans of Foreign Wars post about a fellow Gulf War veteran who killed himself. An older VFW member said that I should just get over it because veterans kill themselves after every war.

That type of do-nothing defeatism expressed after the Gulf War isn’t tolerated here at Veterans for Common Sense. In 1997, a troubled and armed Gulf War veteran contemplating suicide in front of his daughter called me at home one night. After a marathon phone call, I was able to get the police and his minister to negotiate a peaceful resolution.

This issue of combat veteran suicides is in the national spotlight thanks to the superb efforts of my friends Steve Robinson and Paul Rieckhoff. The Associated Press recently reported that, “although suicides among troops returning from the war is a significant problem, the scope is unknown.” The number of post-Vietnam War suicides should have taught VA and the military a lesson: take care of our veterans.

Here is VA’s lame duck excuse: “We don’t keep that data,” said Karen Fedele, a VA spokeswoman in Washington. “I’m told that somebody here is going to do an analysis, but there just is nothing right now.” After five years of escalating war, the failure of the Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs to have a firm handle on suicides is both unconscionable and unacceptable. VA’s new Under Secretary for Health Michael Kussman needs work with DoD’s new Assistant Secretary for Health Affairs, Ward Casscells to fix this emerging problem now.

If we know suicides increase after war, then most of them can be monitored and many may be prevented. Therefore, we must collect information about suicides among our veterans and implement adequate mental health programs for veterans and families to reduce the number of post-war suicides among our veterans.

There are practical solutions. First, the military must implement mandatory mental health screening in order to reduce stigma. This means beefing up pre-enlistment, pre-deployment, post-deployment, and six-month-post-deployment psychological evaluations with face-to-face evaluations by certified professionals.

Second, since the administration keeps escalating the two wars and repeatedly re-deploying our service members, thus raising the risk for mental health wounds, then the military must operationalize mental health training, just as we do to prevent hot weather injuries in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Third, the military and VA can make sure there is immediate access to high-quality mental healthcare. There must be zero-tolerance for tragic situations such as Jonathan Schulze in Minnesota.

Fourth, the military and VA must quickly work with law enforcement to provide training for police offices responding to our veterans in emergency situations. The press, religious groups, and civic groups can assist, too. Our returning veterans, more than one third of whom are returning home with mental health conditions, should not be portrayed as violent by the media.

Fifth, keep expanding VA’s highly successful Vet Center program already providing free and prompt mental health readjustment counseling services to nearly 200,000 Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans. Vet Centers are now a reliable major safety net to prevent our war veterans from falling through the cracks. If you know of a veteran with questions, reassure them it is OK to seek help. Call (800) 827-1000 or visit VA’s web site to find the nearest Vet Center: www.va.gov

As a nation we can and must do better to honor our sacred contract with our veterans. The President, Secretary of Defense, and Secretary of Veterans Affairs can start the ball rolling with a strong national call to end stigma for post-war mental health problems and institute robust screening, prompt treatment, and thorough training.

The alternative is bloody shoot-out in an alley, at a farm house, or on an interstate freeway.

In the news. VCS was quoted twice in major news articles during the Memorial Day weekend, one about VA’s financial problems, and another one about VA’s anti-PTSD policies.

Finally, please donate to VCS this week. Let’s end May 2007 with a flood of donations so we can hire more staff. Your generous contribution this month maintains our efforts raising issues and promoting common sense solutions.

Share VCS. Forward this e-mail to your friends and please ask them to donate.

Thank you for your support. After two months back in action, we are back to operating one hundred percent due to your gnerosity.

Sincerley,

Paul Sullivan
Executive Director
Veterans for Common Sense

Veterans for Common Sense May 2007 Fundraising Campaign

Goal: $10,000

Help us meet our goal by May 31, 2007.

Multiple Ways to Support Veterans for Common Sense

Make a donation through PayPal

Give by credit card through Groundspring.org

Designate VCS to benefit from your eBay auction

Try GiveLine.com for your shopping and community-minded giving

Send a check to:
Veterans for Common Sense
1101 Pennsylvania Ave., SE, Suite 203
Washington, DC 20003

 

 

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Memorial Day 2007: 10 U.S. soldiers perish in helicopter crash, bombings in Iraq War

BAGHDAD, Iraq, May 30, 2007 — Ten American soldiers were killed in roadside bombings and a helicopter crash on Memorial Day in Iraq, making May — at 113 fatalities — the third deadliest month of the war.

Six of the U.S. soldiers were killed in an insurgent roadside bomb ambush as they raced to rescue two others, who died in a helicopter crash. The military did not say if the helicopter was shot down or had mechanical problems. All eight died in Diyala province north of the capital.

“We know that the helicopter had received ground fire, but do not know yet the cause of the helicopter going down,” Lt. Col. Christopher Garver said.

Two other American troopers died Monday in a roadside bombing in south Baghdad, the military said.

On Tuesday, gunmen in police uniforms and driving vehicles used by security forces kidnapped five Britons from an Iraqi Finance Ministry office.

About 40 heavily armed men snatched the five Britons from an annex and sped away in a convoy of 19 four-wheel-drive vehicles toward Sadr City, the Mahdi Army stronghold not far away, according to the British Foreign office in London and Iraqi officials in the Interior and Finance ministries.

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Ordered to Iraq War, an Afghanistan War Veteran Goes Down Fighting

Asked to Serve Again, a Soldier Goes Down Fighting

May 27, 2007, HOLLYWOOD, MARYLAND – The sniper fired. It was a clean shot, if there is such a thing. And down for good fell another American soldier.

His name was Sergeant James Dean, but everyone called him Jamie. He was the farm boy who fished, hunted and tossed a horseshoe like nobody else. He was the guy at the end of Toots Bar, nursing a Bud and talking Nascar. He was the driver of that blue Silverado at the red light, his hands on the wheel, his mind on combat horrors that made him moody, angry, withdrawn.

Now here he was, another American soldier, dead. Only Sergeant Dean was killed at the front door of his childhood home, the day after Christmas and three weeks before his redeployment, shot by a sniper representing the government for whom he had already risked his life in Afghanistan. His wife and parents received the news not by a knock on the door, but by gunfire in the neighborhood.

“If they had just left him alone,” says his wife, Muriel.

In the summer of 2001, weeks before Sept. 11, Jamie stunned his family by enlisting in the Army; he was 23. A woman had just broken his heart, yes, but he explained that he wanted to experience life beyond installing air conditioners in confining St. Mary’s County. And his younger sister, an Air Force medic, had been talking up the military.

From April 2004 to April 2005, Jamie served in Afghanistan, far from the Chesapeake Bay. Now and then he’d talk to family members by telephone. “Just, ‘Hi, I’m fine,’ ” his mother, Elaine, says. “Or, ‘It sucks here.’ ”

Jamie came back quieter in the summer of 2005, with “DEAN” tattooed on his upper back and a cobra tattooed on his muscle-defined arm. But he kept private any changes beneath the skin, his mother says. “ ‘You don’t want to know, Mom,’ he would always say.”

One night at Toots, while drinking a beer, he met a woman named Muriel whose bluish-green eyes entranced him. The couple became inseparable, cobbling together a family that included her two children, three dogs and a cat. Muriel’s good for Jamie, people said, even without knowing how she was nudging him to get counseling for nightmares so bad they would both wake up soaked in sweat.

“The patient states he feels very nervous, has a hard time sleeping, feels nauseous in the a.m., and loses his temper a lot, ‘real bad,’ ” reported a Veterans Affairs evaluation from December 2005. “Was nearby an explosion that destroyed an Humvee with four G.I.’s killed in front of his eyes.”

“The patient is tired of feeling bad,” it said.

Jamie was prescribed some medication that did not seem to work at first. (“Cries for no reason,” said a report in February 2006.) His doctor adjusted the prescription.

Things got better, it seemed. Jamie returned to air-conditioning work. He donned a white tuxedo and married Muriel in a summer ceremony at the Elks Lodge. He sang some country-western karaoke and talked about getting his wife to go deer hunting.

A few days after Thanksgiving, a FedEx truck delivered an envelope to the Dean farm just as Jamie was about to go hunting. It was a form letter of redeployment, as impersonal as a bank statement.

“It was downhill after that,” Muriel says.

He withdrew from the present, it seemed. He drank more, and took his medication less. Finally, on Christmas Day, he and Muriel returned from a family gathering with plans to watch his favorite football team, the Dallas Cowboys, on television. He went out to buy some beer — but went to Toots Bar instead.

She called him, and he came home, livid. He smashed some glasses, said something about winding up in a body bag, and sped away in his Silverado. He wound up at the family home, alone, talking on a cellphone with his sister, Kelly, saying things like: “I just can’t do it anymore.”

When his sister heard a gunshot, she called 911. The deputy sheriffs arrived at the isolated farmhouse around 10 p.m. and quickly determined that Jamie was drunk, agitated and carrying a shotgun. He told the deputies to back off.

Based on something a family member had said, the police knew that Jamie had other shotguns in the house, but they mistakenly believed he was an Army Ranger. “Rambo,” his mother says ruefully.

At 4:19 in the morning, the police shot dozens of tear-gas canisters, smashing the windows in front of Jamie’s horseshoe trophies, piercing walls decorated with garland. Several minutes later, Jamie fired shotgun pellets in the general direction of a police car parked at least 50 yards away. Then he sat down on the back porch.

A situation in which an armed man was in his own house, alone and a threat to no one but himself, had now escalated into a military action. On the ground, men with guns; in the sky, the whop-whop of helicopters. Now and then, Jamie would respond to some movement or sound with a shot into the ground or into the air.

Around noon, two negotiators pulled up to a family friend’s garage, where Jamie’s loved ones were cloistered a half-mile away. His wife was pacing. His mother was bracing herself. His father, Joey, was staring into the woods.

The negotiators asked them to say gentle things to Jamie into a tape-recorder. Muriel remembers calling him baby, saying she loved him and asking him to come on out.

At 12:25, a negotiator talked briefly by telephone to Jamie, who indicated he might come out; “I’m going home,” he said. Then the police cellphone’s battery died.

At 12:34, Jamie was reached again by telephone, but the volume was low and the negotiator could not make out what was being said.

At 12:45, the police cut power to the house and began shooting more tear gas through the front and the back of the house.

At 12:47, an armored vehicle called a Peace Keeper pulled up to the house. Jamie opened the front door and, according to the police, pointed his 20-gauge shotgun at the vehicle. A state police sniper, positioned in a garage 70 yards away, took aim.

Later, a spokesman for the Maryland State Police would say the department was reviewing its actions, but would refer to a statement by its superintendent, Col. Thomas E. Hutchins, in which he said that Sergeant Dean bore “sole responsibility.” The police could not walk away, the colonel had said, because the soldier had the potential to do harm to himself or to others.

Later, Richard D. Fritz, the state’s attorney for St. Mary’s County, would criticize the state police as using tactics that were “progressively assaultive” and “most unfortunate.” In the end, he would say, this paramilitary operation was “directed at an individual down at the end of a dark road, holed up in his father’s house, with no hostages.”

And later, the Dean family would be left with the mess of absence. Jamie’s blood on the cream-colored carpet. The dozens of holes in the walls. The family photo albums that still carry the whiff of tear gas, burning the eyes.

But at that moment, in the early afternoon of the day after Christmas, they heard the gunfire in the distance, and they knew another American soldier had fallen.

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