Senators Seek Major Improvements in Medical Care for Wounded Warriors

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE                               
May 3, 2007                    

Contact: Pryor, Michael Teague (501) 324-6336
             Pryor, Lisa Ackerman (202) 224-2353
            Chambliss, Lindsay Mabry (202) 224-3423
                               

Pryor, Chambliss Seek Major Improvements in Medical Care for Wounded Warriors

WASHINGTON , D.C. – U.S. Senators Mark Pryor (D-AR) and Saxby Chambliss (R-GA) today introduced legislation to ensure the medical needs of wounded servicemen and women are properly met and that bureaucracy does not interfere with their progress.

 The Senators – both members of the Senate Armed Services Committee – introduced the Wounded Warrior Assistance Act of 2007 to improve the access and quality of health care our military personnel receive.  Specifically, the legislation requires case managers for outpatients to handle no more than 17 cases and review each case once a week; creates a system of patient advocates; increases funding to hire additional physicians, increases training for health care professionals, medical case managers and patient advocates with an emphasis on identifying and treating Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and Traumatic Brain Injuries; establishes a toll-free hotline for patients and their families to report problems with medical facilities or patient care; creates an independent advocate to counsel service members appearing before medical evaluation boards and establishes a pilot program to improve the transition from military to civilian life for wounded combat veterans. Similar legislation, H.R.1538, was passed by the House of Representatives by a vote of 426-0 in late March.

“More than 24,900 soldiers have been wounded in Iraq . We owe it to them and their loved ones to have a responsive health care system in place, in addition to the very best medical care available,” said Pryor.  “Our legislation increases the resources available to our veterans to allow them to focus on healing rather than red tape.”

 “Our service members need and deserve the best medical care and attention we can offer them, and this bill will help provide that,” said Senator Chambliss.  “They do not need to be disadvantaged by an out-dated, bureaucratic process that adds more stress to their recovery.”

Pryor and Chambliss said reports of bureaucratic hurdles and substandard facilities at Walter Reed intensified their efforts to improve the military healthcare system. Their goal with this legislation is to prevent such incidents from being repeated at Walter Reed or any other military health care facility nationwide.

“Last week, I visited Arkansas soldiers at Walter Reed. They are determined and inspiring individuals, but they will need top-notch medical care and a lot of prayer in order to recover,” Pryor said. “I do believe it would be helpful for them, as well as the thousands of other wounded servicemen and women in similar situations, to have an advocate on their side who fully understands the ins and outs of the system.”

“This legislation is a step in the right direction to reform and modernize the out-patient treatment process, and it will increase the morale and welfare of our recovering service members.  They deserve our fullest support.  We are committed to meeting their needs, and this bill will accomplish that,” said Chambliss.

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Rep. Mitchell Vows Hearings on Lucrative Bonuses to Top VA Officials

NEWS RELEASE

For Immediate Release
May 3, 2007
 
CONTACT:  Seth Scott
d: (202) 226-8715
c: (202) 731-7212

MITCHELL VOWS HEARINGS ON LUCRATIVE BONUSES TO TOP VA OFFICIALS

Top VA Officials Rewarded with ‘Most Lucrative’ Bonuses in Government Despite Allegation They May Have ‘Deliberately Misled’ Public About Veterans Care Cuts

WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Rep. Harry Mitchell today said he will hold Congressional hearings to examine reports that top Department of Veterans Affairs officials were paid the “most lucrative” bonuses in government at the same time they may have “deliberately misled taxpayers” in an effort “to justify Bush administration cuts to health care amid a burgeoning Iraq war.” [Source: Associated Press, May 3, 2007]

“These reports point to an apparent gross injustice at the VA that we have a responsibility to investigate,” said Mitchell. “No government official should ever be rewarded for misleading taxpayers, and the VA should not be handing out the most lucrative bonuses in government as veterans are waiting months and months to see a doctor. These are misplaced priorities.”

Mitchell is the Chairman of the House Veterans’ Affairs Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations.

The Associated Press reported, “Months after a politically embarrassing $1 billion shortfall that put veterans’ health care in peril, Veterans Affairs officials involved in the foul-up got hefty bonuses ranging up to $33,000…. Among those receiving payments were a deputy assistant secretary and several regional directors who crafted the VA’s flawed budget for 2005 based on misleading accounting. They received performance payments up to $33,000 each, a figure equal to about 20 percent of their annual salaries.” [Source: Associated Press, May 3, 2007]

Last September, the Government Accountability Office “determined the VA had used misleading accounting methods and claimed false savings of more than $1.3 billion, apparently because President Bush was not willing, at the time, to ask Congress for more money.” [Source: Associated Press, May 3, 2007]

According to the General Accounting Office, “Unrealistic assumptions, errors in estimation, and insufficient data were key factors in VA’s budget formulation process that contributed to the requests for additional funding in fiscal years 2005 and 2006…. Furthermore, insufficient data in VA’s initial budget projections contributed to the additional funding requests. For example, VA underestimated the cost of serving veterans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan ….” [Source: General Accounting Office report, September 2006]

The bonuses were issued at a time of serious need for veterans. For example, the VA estimated that veterans suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, or PTSD, wait an average of 90 days for a follow-up appointment. Last month, members of Mitchell’s Veterans’ Advisory Council explained that long wait times at VA facilities are one of most significant problems at VA facilities. [Source: General Accounting Office report, September 2004; Arizona]

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Lawmaker to VA Secretary – Step Down Now

An Illinois Democrat is calling on Secretary of Veterans Affairs R. James Nicholson to resign for having paid bonuses to senior federal workers who were responsible for a $1 billion shortfall in the VA budget.

“For the health and well-being of every current and future veteran, Secretary Nicholson should step down immediately,” said Rep. Phil Hare, D-Ill., an Army Reserve veteran.

Hare, a member of the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee, isn’t the first lawmaker to call on Nicholson, a decorated Vietnam veteran and former Republican National Committee chairman, to resign.

But Nicholson has survived worse blows that this — such as the loss of personal information on 26 million people last year and claims that the VA is not fully prepared to handle Iraq and Afghanistan combat casualties — and his payment of bonuses is not universally despised, even among Democrats.

Hare, who was the architect behind a May 1 letter signed by 44 members of Congress asking for more employees at walk-in veterans clinics, said veterans deserve better.

“Veterans deserve a secretary that will fight for them, not use his or her authority to advance an ideological agenda,” Hare said. “Our veterans have suffered tremendous setbacks on Secretary Nicholson’s watch. After presiding over a $1 billion shortfall, a backlog of 600,000 disability cases, staffing shortages at vet centers, two security breaches that jeopardized the personal information of our veterans, and now, lavish bonuses to the very VA officials responsible for the whole mess, it is time to say enough is enough.”

While Hare, a longtime aide to former Rep. Lane Evans, D-Ill., called for Nicholson’s resignation, the chairman of the Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee said he was not concerned that the VA had paid bonuses. But he did question their distribution.

Sen. Daniel Akaka, D-Hawaii, said Monday that he had no problem with paying big bonuses to VA workers, who he thinks are very dedicated. But, like Hare, Akaka said he was not certain that senior members of the budget staff at the VA deserved bonuses averaging $33,000 — about 20 percent of their annual salaries — when the VA had a major budget crisis because costs were underestimated. Akaka also noted that employees in Washington, D.C., received bigger average payments than VA workers outside of D.C., implying an “entitlement for the most centrally placed or well-connected staff,” Akaka told the Associated Press.

Also receiving a top bonus was the deputy undersecretary for benefits, who helps manage a disability claims system that has a backlog of cases and delays averaging 177 days in getting benefits to injured veterans, the Associated Press reported.

VA spokesman Matt Burns said the VA did nothing wrong.

“VA and its leaders are committed to providing the best possible care and services to our nation’s veterans,” Burns said in a statement. “To best fulfill that commitment, VA needs to be able to retain knowledgeable and professional career civil servants. VA often must compete with significantly higher private-sector salaries to keep its career executive leaders.” The performance raises are authorized by Congress, he said.

Burns also defended Nicholson. “Nobody cares more about veterans than Secretary Nicholson,” Burns said. “He’s a Vietnam veteran, the son of a veteran, the father of a veteran, a brother of veterans, and an uncle to veterans. His is a military family. Secretary Nicholson’s efforts to serve his fellow veterans will not be deterred by partisan posturing and personal attacks.

VA officials told the AP that the department’s Washington-based jobs are more difficult, often involving the management of several layers of divisions.

In 2006, the VA officials receiving top bonuses included Rita Reed, the deputy assistant secretary for budget, and William Feeley, a former VA network director who is now deputy undersecretary for health for operations and management, the AP reported.

The VA’s bonus payments also were supported by Jeffrey Phillips, a spokesman for the Republican members of the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee. “The ability of VA to provide veterans with high-quality health care and accurate, timely benefits depends on employees who provide quality work at all levels,” Phillips said. “Bonuses must reflect performance — the higher the bonus, the more performance we expect.”

Rep. Bob Filner, D-Calif., the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee chairman, who has called on Nicholson to resign in the past, did not endorse Hare’s new call for Nicholson to step down, but said he also questions the bonuses.

“This nation’s veterans’ health care system is strained to the breaking point,” Filner said. “I do not understand how an under-funded agency has the resources to award a generous bonus package of $3.8 million to its employees at the same time it shoulders a backlog of 600,000 claims and asks veterans to wait months for necessary medical care.”

Over the last two years, the VA has faced an almost $2 billion shortfall, largely because it had not fully taken into account the cost of helping returning war veterans, Filner said. “It concerns me that the same officials that miscalculated the needs of our veterans were awarded with significant bonuses,” he said.

Filner said his committee’s oversight and investigations panel will review the bonuses.

Filner was among those who called for Nicholson to resign last May when the VA temporarily lost personal data on more than 26 million veterans, service members and their families after a computer and storage devices were stolen from the home of a VA employee. Filner said at the time that Nicholson was not taking enough responsibility for the loss, and that resigning would be a sign of accountability.

The White House came to Nicholson’s support, with White House spokesman Tony Snow saying that the veterans’ secretary wasn’t going to quit.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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U.S. Diplomats Returning From Iraq With PTSD

WASHINGTON — U.S. diplomats are returning from Iraq with the same debilitating, stress-related symptoms that have afflicted many U.S. troops, prompting the State Department to order a mental health survey of 1,400 employees who have completed assignments there.

Larry Brown, the State Department’s director of medical services, said that as early as this month the department will e-mail questionnaires to employees who have been posted in Iraq.

The surveys, to be completed anonymously, are intended to determine how many returning diplomats and civilian employees are suffering post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or other problems as a result of exposure to a war zone, Brown said.

State Department employees in Iraq seldom leave the capital’s heavily fortified Green Zone. Even there, though, rocket and mortar attacks are frequent and the sound of gunfire is constant. Suicide bombers have penetrated the zone on rare occasions, most recently on April 12.

The department was prodded to act by the American Foreign Service Association. It reported that some diplomats had difficulty adjusting after leaving.

Brown said the State Department is considering forming support groups “for alumni of high-stress or unaccompanied posts” — jobs in countries where the threat is so high or schools and medical facilities so poor that diplomats cannot bring family members.

The number of jobs classified by the department as unaccompanied posts has tripled since 2001 to about 700. There are about 200 such jobs in Iraq, said Henrietta Fore, undersecretary for management.

More than 1,400 State Department employees have served in Iraq since 2003. Three have been killed there.

Although U.S. diplomats have served in violent places before, they have “never been put into an active war zone in this way,” Brown said.

He said the department will use the survey results to decide whether it needs to change the way it prepares employees for assignments in Iraq and addresses any mental health problems they experience after returning.

Harry O’Hara, a 26-year State Department employee, said he suffers insomnia and has lost 15 pounds since coming back nine months ago. He recalls that while in Baghdad in 2005 and 2006, he had difficulty trying to sleep in a trailer near a landing pad for helicopters ferrying wounded troops into the Green Zone for treatment.

“What was never made clear to us was what it would be like to serve in a war zone,” O’Hara said. “I thought I was strong. I was totally unprepared.”

The U.S. military screens returning troops for PTSD. About 15{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of them experience symptoms, said Col. Elspeth Ritchie, a psychiatric consultant to the Army surgeon general.

Diplomats might be suffering PTSD to the same extent as troops, says Joseph Boscarino, an expert on war-related mental problems at the Geisinger Health System in Danville, Pa.

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Medical System Snares Wounded Warriors

WASHINGTON — Service officer Rene Deschene advises military men and women with amputated limbs, post-traumatic stress and injuries invisible to the naked eye in the Veterans of Foreign Wars office at the Togus VA Medical Center in Augusta.

Soldiers returning from duty in Iraq and Afghanistan are common clients in his office, as are those who served in Vietnam more than 30 years ago. But these men and women do not come to see Deschene to discuss their ailments or mental flashbacks.

Patients turn to him for guidance through a system that can seem as complex and daunting to newcomers as the first day of boot camp — the bureaucracy of military health care. Many who pay Deschene a visit are in the midst of medical and physical evaluations required to receive disability ratings for service compensation.

Disability ratings — on a zero to 100 percent scale — are assigned to wounded service members. The ratings determine whether members get medical retirement and what disability payments they will receive after they are discharged from military medical care.

The Department of Veterans Affairs uses the rating system to determine for each veteran what service-related health problems will be covered by its facilities. Though VA facilities use the same guidelines that are used by military facilities to determine an individual’s overall rating, the measures can vary drastically between the two systems.

Rating discrepancies between military and VA facilities occur because of the differing focus each places on medical and physical evaluations, officials from the VA and Department of Defense said.

Inside the bureaucracy

Sgt. 1st Class Brian Levensailor of Guilford, Maine, an outpatient at Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, started his disability rating process in early March after several months of medical care at the facility. He said he has yet to receive his initial claim recommendation.

Levensailor, who has been in the military for 24 years and served in Afghanistan, shows few signs of physical injuries at first glance. He said he hopes to receive a Pentagon rating above 30 percent, enabling him to take medical retirement, though he fears he may receive one much lower. Soldiers rated below 30 percent, who choose not to appeal, receive severance compensation without additional benefits.

“I’ve been told my injuries are degenerative in nature because I have arthritis now [from previous war injuries in Afghanistan],” Levensailor said. “The Army doesn’t seem to care that I have arthritis from aging in the service — not just from aging.”

The Department of Defense determines whether a person is fit or unfit for military duty according to physical and mental health and assigns a rating based on that standard. The VA evaluates the well-being of the person regardless of ability to continue military service, taking into account even minor health concerns, a process that often results in a higher rating estimate.

Soldiers can appeal their rating but risk receiving a lower score. Rating changes often occur when new medical records are brought before the Physical Evaluation Board, said Col. Andy Buchanan, the U.S. Army’s deputy commanding officer of the Physical Disability Agency at Walter Reed. If a rating is lowered it may be the result of a recent evaluation in which the individual performed better than on the same exam in the past, he said.

“Rather than the government doing what is in the best interest of the soldier and determining what is going to yield the best outcome, the medical care does a disservice,” Sen. Olympia Snowe, R-Maine, said in a telephone interview.

Because of the influx of returning wounded Iraqi war veterans, older Vietnam claims are backlogged.

“We have made [Operation Iraqi Freedom] claims a priority within the VA process because those returning from combat have a significant need for a rating,” said James Whitson, director of VA benefits for 16 New England regional offices, including Togus.

Those who served in Iraq and Afghanistan now represent 8 percent to 10 percent of pending VA disability claims, Whitson said.

“The older vets are being pushed behind for treatment now that the [Iraq] service members are coming home,” Deschene said.

Soldier advocates

Deschene and other service officers from veterans organizations throughout the state serve as resources for soldiers receiving VA medical care at Togus. But those awaiting disability ratings at military hospitals such as Walter Reed lack a strong network of on-site soldier advocates, according to critics of the system.

At Togus, service officers such as Deschene are paid by their affiliate veterans organization, not the hospital.

“The department service officer is the only person legally able to represent a veteran and present a [disability] claim to the VA,” said James Bachelder, senior vice commander of the Maine Veterans of Foreign Wars. “They go through much training to do so.”

Without soldier advocates to advise them, some service members in military care are unaware of the options for their service pay and what might be most beneficial to them, making the transition into VA care and civilian life increasingly difficult.

Although soldiers in military facilities are assigned case managers by the Department of Defense for help with medical appointments and care, most case managers lack in-depth knowledge of the disability rating system. Some soldiers settle on disability claims unaware of other options because they lack guidance, Levensailor said.

Disability evaluations

Medical injuries and illness deeply rooted in a soldier’s past can affect medical and physical service evaluations in military and VA facilities, Buchanan of Walter Reed said.

But some soldiers interpret low ratings given for various reasons as the Army’s attempt to save money.

“The ultimate goal seems to be to put everybody out that [the military] can without medically retiring them,” Levensailor said. “Medical retirees’ pay comes out of the Army budget, so if soldiers are pushed out onto VA, then they receive VA compensation out of the VA budget.”

Buchanan said the Physical Evaluation Board follows strict guidelines used by all military service branches to ensure each soldier is accurately and fairly assessed.

Two-thirds of the service members evaluated by the Department of Defense have muscular and skeletal injuries that often result in a disability rating below 30 percent based on their determined fitness for duty, Buchanan said.

According to data from the Physical Evaluation Board, on average 20 percent of evaluated soldiers received disability ratings each fiscal year that make them eligible for medical retirement.

“We are stringent about treating everybody fairly and equally,” Buchanan said. “A bullet doesn’t discriminate, so we don’t want to discriminate between injuries.”

Wounded Warrior Act

The Wounded Warrior Act, introduced in March and now under consideration in the Senate, would address many of the concerns raised by soldiers in military care, Snowe said.

Under the bill, stricter routine inspections in military facilities would be enforced and additional services would be available to those in care, easing the transition into VA services.

“There are no advocates for the soldiers and I think that is a very important assessment we need to act upon,” Snowe said.

Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, said in a telephone interview that providing additional resources for soldiers in these facilities rivals the urgency of increasing hospital staff.

“Waiting times [for disability ratings] are far too long,” Collins said.

The next step

Changes to the medical system are under way and the processing time for disability claims has improved in the past few months, Buchanan said, noting that the quality of medical care remains consistent.

The Army released a pocket booklet the last week of April outlining the disability rating process, and it will be distributed to service members at Walter Reed and military facilities throughout the country, he said. The booklet serves as a reference point for soldiers at various stages of the rating process.

Buchanan also said Physical Evaluation Board members from each service branch are expected to convene early this month to determine why the number of Army medical retirees is lower than that in other service branches when the same rating schedule is used to evaluate disability claims.

“All but two of my physicians on the Physical Evaluation Board [who assess soldiers for disability claims] are retired military,” Buchanan said. “They understand where these guys are coming from and they treat all equally in their evaluations.”

Collins, who sits on the Senate Armed Services Committee, said there is a lot of work under way at the Pentagon and in Congress to assess the disability rating system and reform military health care.

“I am very concerned that [the] transition between the military health care system and the VA system is a confusing bureaucracy for far too many injured veterans,” Collins said. “That really troubles me.”

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US Army Ranks Begin to Thin

Thousands more mid-level enlisted soldiers are leaving the Army than in each of the past two years, forcing the service to increase its use of pay-to-stay programs and find other ways to keep GIs in the fold.

Four years into the fight in Iraq, the Army continues to be successful in retaining enough soldiers overall – “a miracle” to some observers, because the war has lasted so long. But that success masks a growing problem within the ranks: Fewer mid-grade sergeants are opting to stay in the Army as many face yet another deployment to Iraq – and, more important, Army officials say, less time at home.

While a reenlistment shortfall in any Army group is cause for concern, many consider the declining rate among mid-grade sergeants to be a sign of potential bigger reenlistment problems for the Army down the line. In addition, the fact that more mid-level soldiers are leaving could have a long-term impact on the Army’s ability to grow future leaders.

The Army has seen the reenlistment rate of mid-grade enlisted soldiers drop 12 percentage points, from 96 percent during the first quarter of 2005 to a low of 84 percent for the first quarter of 2007, according to Pentagon data. As of March, the Army is as much as 10 percentage points behind where it was in retaining mid-grade soldiers at that time in 2005 and 2006. (The overall retention goal for mid-grade soldiers in fiscal year 2006 was about 25,000.)

Although Army officials say they will make their overall retention goals by the end of the fiscal year – in September – the decline means this will be the hardest year so far when it comes to keeping soldiers in uniform since the war in Iraq began.

How bad the problem is depends on whom you ask. To some, the trend is further proof that the war in Iraq has broken the back of the Army. Others believe it remains only an ominous warning light on the Army’s collective dashboard but does not mean there is a crisis.

Either way, if mid-grade soldiers do not “re-up” in enough numbers, the Army will have a problem that will only worsen if not corrected soon.

“I am not alarmed to the point that we are breaking the Army, but [the numbers] are creeping up,” says Army Lt. Gen. David McKiernan, who commands Army forces in Europe. “We can’t lose the leadership of the US Army, or we will be broken.”

Uniformed and civilian officials, both in and outside the Pentagon, have also expressed worry about the commissioned officer corps. The “loss rate” among lieutenants and captains has climbed since the war began, from 6 percent in 2003 to 8 percent in 2006.

Army officials have expanded incentive programs to keep soldiers in, raising the ceilings on reenlistment bonuses for soldiers in specific jobs from $15,000 to $20,000. It’s also paying as much as $150,000 to retain soldiers in special-forces jobs.

In addition, the service has created an extra bonus of $7,500 for those who reenlist during fiscal year 2007. Many of these bonuses are tax-free if the reenlistment occurs in a war zone.

A recent Associated Press review of bonus programs shows that the Army and Marine Corps will spend more than $1 billion on reenlistment bonuses during fiscal 2007, up from $174 million in 2003.

The service has also tried to reassign soldiers who have deployed multiple times to nondeploying jobs within the Army, says Army Sgt. Maj. Scott Kuhar, a senior Army career counselor in the Pentagon.

All this raises both short- and long-term concerns about the health of the Army, says Larry Korb, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, a liberal think tank in Washington.

“The Army has got a tough job,” says Mr. Korb, a personnel chief at the Pentagon in the 1980s. “They didn’t start this war and they probably didn’t want to have it, but now they have to deal with the consequences of it.”

Korb worries that various pay-to-stay programs that the Army is employing may have a long-term effect by retaining soldiers who might otherwise have gotten out. “You want the people who love the Army and want to stay in,” he says. While the money keeps them in for now, Korb adds, they won’t stay when the reenlistment cash disappears.

Army officials counter that the average bonus paid to reenlist a soldier – about $11,000 – is not enough to fundamentally change the nature of the Army’s soldier population and is only helping get the service through this rough period.

Others are not sounding the alarm, at least not yet. One who does not see a crisis is Bernard Rostker, who left as head of the Pentagon’s personnel department in 2000. “There is going to be burnout, and this war is burnout No. 1,” says Mr. Rostker, a senior fellow at the RAND Corp. “The miracle is that the force is still with us, not that we’re down from 96 to 84 percent. To me, that’s a good news story.”

Army officials have found one interesting trend among soldiers who’ve been polled informally on what is driving them away: While many joined the service to go to combat in a war zone, it’s the lack of time at home, or “dwell time,” that hurts, Sergeant Major Kuhar says.

Under a new policy, units will not deploy with less than 12 months of time at home. But the larger goal is to give them two years between deployments – a goal the military won’t reach anytime soon.

“The No. 1 thing was dwell time,” Kuhar says. “It came back loud and clear to us that they just want more time with their families or with their friends before they deploy.”

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Injured Connecticut Soldier Denied Service Benefits

(Southington-WTNH) _ A presidential task force has announced new measures to improve what it describes as unacceptably poor coordination between the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) and the defense department when it comes to helping wounded veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan prove their disability claims.

Just last week veterans affairs Secretary Jim Nicholson said “these heroes should not have to fight bureaucratic red tape for benefits earned by their courageous service.” Ryan Riddle is a Connecticut veteran who has been fighting through that red tape ever since he was wounded in Iraq.

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It was a dangerous job in a dangerous place, guarding a checkpoint from a bunker in Baghdad’s Green Zone. But it was not insurgents Riddle had to worry about on a hot summer night two years ago, it was a bullet from an M-16 carried by one of his own comrades.

“It felt like someone took a sledge hammer to my thigh, I couldn’t even stand,” said Riddle. “I had to be walked to my vehicle and when I put up my leg the bleeding just started and it wouldn’t stop.”

It was an accidental shooting which left very real scars from shrapnel wounds to Riddle’s wrist and legs. Doctors were unable to remove part of the bullet in his leg because it was too close to an artery.

Riddle received a commendation for his service at the checkpoint; the soldier who shot him got a reprimand. Riddle was discharged and moved home to Southington. He filed for service related benefits for the gun shot wound, and doctors at the Newington Veterans hospital told him there is no proof of his injury.

Riddle said he was told doctors were not sure if he was shot on the streets of Hartford or in Iraq. Despite X-rays that clearly showed a bullet still lodged in Riddle’s thigh the VA denied his claim saying “service records do not document a gunshot wound to the left thigh during service.”

Somehow, Riddle’s service records had been lost.

“I was taken a back, I didn’t know what to say,” said Riddle. “You know I thought when I served my country and fought a war that I’d at least be taken care of after it was done but it’s just the system.”

Both the VA and Defense Department would not help Riddle so News Channel 8 joined the fight. First, tracking down the family of Riddle’s sergeant, still stationed in Iraq. News Channel 8 also contacted Sgt. Dirk Humphries and received a detailed account of what happened. We also obtained a second letter from another soldier who was there at the time of Riddle’s shooting.

As the collected evidence piled up in support of Riddle’s story, the VA denied his appeal, again saying it still could not find evidence he was shot in Iraq.

So News Channel 8 went to Washington D.C. to confront the VA. The VA declined a request for an interview, News Channel 8’s Alan Cohn showed up at a Senate Veterans Affairs Committee hearing and waited for Ronald Aument, the VA’s under Secretary for Benefits.

“The question is, how could a TV station from Connecticut reach out to people in Baghdad and confirm that this private was shot and the VA can’t?
“Frankly, I don’t know the facts, but I’ll be happy to look into it,” Aument said.

Mary Ellen McCarthy is with the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee and said by law the VA is required to help research claims. But in reality, sometimes it is next to impossible because the VA cannot access the Defense Department’s computer system to search service records.

“People are more interested in instruments of war than they are in providing a paper trail for a disabled veteran and until that changes I think we’re going to continue to see some problems in this area,” said McCarthy.

In the case of Ryan Riddle, News Channel 8 provided the evidence of the gunshot wound the VA was not able to get on its own.

“I can assure you we’ll look into it promptly,” Aument said. “We’re going to do the right thing by every veteran who comes to us.”

That was almost a month ago. News Channel 8 turned over a letter written on Army stationary by Riddle’s sergeant who was with him when he was shot. We even offered to give the VA the x-rays that show the bullet lodged in his thigh, but as of right now, Riddle’s claim is still denied.

The VA said the documents help but it is still trying to get a hold of the soldiers that we had no trouble contacting to corroborate their story.

Rep. John Larson, who has been following the case, said it’s ridiculous. “It seems they are in deny, deny, deny mode instead of being there to help the veteran,” said Larson.

The VA denies that and said it is just following the process it’s required to.

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Editorial – America’s Shadow Army in Iraq

May 1, 2007 | The Democratic leadership in Congress is once again gearing up for a great sellout on the Iraq war. While the wrangling over the $124 billion Iraq supplemental spending bill is being headlined in the media as a “showdown” or “war” with the White House, it is hardly that. In plain terms, despite the impassioned sentiments of the antiwar electorate that brought the Democrats to power last November, the congressional leadership has made clear its intention to keep funding the Iraq occupation, even though Sen. Harry Reid has declared that “this war is lost.”

For months, the Democrats’ “withdrawal” plan has come under fire from opponents of the occupation who say it doesn’t stop the war, doesn’t defund it, and ensures that tens of thousands of U.S. troops will remain in Iraq beyond President Bush’s second term. Such concerns were reinforced by Sen. Barack Obama’s recent declaration that the Democrats will not cut off funding for the war, regardless of the president’s policies. “Nobody,” he said, “wants to play chicken with our troops.”

As the New York Times reported, “Lawmakers said they expect that Congress and Mr. Bush would eventually agree on a spending measure without the specific timetable” for (partial) withdrawal, which the White House has said would “guarantee defeat.” In other words, the appearance of a fierce debate this week, presidential veto and all, has largely been a show with a predictable outcome.

While all of this is troubling, there is another disturbing fact that speaks volumes about the Democrats’ lack of insight into the nature of this unpopular war — and most Americans will know next to nothing about it. Even if the president didn’t veto their legislation, the Democrats’ plan does almost nothing to address the second largest force in Iraq — and it’s not the British military. It’s the estimated 126,000 private military “contractors” who will stay put there as long as Congress continues funding the war.

The 145,000 active-duty U.S. forces are nearly matched by occupation personnel that currently come from companies like Blackwater USA and the former Halliburton subsidiary KBR, which enjoy close personal and political ties with the Bush administration. Until Congress reins in these massive corporate forces and the whopping federal funding that goes into their coffers, partially withdrawing U.S. troops may only set the stage for the increased use of private military companies (and their rent-a-guns) that stand to profit from any kind of privatized future “surge” in Iraq.

From the beginning, these contractors have been a major hidden story of the war, almost uncovered in the mainstream media and absolutely central to maintaining the U.S. occupation of Iraq. While many of them perform logistical support activities for American troops, including the sort of laundry, fuel and mail delivery and food-preparation work that once was performed by soldiers, tens of thousands of them are directly engaged in military and combat activities. According to the Government Accountability Office, there are now some 48,000 employees of private military companies in Iraq. These not-quite GI Joes, working for Blackwater and other major U.S. firms, can clear in a month what some active-duty soldiers make in a year. “We got 126,000 contractors over there, some of them making more than the secretary of defense,” said House Defense Appropriations Subcommittee chairman John Murtha. “How in the hell do you justify that?”

House Oversight and Government Reform Committee chairman Rep. Henry Waxman estimates that $4 billion in taxpayer money has so far been spent in Iraq on these armed “security” companies like Blackwater — with tens of billions more going to other war companies like KBR and Fluor for “logistical” support. Rep. Jan Schakowsky of the House Intelligence Committee believes that up to 40 cents of every dollar spent on the occupation has gone to war contractors.

With such massive government payouts, there is little incentive for these companies to minimize their footprint in the region and every incentive to look for more opportunities to profit — especially if, sooner or later, the “official” U.S. presence shrinks, giving the public a sense of withdrawal, of a winding down of the war. Even if George W. Bush were to sign the legislation the Democrats have passed, their plan “allows the president the leeway to escalate the use of military security contractors directly on the battlefield,” Erik Leaver of the Institute for Policy Studies points out. It would “allow the president to continue the war using a mercenary army.”

The crucial role of contractors in continuing the occupation was driven home in January when David Petraeus, the general running the president’s “surge” plan in Baghdad, cited private forces as essential to winning the war. In his confirmation hearings in the Senate, he claimed that they fill a gap attributable to insufficient troop levels available to an overstretched military. Along with Bush’s official troop surge, the “tens of thousands of contract security forces,” Petraeus told the senators, “give me the reason to believe that we can accomplish the mission.” Indeed, Gen. Petraeus admitted that he has, at times, been guarded in Iraq not by the U.S. military, but “secured by contract security.”

Such widespread use of contractors, especially in mission-critical operations, should have raised red flags among lawmakers. After a trip to Iraq last month, retired Gen. Barry McCaffrey observed bluntly, “We are overly dependent on civilian contractors. In extreme danger — they will not fight.” It is, however, the political rather than military uses of these forces that should be cause for the greatest concern.

 Contractors have provided the White House with political cover, allowing for a back-door near-doubling of U.S. forces in Iraq through the private sector, while masking the full extent of the human costs of the occupation. Although contractor deaths are not effectively tallied, at least 770 contractors have been killed in Iraq and another 7,700 injured. These numbers are not included in any official (or media) toll of the war. More significantly, there is absolutely no effective system of oversight or accountability governing contractors and their operations, nor is there any effective law — military or civilian — being applied to their activities. They have not been subjected to military courts-martial (despite a recent congressional attempt to place them under the Uniform Code of Military Justice), nor have they been prosecuted in U.S. civilian courts — and, no matter what their acts in Iraq, they cannot be prosecuted in Iraqi courts. Before Paul Bremer, Bush’s viceroy in Baghdad, left Iraq in 2004, he issued an edict, known as Order 17. It immunized contractors from prosecution in Iraq, which, today, is like the wild West, full of roaming Iraqi death squads and scores of unaccountable, heavily armed mercenaries, ex-military men from around the world, working for the occupation. For the community of contractors in Iraq, immunity and impunity are welded together.

Despite the tens of thousands of contractors passing through Iraq and several well-documented incidents involving alleged contractor abuses, only two individuals have ever been indicted for crimes there. One was charged with stabbing a fellow contractor, while the other pleaded guilty to the possession of child-pornography images on his computer at Abu Ghraib prison. While dozens of American soldiers have been court-martialed — 64 on murder-related charges — not a single armed contractor has been prosecuted for a crime against an Iraqi. In some cases, where contractors were alleged to have been involved in crimes or deadly incidents, their companies whisked them out of Iraq to safety.

As one armed contractor recently informed the Washington Post, “We were always told, from the very beginning, if for some reason something happened and the Iraqis were trying to prosecute us, they would put you in the back of a car and sneak you out of the country in the middle of the night.” According to another, U.S. contractors in Iraq had their own motto: “What happens here today, stays here today.”

“These private contractors are really an arm of the administration and its policies,” argues Rep. Dennis Kucinich, who has called for a withdrawal of all U.S. contractors from Iraq. “They charge whatever they want with impunity. There’s no accountability as to how many people they have, as to what their activities are.”

Until now, this situation has largely been the doing of a Republican-controlled Congress and White House. No longer.

While some congressional Democrats have publicly expressed grave concerns about the widespread use of these private forces and a handful have called for their withdrawal, the party leadership has done almost nothing to stop, or even curb, the use of mercenary corporations in Iraq. As it stands, the Bush administration and the industry have little to fear from Congress on this score, despite the unseating of the Republican majority.

On two central fronts, accountability and funding, the Democrats’ approach has been severely flawed, playing into the agendas of both the White House and the war contractors. Some Democrats, for instance, are pushing accountability legislation that would actually require more U.S. personnel to deploy to Iraq as part of an FBI Baghdad “Theater Investigative Unit” that would supposedly monitor and investigate contractor conduct. The idea is: FBI investigators would run around Iraq, gather evidence, and interview witnesses, leading to indictments and prosecutions in U.S. civilian courts.

This is a plan almost certain to backfire, if it’s ever instituted. It raises a slew of questions: Who would protect the investigators? How would Iraqi victims be interviewed? How would evidence be gathered amid the chaos and dangers of Iraq? Given that the federal government and the military seem unable — or unwilling — even to count how many contractors are actually in the country, how could their activities possibly be monitored? In light of the recent Bush administration scandal over the eight fired U.S. attorneys, serious questions remain about the integrity of the Justice Department. How could we have any faith that real crimes in Iraq, committed by the employees of immensely well-connected crony corporations like Blackwater and Halliburton, would be investigated adequately?

Apart from the fact that it would be impossible to effectively monitor 126,000 or more private contractors under the best of conditions in the world’s most dangerous war zone, this legislation would give the industry a tremendous P.R. victory. Once it was passed as the law of the land, the companies could finally claim that a legally accountable structure governed their operations. Yet they would be well aware that such legislation would be nearly impossible to enforce.

Not surprisingly, then, the mercenary trade group with the Orwellian name of the International Peace Operations Association has pushed for just this Democratic-sponsored approach rather than the military court-martial system favored by conservative Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham. The IPOA called the expansion of the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act — essentially the Democrats’ oversight plan — “the most cogent approach to ensuring greater contractor accountability in the battle space.” That endorsement alone should be reason enough to pause and reconsider.

Then there is the issue of continued funding for the privatized shadow forces in Iraq. As originally passed in the House, the Democrats’ Iraq plan would have cut only about 15 percent or $815 million of the supplemental spending earmarked for day-to-day military operations “to reflect savings attributable to efficiencies and management improvements in the funding of contracts in the military departments.”

As it stood, this was a stunningly insufficient plan, given ongoing events in Iraq. But even that mild provision was dropped by the Democrats in late April. Their excuse was the need to hold more hearings on the contractor issue. Instead, they moved to withhold — not cut — 15 percent of total day-to-day operational funding, but only until Secretary of Defense Robert Gates submits a report on the use of contractors and the scope of their deployment. Once the report is submitted, the 15 percent would be unlocked. In essence, this means that, under the Democrats’ plan, the mercenary forces will simply be able to continue business as usual/profits as usual in Iraq.

However obfuscated by discussions of accountability, fiscal responsibility, and oversight, the gorilla of a question in the congressional war room is: Should the administration be allowed to use mercenary forces, whose livelihoods depend on war and conflict, to help fight its battles in Iraq?

Rep. Murtha says, “We’re trying to bring accountability to an unaccountable war.” But it’s not accountability that the war needs; it needs an end.

By sanctioning the administration’s continuing use of mercenary corporations — instead of cutting off all funding to them — the Democrats leave the door open for a future escalation of the shadow war in Iraq. This, in turn, could pave the way for an array of secretive, politically well-connected firms that have profited tremendously under the current administration to elevate their status and increase their government paychecks.

Consider the case of Blackwater USA.

A decade ago, the company barely existed; and yet, its “diplomatic security” contracts since mid-2004, with the State Department alone, total more than $750 million. Today, Blackwater has become nothing short of the Bush administration’s well-paid Praetorian Guard. It protects the U.S. ambassador and other senior officials in Iraq as well as visiting congressional delegations; it trains Afghan security forces and was deployed in the oil-rich Caspian Sea region, setting up a “command and control” center just miles from the Iranian border. The company was also hired to protect FEMA operations and facilities in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, where it raked in $240,000 a day from the American taxpayer, billing $950 a day per Blackwater contractor.

Since Sept. 11, 2001, the company has invested its lucrative government payouts in building an impressive private army. At present, it has forces deployed in nine countries and boasts a database of 21,000 additional troops at the ready, a fleet of more than 20 aircraft, including helicopter gunships, and the world’s largest private military facility — a 7,000-acre compound near the Great Dismal Swamp of North Carolina. It recently opened a new facility in Illinois (Blackwater North) and is fighting local opposition to a third planned domestic facility near San Diego (Blackwater West) by the Mexican border. It is also manufacturing an armored vehicle (nicknamed the “Grizzly”) and surveillance blimps.

The man behind this empire is Erik Prince, a secretive, conservative Christian, ex-Navy SEAL multimillionaire who bankrolls the president and his allies with major campaign contributions. Among Blackwater’s senior executives are Cofer Black, former head of counterterrorism at the CIA; Robert Richer, former deputy director of operations at the CIA; Joseph Schmitz, former Pentagon inspector general; and an impressive array of other retired military and intelligence officials. Company executives recently announced the creation of a new private intelligence company, Total Intelligence, to be headed by Black and Richer.

For years, Blackwater’s operations have been shrouded in secrecy. Emboldened by the culture of impunity enjoyed by the private sector in the Bush administration’s wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Blackwater’s founder has talked of creating a “contractor brigade” to support U.S. military operations and fancies his forces the “FedEx” of the “national security apparatus.”

As the country debates an Iraq withdrawal, Congress owes it to the public to take down the curtain of secrecy surrounding these shadow forces that undergird the U.S. public deployment in Iraq. The president likes to say that defunding the war would undercut the troops. Here’s the truth of the matter: Continued funding of the Iraq war ensures tremendous profits for politically connected war contractors. If Congress is serious about ending the occupation, it needs to rein in the unaccountable companies that make it possible and only stand to profit from its escalation.

Jeremy Scahill is the author of the New York Times bestseller “Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army.” He is currently a Puffin Foundation Writing Fellow at the Nation Institute.

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VCS Weekly Update: Hello from Paul, Your New Executive Director

May 1, 2007

Dear VCS Supporters:

For this update, I would like to take the opportunity to introduce myself and let you know why I came to work for Veterans for Common Sense.

Five years ago the Administration began selling fear and the Iraq War, falsely claiming that Iraq was linked with 9/11 and that Iraq was ready to use nuclear weapons and create deadly mushroom clouds over American cities.

Four years ago today, President George W. Bush declared “Mission Accomplished” with a huge banner on an aircraft carrier. Yet his Iraq War fiasco continues escalating, with 100 of our fellow citizens killed in Iraq last month.

Friends, that’s why I’m here at VCS and no longer working for our Federal government. Now I work on issues related to national security, veterans’ advocacy, and civil liberties so that veterans’ voices are heard instead of the loud and phony salesmen peddling pre-emptive and unilateral war.

Our Nation has suffered more than 232,000 casualties – more than 3,300 U.S. service members are dead, and more than 229,000 U.S. veterans were treated at VA hospitals. These casualties are our friends, our children, our neighbors.

Experts predict the human and financial costs could reach 700,000 veteran patients and $700 billion over 40 years. If the Iraq War escalation continues as it is now, costs will soar much higher.

My involvement with veterans’ issues dates to 1992, after I returned home from the Gulf War, where I served as a cavalry scout with the Army’s 1st Armored Division. I wrote Congress asking why so many Gulf War veterans were ill. Every time I went to the Atlanta VA hospital to get an appointment, there were many other Desert Storm veterans like me trying unsuccessfully to see VA doctors for unusual medical problems.

One of the first veterans I met was my good friend Charles Sheehan-Miles. We worked very well together at the Gulf War Veterans of Georgia and at the National Gulf War Resource Center from 1993 to 2000. Together, we broke the story about chemical warfare agent exposures and the need for research. From 1995 to 1999, Charles and I testified before Congress about the needs of veterans.

During the same time, I had the opportunity to work with our good friend Dan Fahey, an expert on depleted uranium. In 1998, Dan, Charles, and I broke the story that more than 400,000 Desert Storm veterans entered into areas contaminated with DU in 1991.

I then worked at VA from 2000 to 2006 as a project manager preparing reports on Gulf War veterans. Following the launch of VCS in 2002, I served as an informal advisor.

After the terrible attacks of 9/11, my VA responsibilities expanded to include preparing reports about Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans.

Working at VA became frustrating, as my warnings acout a flood of patients and claims plus my efforts to provide casualty tracking were rejected by political appointees attempting to conceal the escalating human and financial costs of the two wars from the public and from Congress.

In one briefing in 2005, a VA political appointee said that if returning Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans simply believed in God and Country, then they would not return home with post-traumatic stress disorder. So I resigned from VA, and Charles handed off responsibilities for VCS to me earlier this year. Now reporters call me the Insider because I provide the facts about VA to Congress and the press.

My goals here at VCS are to make sure our common sense views of war veterans become part of the discussions about taking care of our service members, honoring our social contract with veterans and preserving the freedoms we enjoy that are guaranteed by our U.S. Constitution.

VCS has an open door. Please send us suggestions on how to make our voice heard more effectively or how we can advocate for new positions. Your voice, your views and your ideas are what make us strong and enable our input to have both meaning and impact during wartime when our national security is in question, our civil liberties are threatened and suicidal veterans are turned away from VA hospitals.

Thanks go out to those of you who sent kind notes, posted good blogs and provided news clips. Our web site traffic continues soaring, donations keep flowing and new supporters keep joining. The more we stick together, the more improvements we can make for all of us. I’m honored to be here, and all 12,000 of us in our VCS team can and will make a difference.

Thank you,

Paul Sullivan
Executive Director
Veterans for Common Sense

Spread the Word About VCS. Please let your friends know about VCS and ask them to sign up for our weekly updates.

VCS Seeks Supporters. Your tax deductible donation of $50 or $100 keeps our advocacy alive.

Veterans for Common Sense May 2007 Fundraising Campaign

Goal: $10,000

Help us meet our goal by May 31, 2007.


Key Fact 1: VA Treated More than 229,000 Iraq and Afghanistan War Veterans

Key Fact 2: Ten Percent of Iraq War Veterans Have TBI

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Editorial – Back in the Days of Mission Accomplished

NEW YORK Tuesday marked the fourth anniversary of President Bush’s jet landing on the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln and his speech declaring major fighting in Iraq over, all in front of a giant “Mission Accomplished” banner.

At the time, it was heralded by much of the mainstream media as a fitting moment of triumph. “He won the war,” boomed MSNBC’s Chris Matthews. “He was an effective commander. Everybody recognizes that, I believe, except a few critics.”

Since then, it has become — during four more years of death and war — a symbol of American hubris and setbacks in Iraq. Today it is often lampooned as a tragic “photo op.” Rock singer Neil Young, in a song referencing the event, sings, “History is a cruel judge of overconfidence.”

When Bush spoke, the U.S. had 150,000 troops in Iraq; the number now stands at 160,000 or more. American casualties at the time were 139 killed and 542 wounded. A year ago they stood at 2,400 killed and now it’s 3,350 dead.

With that in mind, here are excerpts revealing how one newspaper, The New York Times, covered the event and aftermath four years ago. They include this nugget: “The Bush administration is planning to withdraw most United States combat forces from Iraq over the next several months and wants to shrink the American military presence to less than two divisions by the fall, senior allied officials said today.”

By Elisabeth Bumiller

WASHINGTON, May 1 — President Bush’s made-for-television address tonight on the carrier Abraham Lincoln was a powerful, Reaganesque finale to a six-week war. But beneath the golden images of a president steaming home with his troops toward the California coast lay the cold political and military realities that drove Mr. Bush’s advisers to create the moment.

The president declared an end to major combat operations, White House, Pentagon and State Department officials said, for three crucial reasons: to signify the shift of American soldiers from the role of conquerors to police, to open the way for aid from countries that refused to help militarily and — above all — to signal to voters that Mr. Bush is shifting his focus from Baghdad to concerns at home&hellip.

”This is the formalization that tells everybody we’re not engaged in combat anymore, we’re prepared for getting out,” a senior administration official said&hellip.

From published transcript of President Bush’s speech on aircraft carrier, May 1:

“The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in the campaign against terror. We have removed an ally of Al Qaeda, and cut off a source of terrorist funding.

“And this much is certain: No terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because that regime is no more.

“In these 19 months that changed the world, our actions have been focused, and deliberate, and proportionate to the offense. We have not forgotten the victims of September 11th — the last phone calls, the cold murder of children, the searches in the rubble. With those attacks, the terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States. And war is what they got.”

By Judith Miller

BAGHDAD, May 1 — Ahmad Chalabi, an Iraqi opposition leader favored by the Pentagon, says he has raised with President Bush’s envoy to Iraq his concern that the United States appears ready to admit senior officials from Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party in a transitional government here.

The talks came amid reports of tension between Mr. Chalabi and the American military here. When Mr. Chalabi tried earlier this week to enter a political meeting organized by American officials, ”it took an hour to find the right door,” his press secretary, Zaab Sethna said. …

However, it appears that officials in Washington have not resolved what position, if any, Mr. Chalabi should occupy. Mr. Chalabi has strong support from Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz and from the office of Vice President Dick Cheney. However, the State Department and other American officials have reservations.

By Michael R. Gordon and Eric Schmitt

BAGHDAD, May 2 — The Bush administration is planning to withdraw most United States combat forces from Iraq over the next several months and wants to shrink the American military presence to less than two divisions by the fall, senior allied officials said today.

The United States currently has more than five divisions in Iraq, troops that fought their way into the country and units that were added in an attempt to stabilize it. But the Bush administration is trying to establish a new military structure in which American troops would continue to secure Baghdad while the majority of the forces in Iraq would be from other nations.

Under current planning, there would be three sectors in postwar Iraq. The Americans would keep a division in and around Baghdad; Britain would command a multinational division in the south near Basra; and Poland would command a third division of troops from a variety of nations.

By Dexter Filkins and Ian Fisher

BAGHDAD, May 2 — The war in Iraq has officially ended, but the momentous task of recreating a new Iraqi nation seems hardly to have begun. Three weeks after Saddam Hussein fell from power, American troops are straining to manage the forces this war has unleashed: the anger, frustration and competing ambitions of a nation suppressed for three decades.

In a virtual power vacuum, with the relationship between American military and civilian authority seeming ill defined, new political parties, Kurds and Shiite religious groups are asserting virtual governmental authority in cities and villages across the country, sometimes right under the noses of American soldiers.

There is a growing sense among educated Iraqis eager for the American-led transformation of Iraq to work that the Americans may be losing the initiative, that the single-mindedness that won the war is slackening under the delicate task of transforming a military victory into political success.

By David E. Sanger

WASHINGTON, May 2 — In his speech, Mr. Bush argued that the invasion and liberation of Iraq was part of the American response to the attacks of Sept. 11. He called the tumultuous period since those attacks ”19 months that changed the world,” and said Mr. Hussein’s defeat was a defeat for Al Qaeda and other terrorists as well.

”The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in the campaign against terror,” he said. ”We have removed an ally of Al Qaeda, and cut off a source of terrorist funding. And this much is certain: no terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because that regime is no more.” &hellip.

Politically more complex for the administration is the continuing search for chemical and biological weapons, a search that so far has turned up next to nothing. One member of Mr. Bush’s war cabinet said that he suspected that Mr. Hussein had not mounted his chemical stockpiles on weapons, but suggested that sooner or later they would be found. Mr. Bush himself said tonight that the United States knew of ”hundreds of sites that will be investigated.”

Editorial, May 2

As presidential spectacles go, it would be hard to surpass George Bush’s triumphant ”Top Gun” visit to the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln yesterday off the California coast. President Bush flew out to the giant aircraft carrier dressed in full fighter-pilot regalia as the ”co-pilot” of a Navy warplane. After a dramatic landing on the compact deck — a new standard for high-risk presidential travel — Mr. Bush mingled with the ship’s crew, then later welcomed home thousands of cheering sailors and aviators on the flight deck in a nationally televised address.

The scene will undoubtedly make for a potent campaign commercial next year. For now, though, the point was to declare an end to the combat phase of the war in Iraq and to commit the nation to the reconstruction of that shattered country&hellip.

From the moment that Mr. Bush made his intention of invading Iraq clear, the question was never whether American troops would succeed, or whether the regime they toppled would not be exposed to the world as a despicable one. The question was, and still is, whether the administration has the patience to rebuild Iraq and set it on a course toward stable, enlightened governance. The chaotic situation in Afghanistan is no billboard for American talent at nation-building. The American administration of postwar Iraq has so far failed to match the efficiency and effectiveness of the military invasion. But as the United States came to the end of one phase of the Iraqi engagement last night, there was still time to do better.

Letter to the Editor, May 3

Re: ”Bush Declares ‘One Victory in a War on Terror’ ” (front page, May 2):

Some unanswered questions remain: Where are the weapons of mass destruction? What evidence makes Iraq ”an ally of Al Qaeda”? Where is Saddam Hussein? Where is Osama bin Laden? Who is next?

Martin Deppe
Chicago

By Douglas Jehl

WASHINGTON, May 3 — The structure of the American administration of postwar Iraq remained unresolved today, as Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld issued a strong endorsement of Jay Garner, the retired lieutenant general whose job seemed about to be eclipsed by a former State Department official, L. Paul Bremer.

There was no announcement from the White House today about a plan to install Mr. Bremer, a former counterterrorism director for the State Department during the Reagan administration, as the country’s day-to-day overseer. Some administration officials said issues involving the extent of Mr. Bremer’s planned authority were still being debated.

Asked at a news conference in London today to explain Mr. Bremer’s planned role, Mr. Rumsfeld said, ”I could, but I won’t.”

By David E. Sanger

WASHINGTON, May 4 — With his administration under growing international pressure to find evidence that Saddam Hussein possessed banned weapons, President Bush told reporters today that ”we’ll find them,” but cautioned that it would take some time because, he said, Mr. Hussein spent so many years hiding his stockpiles.
Mr. Bush’s comments came after his senior aides, in interviews in recent days, had begun to back away from their prewar claims that Mr. Hussein had an arsenal that was loaded and ready to fire.

They now contend that he developed what they call a ”just in time” production strategy for his weapons, hiding chemical precursors that could be quickly loaded into empty artillery shells or short-range missiles.

Maureen Dowd, column, May 4

The tail hook caught the last cable, jerking the fighter jet from 150 m.p.h. to zero in two seconds. Out bounded the cocky, rule-breaking, daredevil flyboy, a man navigating the Highway to the Danger Zone, out along the edges where he was born to be, the further on the edge, the hotter the intensity.

He flashed that famous all-American grin as he swaggered around the deck of the aircraft carrier in his olive flight suit, ejection harness between his legs, helmet tucked under his arm, awestruck crew crowding around. Maverick was back, cooler and hotter than ever, throttling to the max with joystick politics.

Compared to Karl Rove’s ”revvin’ up your engine” myth-making cinematic style, Jerry Bruckheimer’s movies look like ”Lizzie McGuire.”

This time Maverick didn’t just nail a few bogeys and do a 4G inverted dive with a MIG-28 at a range of two meters. This time the Top Gun wasted a couple of nasty regimes, and promised this was just the beginning.

Thomas Friedman, column, May 4

President Bush may have declared the war in Iraq effectively over. But, judging from my own e-mail box — where conservative readers are bombing me for not applauding enough the liberation of Iraq, and liberals for selling out to George Bush — the war over the war still burns on here.

Conservatives now want to use the victory in Iraq to defeat all liberal ideas at home, and to make this war a model for America’s relations with the world, while liberals — fearing all that — are still quietly rooting for Mr. Bush to fail.

New American Deaths in Iraq, May 6

The Department of Defense has confirmed the deaths of the following Americans in the Iraq war:

GIVENS, Jesse A., 34, Pfc., Army; Springfield, Mo.; Third Armored Cavalry.

REYNOLDS, Sean C., 25, Sgt., Army; East Lansing, Mich.; 173rd Airborne Brigade.

Greg Mitchell (gmitchell@editorandpublisher.com) is editor.

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