VCS Weekly Update: Hello from Paul, Your New Executive Director

May 1, 2007

Dear VCS Supporters:

For this update, I would like to take the opportunity to introduce myself and let you know why I came to work for Veterans for Common Sense.

Five years ago the Administration began selling fear and the Iraq War, falsely claiming that Iraq was linked with 9/11 and that Iraq was ready to use nuclear weapons and create deadly mushroom clouds over American cities.

Four years ago today, President George W. Bush declared “Mission Accomplished” with a huge banner on an aircraft carrier. Yet his Iraq War fiasco continues escalating, with 100 of our fellow citizens killed in Iraq last month.

Friends, that’s why I’m here at VCS and no longer working for our Federal government. Now I work on issues related to national security, veterans’ advocacy, and civil liberties so that veterans’ voices are heard instead of the loud and phony salesmen peddling pre-emptive and unilateral war.

Our Nation has suffered more than 232,000 casualties – more than 3,300 U.S. service members are dead, and more than 229,000 U.S. veterans were treated at VA hospitals. These casualties are our friends, our children, our neighbors.

Experts predict the human and financial costs could reach 700,000 veteran patients and $700 billion over 40 years. If the Iraq War escalation continues as it is now, costs will soar much higher.

My involvement with veterans’ issues dates to 1992, after I returned home from the Gulf War, where I served as a cavalry scout with the Army’s 1st Armored Division. I wrote Congress asking why so many Gulf War veterans were ill. Every time I went to the Atlanta VA hospital to get an appointment, there were many other Desert Storm veterans like me trying unsuccessfully to see VA doctors for unusual medical problems.

One of the first veterans I met was my good friend Charles Sheehan-Miles. We worked very well together at the Gulf War Veterans of Georgia and at the National Gulf War Resource Center from 1993 to 2000. Together, we broke the story about chemical warfare agent exposures and the need for research. From 1995 to 1999, Charles and I testified before Congress about the needs of veterans.

During the same time, I had the opportunity to work with our good friend Dan Fahey, an expert on depleted uranium. In 1998, Dan, Charles, and I broke the story that more than 400,000 Desert Storm veterans entered into areas contaminated with DU in 1991.

I then worked at VA from 2000 to 2006 as a project manager preparing reports on Gulf War veterans. Following the launch of VCS in 2002, I served as an informal advisor.

After the terrible attacks of 9/11, my VA responsibilities expanded to include preparing reports about Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans.

Working at VA became frustrating, as my warnings acout a flood of patients and claims plus my efforts to provide casualty tracking were rejected by political appointees attempting to conceal the escalating human and financial costs of the two wars from the public and from Congress.

In one briefing in 2005, a VA political appointee said that if returning Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans simply believed in God and Country, then they would not return home with post-traumatic stress disorder. So I resigned from VA, and Charles handed off responsibilities for VCS to me earlier this year. Now reporters call me the Insider because I provide the facts about VA to Congress and the press.

My goals here at VCS are to make sure our common sense views of war veterans become part of the discussions about taking care of our service members, honoring our social contract with veterans and preserving the freedoms we enjoy that are guaranteed by our U.S. Constitution.

VCS has an open door. Please send us suggestions on how to make our voice heard more effectively or how we can advocate for new positions. Your voice, your views and your ideas are what make us strong and enable our input to have both meaning and impact during wartime when our national security is in question, our civil liberties are threatened and suicidal veterans are turned away from VA hospitals.

Thanks go out to those of you who sent kind notes, posted good blogs and provided news clips. Our web site traffic continues soaring, donations keep flowing and new supporters keep joining. The more we stick together, the more improvements we can make for all of us. I’m honored to be here, and all 12,000 of us in our VCS team can and will make a difference.

Thank you,

Paul Sullivan
Executive Director
Veterans for Common Sense

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Veterans for Common Sense May 2007 Fundraising Campaign

Goal: $10,000

Help us meet our goal by May 31, 2007.


Key Fact 1: VA Treated More than 229,000 Iraq and Afghanistan War Veterans

Key Fact 2: Ten Percent of Iraq War Veterans Have TBI

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Editorial – Back in the Days of Mission Accomplished

NEW YORK Tuesday marked the fourth anniversary of President Bush’s jet landing on the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln and his speech declaring major fighting in Iraq over, all in front of a giant “Mission Accomplished” banner.

At the time, it was heralded by much of the mainstream media as a fitting moment of triumph. “He won the war,” boomed MSNBC’s Chris Matthews. “He was an effective commander. Everybody recognizes that, I believe, except a few critics.”

Since then, it has become — during four more years of death and war — a symbol of American hubris and setbacks in Iraq. Today it is often lampooned as a tragic “photo op.” Rock singer Neil Young, in a song referencing the event, sings, “History is a cruel judge of overconfidence.”

When Bush spoke, the U.S. had 150,000 troops in Iraq; the number now stands at 160,000 or more. American casualties at the time were 139 killed and 542 wounded. A year ago they stood at 2,400 killed and now it’s 3,350 dead.

With that in mind, here are excerpts revealing how one newspaper, The New York Times, covered the event and aftermath four years ago. They include this nugget: “The Bush administration is planning to withdraw most United States combat forces from Iraq over the next several months and wants to shrink the American military presence to less than two divisions by the fall, senior allied officials said today.”

By Elisabeth Bumiller

WASHINGTON, May 1 — President Bush’s made-for-television address tonight on the carrier Abraham Lincoln was a powerful, Reaganesque finale to a six-week war. But beneath the golden images of a president steaming home with his troops toward the California coast lay the cold political and military realities that drove Mr. Bush’s advisers to create the moment.

The president declared an end to major combat operations, White House, Pentagon and State Department officials said, for three crucial reasons: to signify the shift of American soldiers from the role of conquerors to police, to open the way for aid from countries that refused to help militarily and — above all — to signal to voters that Mr. Bush is shifting his focus from Baghdad to concerns at home&hellip.

”This is the formalization that tells everybody we’re not engaged in combat anymore, we’re prepared for getting out,” a senior administration official said&hellip.

From published transcript of President Bush’s speech on aircraft carrier, May 1:

“The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in the campaign against terror. We have removed an ally of Al Qaeda, and cut off a source of terrorist funding.

“And this much is certain: No terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because that regime is no more.

“In these 19 months that changed the world, our actions have been focused, and deliberate, and proportionate to the offense. We have not forgotten the victims of September 11th — the last phone calls, the cold murder of children, the searches in the rubble. With those attacks, the terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States. And war is what they got.”

By Judith Miller

BAGHDAD, May 1 — Ahmad Chalabi, an Iraqi opposition leader favored by the Pentagon, says he has raised with President Bush’s envoy to Iraq his concern that the United States appears ready to admit senior officials from Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party in a transitional government here.

The talks came amid reports of tension between Mr. Chalabi and the American military here. When Mr. Chalabi tried earlier this week to enter a political meeting organized by American officials, ”it took an hour to find the right door,” his press secretary, Zaab Sethna said. …

However, it appears that officials in Washington have not resolved what position, if any, Mr. Chalabi should occupy. Mr. Chalabi has strong support from Deputy Defense Secretary Paul D. Wolfowitz and from the office of Vice President Dick Cheney. However, the State Department and other American officials have reservations.

By Michael R. Gordon and Eric Schmitt

BAGHDAD, May 2 — The Bush administration is planning to withdraw most United States combat forces from Iraq over the next several months and wants to shrink the American military presence to less than two divisions by the fall, senior allied officials said today.

The United States currently has more than five divisions in Iraq, troops that fought their way into the country and units that were added in an attempt to stabilize it. But the Bush administration is trying to establish a new military structure in which American troops would continue to secure Baghdad while the majority of the forces in Iraq would be from other nations.

Under current planning, there would be three sectors in postwar Iraq. The Americans would keep a division in and around Baghdad; Britain would command a multinational division in the south near Basra; and Poland would command a third division of troops from a variety of nations.

By Dexter Filkins and Ian Fisher

BAGHDAD, May 2 — The war in Iraq has officially ended, but the momentous task of recreating a new Iraqi nation seems hardly to have begun. Three weeks after Saddam Hussein fell from power, American troops are straining to manage the forces this war has unleashed: the anger, frustration and competing ambitions of a nation suppressed for three decades.

In a virtual power vacuum, with the relationship between American military and civilian authority seeming ill defined, new political parties, Kurds and Shiite religious groups are asserting virtual governmental authority in cities and villages across the country, sometimes right under the noses of American soldiers.

There is a growing sense among educated Iraqis eager for the American-led transformation of Iraq to work that the Americans may be losing the initiative, that the single-mindedness that won the war is slackening under the delicate task of transforming a military victory into political success.

By David E. Sanger

WASHINGTON, May 2 — In his speech, Mr. Bush argued that the invasion and liberation of Iraq was part of the American response to the attacks of Sept. 11. He called the tumultuous period since those attacks ”19 months that changed the world,” and said Mr. Hussein’s defeat was a defeat for Al Qaeda and other terrorists as well.

”The liberation of Iraq is a crucial advance in the campaign against terror,” he said. ”We have removed an ally of Al Qaeda, and cut off a source of terrorist funding. And this much is certain: no terrorist network will gain weapons of mass destruction from the Iraqi regime, because that regime is no more.” &hellip.

Politically more complex for the administration is the continuing search for chemical and biological weapons, a search that so far has turned up next to nothing. One member of Mr. Bush’s war cabinet said that he suspected that Mr. Hussein had not mounted his chemical stockpiles on weapons, but suggested that sooner or later they would be found. Mr. Bush himself said tonight that the United States knew of ”hundreds of sites that will be investigated.”

Editorial, May 2

As presidential spectacles go, it would be hard to surpass George Bush’s triumphant ”Top Gun” visit to the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln yesterday off the California coast. President Bush flew out to the giant aircraft carrier dressed in full fighter-pilot regalia as the ”co-pilot” of a Navy warplane. After a dramatic landing on the compact deck — a new standard for high-risk presidential travel — Mr. Bush mingled with the ship’s crew, then later welcomed home thousands of cheering sailors and aviators on the flight deck in a nationally televised address.

The scene will undoubtedly make for a potent campaign commercial next year. For now, though, the point was to declare an end to the combat phase of the war in Iraq and to commit the nation to the reconstruction of that shattered country&hellip.

From the moment that Mr. Bush made his intention of invading Iraq clear, the question was never whether American troops would succeed, or whether the regime they toppled would not be exposed to the world as a despicable one. The question was, and still is, whether the administration has the patience to rebuild Iraq and set it on a course toward stable, enlightened governance. The chaotic situation in Afghanistan is no billboard for American talent at nation-building. The American administration of postwar Iraq has so far failed to match the efficiency and effectiveness of the military invasion. But as the United States came to the end of one phase of the Iraqi engagement last night, there was still time to do better.

Letter to the Editor, May 3

Re: ”Bush Declares ‘One Victory in a War on Terror’ ” (front page, May 2):

Some unanswered questions remain: Where are the weapons of mass destruction? What evidence makes Iraq ”an ally of Al Qaeda”? Where is Saddam Hussein? Where is Osama bin Laden? Who is next?

Martin Deppe
Chicago

By Douglas Jehl

WASHINGTON, May 3 — The structure of the American administration of postwar Iraq remained unresolved today, as Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld issued a strong endorsement of Jay Garner, the retired lieutenant general whose job seemed about to be eclipsed by a former State Department official, L. Paul Bremer.

There was no announcement from the White House today about a plan to install Mr. Bremer, a former counterterrorism director for the State Department during the Reagan administration, as the country’s day-to-day overseer. Some administration officials said issues involving the extent of Mr. Bremer’s planned authority were still being debated.

Asked at a news conference in London today to explain Mr. Bremer’s planned role, Mr. Rumsfeld said, ”I could, but I won’t.”

By David E. Sanger

WASHINGTON, May 4 — With his administration under growing international pressure to find evidence that Saddam Hussein possessed banned weapons, President Bush told reporters today that ”we’ll find them,” but cautioned that it would take some time because, he said, Mr. Hussein spent so many years hiding his stockpiles.
Mr. Bush’s comments came after his senior aides, in interviews in recent days, had begun to back away from their prewar claims that Mr. Hussein had an arsenal that was loaded and ready to fire.

They now contend that he developed what they call a ”just in time” production strategy for his weapons, hiding chemical precursors that could be quickly loaded into empty artillery shells or short-range missiles.

Maureen Dowd, column, May 4

The tail hook caught the last cable, jerking the fighter jet from 150 m.p.h. to zero in two seconds. Out bounded the cocky, rule-breaking, daredevil flyboy, a man navigating the Highway to the Danger Zone, out along the edges where he was born to be, the further on the edge, the hotter the intensity.

He flashed that famous all-American grin as he swaggered around the deck of the aircraft carrier in his olive flight suit, ejection harness between his legs, helmet tucked under his arm, awestruck crew crowding around. Maverick was back, cooler and hotter than ever, throttling to the max with joystick politics.

Compared to Karl Rove’s ”revvin’ up your engine” myth-making cinematic style, Jerry Bruckheimer’s movies look like ”Lizzie McGuire.”

This time Maverick didn’t just nail a few bogeys and do a 4G inverted dive with a MIG-28 at a range of two meters. This time the Top Gun wasted a couple of nasty regimes, and promised this was just the beginning.

Thomas Friedman, column, May 4

President Bush may have declared the war in Iraq effectively over. But, judging from my own e-mail box — where conservative readers are bombing me for not applauding enough the liberation of Iraq, and liberals for selling out to George Bush — the war over the war still burns on here.

Conservatives now want to use the victory in Iraq to defeat all liberal ideas at home, and to make this war a model for America’s relations with the world, while liberals — fearing all that — are still quietly rooting for Mr. Bush to fail.

New American Deaths in Iraq, May 6

The Department of Defense has confirmed the deaths of the following Americans in the Iraq war:

GIVENS, Jesse A., 34, Pfc., Army; Springfield, Mo.; Third Armored Cavalry.

REYNOLDS, Sean C., 25, Sgt., Army; East Lansing, Mich.; 173rd Airborne Brigade.

Greg Mitchell (gmitchell@editorandpublisher.com) is editor.

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Military Families Among Those Hit With Home Foreclosures

The number of defaulted home mortgages in the state has risen sharply in recent years, and about a third of foreclosure auctions in the Fayetteville area have involved active-duty military families or veterans. Moreira Team is a boutique mortgage broker and lender built to cater towards your financial needs, finding the best loan for your unique situation. We believe in a consultative “done-for-you” approach to getting a mortgage. That’s a fancy way of saying we treat you like family and make sure everything goes smooth, You can visit mortage broker Related Site for more details.

An investigation by The Fayetteville Observer covering 2001 to 2005 showed that 1,770 out of 4,979 foreclosure auctions in Cumberland County involved loans guaranteed by the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. In those cases, borrowers were active-duty military families or retired veterans.

Experts have blamed a surge in foreclosures across the state on mortgages that have expensive fees and adjustable interest rates. Companies give loans to families regardless of credit or income, but the lenders can sometimes charge thousands of dollars in fees if borrowers fall behind.

“The problem is you have these mortgage companies, these lien-holders, that are absolutely aggressive,” said Johnnie Larrie, the senior managing attorney with Legal Aid of Cumberland County, which represents low-income families.

“And they certainly don’t distinguish between if you are military or not. There is money to be made in the foreclosure business.”

Fort Bragg’s Financial Readiness Program has helped some soldiers, most of whom are only a few months behind on payments and might be able to get emergency loans, said program manager Lynn Olavarria.

But not many soldiers in dire trouble seek help from the program, perhaps because they feel self-conscious about their financial situations. Severe cases of debt and foreclosures can cost soldiers their security clearance.

“Unfortunately, there are folks out there who don’t bother stopping in,” Olavarria said.

According to the newspaper’s analysis, foreclosure auctions in the county featured between about 800 and 1,200 homes each year between 2001 and 2005. The property was worth more than $316.6 million.

Of the nearly 5,000 home foreclosures, almost half were bought or refinanced less than four years before, meaning many homeowners likely signed loans they couldn’t afford or loans with adjustable interest rates.

The number of people losing homes could get even bigger, as industry observers have said higher payments will kick in and result in up to $3 trillion in adjustable mortgages nationwide within the next two years.

In North Carolina, about 45,000 foreclosures were filed against homeowners last year – a 6 percent increase from the year before. The number of cases has shot up nearly 174 percent since 1998.

State lawmakers held hearings on the surge in foreclosures last spring, but no laws targeting predatory lending and helping homeowners defend themselves have materialized from the discussions.

Government officials across the country have targeted such lenders, including Atlanta-based Beazer Homes USA Inc. The company has turned over documents to the U.S. Attorney of the Western District of North Carolina as a part of a federal investigation of possible fraud.

Some Charlotte-area home buyers have said the builder offered them money to give the company high marks in a survey, which could have resulted in bonuses for company executives.

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Risk of PTSD Rises Sharply for Longer and Repeat Iraq War Deployments

A recently released survey of soldiers and Marines puts concrete numbers behind problems experts have worried about since the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan began.

Suicides are up among combat vets, mental health issues are worse among those who deploy often and for longer periods, and one out of 10 service members surveyed said they have hit or kicked non-combatant Iraqis or destroyed their property.

Only half said they would report another service member for hurting or killing an Iraqi civilian.

The survey also comes with a recommendation from mental health workers that seems to fly in the face of the recently extended deployment lengths and troop surge: “Extend the interval between deployments to 18 to 36 months or decrease deployment length to allow time for soldiers [and] Marines to mentally re-set.”

The findings come from an April 18 briefing prepared for Marine Commandant Gen. James Conway by Mental Health Advisory Team IV, operating under the auspices of Multi-National Force-Iraq, a copy of which was obtained by Military Times. MHAT IV used anonymous surveys and focus groups to analyze morale, health and well-being, and the ethical issues of deployed U.S. troops.

Soldiers and Marines who have faced the most combat situations, deployed for longer periods of time, and deployed more than once face more mental health issues, according to a survey of 1,320 soldiers and 447 Marines. Of those on a second, third or fourth deployment, 27 percent screened positive for mental health issues, compared to 17 percent of first-time deployers. And 22 percent of those in-theater for six months or more screened positive for mental health issues, compared to 15 percent of those who had been there fewer than six months.

The level of combat, the PowerPoint presentation states, is the “main determinant of mental health status.” More than three-quarters of the service members surveyed said they had been in situations where they could have been injured or killed, and two-thirds said they know someone who has been seriously injured or killed.

Army combat vets also have higher suicide rates — 16.1 per 100,000 compared to 11.1 per 100,000 for nondeployed soldiers. And, according to newly released data, the Army’s suicide program is not built ideally to help deployed soldiers.

Many soldiers and Marines are heading for their third or fourth trips to Iraq. The survey found that people who have deployed the most often are most likely to hurt noncombatants. Only 25 percent said they would risk their own lives to help an Iraqi civilian in danger.

Marines had fewer complaints about deployment length and family separation, which soldiers named as their top noncombat issues. Marines fared better in rates of mental health issues, except when matched for numbers and lengths of deployment. Marines generally have shorter tours than soldiers do.

The survey found morale among soldiers remained about the same as in a study from 2004 to 2006, though complaints of marital problems for soldiers have gone up.

As these problems seem to worsen, the presentation also states that behavioral health care workers need more combat stress training before deploying to Iraq, and that there is “no standardized in-theater joint reporting system” to monitor mental health or suicide in Iraq or Afghanistan. Behavioral health providers require additional Combat and Operational Stress Control (COSC) training prior to deploying to Iraq; very few attended the course.

There is some good news: Service members who rated their sergeants highly were less likely to have mental health issues.

Among MHAT IV’s recommendations:

-All soldiers and Marines should receive Battlemind Training before they deploy — a recommendation that has already been put in place.

-Develop ethics training specifically tailored to the mission in Iraq so troops understand what not to do and what they must report.

-Use scenario-based training and the buddy-aid system in a suicide prevention program.

-Require counselors and chaplains to attend combat stress control training.

-Make sure soldiers and Marines who work outside base camps get adequate R&R.

-Treat mental health commanders’ briefings the same way as wounded soldier briefings.

-Develop standardized procedures for conducting in-theater Battlemind Psychological Debriefings to replace Critical Event Debriefings.

-Focus on units that have been in theater for longer than six months.

-Include mental health training in all junior development courses.

Many of the recommendations are in progress, but not the ones that seem most key: shorter deployments and longer recovery times.

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Rice – World Thought Iraq Had WMD

CBS/AP  Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on Face The Nation dismissed accusations made by former CIA Director George Tenet about the Bush administration’s early decisions on Iraq and Afghanistan.

Tenet tells Scott Pelley in a 60 Minutes interview that, before the September 11 attacks, he told Rice in a White House meeting the U.S. should take preemptive action inside Afghanistan.

“We need – we need to – we need to consider immediate action inside Afghanistan now,” Tenet remembers telling Rice, who was then National Security Advisor. “We need to – we need to move to the offensive.”

Rice, however, said Tenet’s claim was a “new fact” and she would “have to look.”

She told Bob Schieffer, “It’s very interesting because that’s not what George told the 9/11 Commission at the time. He said that he felt that we had gotten it.”

Asked why Tenet would make the claim if it wasn’t true, Rice said she didn’t know. “I don’t know what we were supposed to preemptively strike in Afghanistan,” she said. “Perhaps somebody can ask that.”

Tenet also claims that the administration never had a serious debate about whether Iraq posed an imminent threat or whether to tighten existing sanctions before its 2003 invasion.

“The president came in, in 2001, determined to try to deal with the Iraqi situation perhaps even by sanctions, by smart sanctions,” Rice said on Face The Nation. “There was an extended period of time of trying other efforts, including the president’s September address to the U.N. in 2002.”

Tenet also tells 60 Minutes the way the Bush administration has used his now famous “slam dunk” comment — which he admits saying in reference to making the public case for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq — is both disingenuous and dishonorable.

“It’s the most despicable thing that ever happened to me,” Tenet says. “You don’t do this. You don’t throw somebody overboard just because it’s a deflection. Is that honorable? It’s not honorable to me.”

Tenet says to have the president base his entire decision to go to war on such a remark is unbelievable.

Rice said she remembers Tenet using the “slam dunk” line once but said the intelligence failures leading up to the invasion of Iraq were a worldwide problem.

“We all believed the intelligence was strong,” she said. “It wasn’t just a problem with intelligence in the United States, it was an intelligence problem worldwide. Services across the world thought that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction.”

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Editorial – For His Dunk, Tenet Deserves Slam

“If you can’t say something positive about someone, don’t say anything.” This was drummed into me by my Irish grandmother and, as was the case with most of her admonishments, it has stood me in good stead. On occasion, though, it has been a real bother—as when I felt called to comment on George Tenet’s apologia, In the Center of the Storm , coming soon to a bookstore near you.

On the verge of despair, I ran into an old classmate of Tenet’s from PS 94 in Little Neck, Queens, N.Y. Help at last. He told me that George was more handsome than his twin brother Billy, and that his outgoing nature and consummate political skill got him elected president of the student body.

Positive enough, Grandma? Now let me add this.

George Tenet’s book shows that he remains, first and foremost, a politician—with no clue as to the proper role of intelligence work. He is unhappy about going down in history as “slam-dunk Tenet.” George protests that his famous remark to President Bush on Dec. 21, 2002 was not meant to assure the president that available intelligence on weapons of mass destruction in Iraq was a “slam dunk.” Rather, he meant that the argument that Saddam Hussein had such weapons could be readily enhanced to slam-dunk status in order to sell war on Iraq.

Yesterday evening on CBS’ “60 Minutes,” Tenet explained what he meant when he uttered those words—the words he says have now been distorted to blame him for the war in Iraq. What he says he meant was simply:

“We can put a better case together for a public case.” (sic)

Tenet still doesn’t get it. Those of us schooled in the craft and ethos of intelligence remain in wide-mouthed disbelief, perhaps best summed up by veteran operations officer Bob Baer’s recent quip:

“So, it is better that the ‘slam dunk’ referred to the ease with which the war could be sold? I guess I missed that part of the National Security Act delineating the functions of the CIA—the part about CIA marketing a war. Guess that’s why I never made it into senior management.”

Reluctant Scapegoat

George’s concern over being scapegoated is understandable. But could he not have seen it coming? Not even when then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld asked him in the fall of 2002 whether he had created a system for tracking how good the intelligence was compared with what would be actually found in Iraq? The folks I know from Queens usually can tell when they’re being set up. Maybe Tenet was naive enough to believe that his friend the president (“President Bush and I are much alike,” he writes) would protect him from the likes of Rumsfeld and Vice President Cheney even when—as was inevitable—someone would have to take the fall. Or did George actually believe Cheney’s insight that U.S. forces would be greeted in Iraq as liberators, and that at that point, the absence of the weapons of mass destruction would not matter?

Now George is worried about his reputation. He told “60 Minutes”:

At the end of the day, the only thing you have…is your reputation built on trust and your personal honor, and when you don’t have that anymore, well, there you go.

I immediately thought back to former Secretary of State Colin Powell’s response when he was asked if he regretted the lies he told at the United Nations on Feb. 5, 2003. Powell said he regretted that speech because it was “a blot on my record.”

So we’ve got ruined reputations and blots on records. Poor boys. What about the 3, 344 American soldiers already killed in a war that could not have happened had not these poor fellows deliberately distorted the evidence and led the cheering for war? What about the more than 50,000 troops wounded, not to mention the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians whose deaths can be attributed directly to the invasion and its aftermath. There are blots, and there are blots. Why is it that Tenet and Powell seem to inhabit a different planet?

Despite all this, they still have their defenders…or at least Tenet does. (Powell’s closest associate, Col. Larry Wilkerson, decided long ago to turn state’s evidence and apologize for his and Powell’s role in the intelligence and policy fiasco, but Powell has tried to remain above the battle. He may, I suppose, be writing his own book.)

Saturday on National Public Radio Tenet’s deputy and partner in crime, John McLaughlin, went to ludicrous lengths reciting a carefully prepared list of “all the things that the CIA got right,” while conceding that it (not “we,” mind you, but “it”) performed “inadequately” in assessing weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.

Defending Torture…Again

Hewing to the George W. Bush dictum of “catapulting the propaganda” by endlessly repeating the same claim (the formula used so successfully by Joseph Goebbels), Tenet manages to tell “60 Minutes” five times in five consecutive sentences: “We don’t torture people.” Like President Bush, however, he then goes on to show why it has been absolutely necessary to torture people. Do they take us for fools? And Tenet’s claims of success in extracting information via torture are no more deserving of credulity than the rest of what he says.

His own credibility aside, Tenet has succeeded in destroying the asset without which an intelligence community cannot be effective and informed policy making is at grave risk—trustworthiness. That is serious. He seems blissfully oblivious to the damage he has done—aware only of the damage he accuses others of doing to his “personal honor.”

Lessons

If any good can come out of the intelligence/policy debacle regarding Iraq, it would be the clear lesson that intelligence crafted to dovetail with the predilections of policymakers can bring disaster. The role that Tenet, McLaughlin and their small coterie of malleable managers played as willing accomplices in the corruption of intelligence has made a mockery of the verse chiseled into the marble at the entrance to CIA headquarters: “You will know the truth, and the truth will set you free.”

Had Tenet been tenaciously honest, his analysts would have risen to the occasion. And there is a good chance that they could have helped prevent what the Nuremburg Tribunal called the “supreme international crime”—a war of aggression—a war that Tenet and his subordinates knew had nothing to do with the “intelligence” adduced to “justify” it, as Tenet now admits in his book.

No director of the CIA should come from the ranks of congressional staff, since those staffers work in a politicized ambience antithetical to substantive intelligence work. Tenet is Exhibit A. When he was nominated for the job, outside observers deemed it a good sign that, as a congressional staffer, Tenet had been equally popular on both sides of the aisle. But for intelligence professionals, this raised a huge red flag.

As we had learned early in our careers, if you consistently tell it like it is, you are certain to make enemies. Those enjoying universal popularity are ipso facto suspect of perfecting the political art of compromise—shading this and shaving that. However useful this may be on the Hill, it sounds the death knell for intelligence analysis.

Tenet also lacked experience in managing a large, complicated organization. Such experience is a sine qua non.

Finally, it is mischievous myth that the CIA director must cultivate a close personal relationship with the president. Nor should the director try, for it is a net minus. The White House is not a fraternity house; mutual respect is far more important than camaraderie. A mature president will respect an independent intelligence director. The latter must resist the temptation to be “part of the team” in the same way that the president’s political advisers are part of the team. Overly close identification with “the team” can erode objectivity and cloud intelligence judgments. Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, like Cheney a frequent visitor to CIA headquarters in 2002 to “help” with the analysis on Iraq, told the press that Tenet was “so grateful to the president [presumably for not firing him after Sept. 11, 2001] that he would do anything for him.” That attitude is the antithesis of what is needed in senior intelligence officers.

Much is at stake, and it will be an uphill battle to bring back honesty and professionalism to the analysis process and impede efforts to politicize the intelligence product. In an institution like the CIA, significant, enduring improvement requires vision, courage, and integrity at the top. It has been almost three decades since the CIA has been led by such a person.

Ray McGovern works with Tell the Word, the publishing arm of the ecumenical Church of the Saviour in Washington. His responsibilities during his 27-year service as a CIA analyst included chairing National Intelligence Estimates and preparing the President’s Daily Brief. He is co-founder of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS).

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Soldier’s Grieving Wife Speaks

In an exclusive interview with FOX21’s Grace Polanski, Renea Waltz said, “The military killed my husband.” Renea’s 40-year-old husband, Staff Sergeant Mark Waltz died in their home Monday morning. Waltz said, “Those people who did not help my husband, killed my husband.” The grieving soldier’s wife said her husband was diagnosed with PTSD and BTI [sic] too late, yet deployed to return to war in Iraq again even though he was sick.

Fort Carson said they will not comment about Mark Waltz’s death. A spokesperson said they must wait 24 hours. Fort Carson has defended their treatment of injured and returning soldiers. They deny any claims of neglect or mistreatment. Waltz said, “They’re lying by saying they help soldiers. They do not, now I can’t speak for any other unit, but I sure can speak for 329!” Waltz said soldiers are ridiculed for speaking up about illness. When asked why she is chosing to speak up about her husband, Waltz replied, “My husband died on my couch this (Monday) morning, that’s why people need to open their mouths. People need to call people. There are soldiers out there who are going out to Iraq, losing their lives, for what?”

Staff Sergeant Waltz also leaves behind three children. Waltz’s daughters are shocked about their father’s death. Abbey Waltz said, “I just woke up and I see an ambulance, a fire truck. I ask my mom what’s wrong, she says dad’s dead.” Alley Waltz said, “I come out of my room, and I thought it was a bad dream because I heard everybody screaming, and I saw my mom laying on the ground crying. I looked downstairs and saw my dad and a whole bunch of paramedics around him.”

Renea Waltz said she is looking into getting her husband’s medical records from Fort Carson.

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Ex-CIA Officials Call On Tenet to Give Back His Medals

April 30, 2007 – In his much-watched “60 Minutes” interview on Sunday, former CIA director George Tenet spoke passionately in defense of his former colleagues at the agency, saying they had been maligned and scapegoated by the Bush administration. Tenet said he wrote his book, “At the Center of the Storm,” which goes on sale this week, partly to defend their honor. “The only people that ever stand up and tell the truth are who? Intelligence officers. Because our culture is never break faith with the truth,” Tenet said in the interview. But on Monday a group of former CIA officials circulated a letter questioning Tenet’s honesty, and harshly criticizing him for “failed leadership” that besmirched the agency. “We believe you have a moral obligation to return the Medal of Freedom you received from President George Bush,” said the authors of the letter, adding that Tenet ought to donate “a significant percentage of the royalties from your book to the U.S. soldiers and their families who have been killed and wounded in Iraq.” One of the authors, Larry Johnson—a former CIA officer and counterterrorism expert—told NEWSWEEK that the letter began as a post on his blog last week. But when he sent it around to former CIA colleagues, “there were people who didn’t sign but urged me on, and gave me information that we included.” Another signer, former CIA officer Philip Giraldi, who is currently a security consultant, said that his agency colleagues were outraged that “Tenet is rewriting history to a large extent to take himself out of the decision-making process on this [the war with Iraq, failures before 9/11, and other mistakes].” Bill Harlow, a spokesman for Tenet when both were at the CIA (who receives a writing credit on the book), said: “We decline to comment on the letter.”

A copy of the letter, which was obtained in NEWSWEEK, is reprinted in full below:

28 April 2007
Mr. George Tenet
c/o Harper Collins Publishers
10 East 53rd Street
8th Floor
New York City, New York 10022

ATTN:  Ms. Tina Andredis

Dear Mr. Tenet:

We write to you on the occasion of the release of your book, At the Center of the Storm.  You are on the record complaining about the “damage to your reputation”.  In our view the damage to your reputation is inconsequential compared to the harm your actions have caused for the U.S. soldiers engaged in combat in Iraq and the national security of the United States.  We believe you have a moral obligation to return the Medal of Freedom you received from President George Bush.  We also call for you to dedicate a significant percentage of the royalties from your book to the U.S. soldiers and their families who have been killed and wounded in Iraq.

We agree with you that Vice President Dick Cheney and other Bush administration officials took the United States to war for flimsy reasons.  We agree that the war of choice in Iraq was ill-advised and wrong headed.  But your lament that you are a victim in a process you helped direct is self-serving, misleading and, as head of the intelligence community, an admission of failed leadership.  You were not a victim. You were a willing participant in a poorly considered policy to start an unnecessary war and you share culpability with Dick Cheney and George Bush for the debacle in Iraq.

You are not alone in failing to speak up and protest the twisting and shading of intelligence.  Those who remained silent when they could have made a difference also share the blame for not protesting the abuse and misuse of intelligence that occurred under your watch.  But ultimately you were in charge and you signed off on the CIA products and you briefed the President.

This is not a case of Monday morning quarterbacking.  You helped send very mixed signals to the American people and their legislators in the fall of 2002.  CIA field operatives produced solid intelligence in September 2002 that stated clearly there was no stockpile of any kind of WMD in Iraq. This intelligence was ignored and later misused.  On October 1 you signed and gave to President Bush and senior policy makers a fraudulent National Intelligence Estimate (NIE)-which dovetailed with unsupported threats presented by Vice President Dick Cheney in an alarmist speech on August 26, 2002.

You were well aware that the White House tried to present as fact intelligence you knew was unreliable.  And yet you tried to have it both ways.  On October 7, just hours before the president gave a major speech in Cincinnati, you were successful in preventing him from using the fable about Iraq purchasing uranium in Africa, although that same claim appeared in the NIE you signed only six days before.  

Although CIA officers learned in late September 2002 from a high-level member of Saddam Hussein’s inner circle that Iraq had no past or present contact with Osama bin Laden and that the Iraqi leader considered bin Laden an enemy of the Baghdad regime, you still went before Congress in February 2003 and testified that Iraq did indeed have links to Al Qaeda.

You showed a lack of leadership and courage in January of 2003 as the Bush Administration pushed and cajoled analysts and managers to let them make the bogus claim that Iraq was on the verge of getting its hands on uranium.   You signed off on Colin Powell’s presentation to the United Nations.  And, at his insistence, you sat behind him and visibly squandered CIA’s most precious asset—credibility.”  

You may now feel you were bullied and victimized but you were also one of the bullies.  In the end you allowed suspect sources, like Curveball, to be used based on very limited reporting and evidence.  Yet you were informed in no uncertain terms that Curveball was not reliable.  You broke with CIA standard practice and insisted on voluminous evidence to refute this reporting rather than treat the information as suspect.  You helped set the bar very low for reporting that supported favored White House positions, while raising the bar astronomically high when it came to raw intelligence that did not support the case for war being hawked by the president and vice president.

It now turns out that you were the Alberto Gonzales of the intelligence community—a grotesque mixture of incompetence and sycophancy shielded by a genial personality.  Decisions were made, you were in charge, but you have no idea how decisions were made even though you were in charge.  Curiously, you focus your anger on the likes of Dick Cheney, Don Rumsfeld, and Condi Rice, but you decline to criticize the President.

Mr. Tenet, as head of the intelligence community, you failed to use your position of power and influence to protect the intelligence process and, more importantly, the country.  What should you have done?  What could you have done? 

For starters, during the critical summer and fall of 2002, you could have gone to key Republicans and Democrats in the Congress and warned them of the pressure.  But you remained silent.  Your candor during your one-on-one with Sir Richard Dearlove, then-head of British Intelligence, of July 20, 2002, provides documentary evidence that you knew exactly what you were doing; namely, “fixing” the intelligence to the policy.

By your silence you helped build the case for war.  You betrayed the CIA officers who collected the intelligence that made it clear that Saddam did not pose an imminent threat.  You betrayed the analysts who tried to withstand the pressure applied by Cheney and Rumsfeld.

Most importantly and tragically, you failed to meet your obligations to the people of the United States.  Instead of resigning in protest, when it could have made a difference in the public debate, you remained silent and allowed the Bush Administration to cite your participation in these deliberations to justify their decision to go to war.  Your silence contributed to the willingness of the public to support the disastrous war in Iraq, which has killed more than 3300 Americans and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis.

If you are committed to correcting the record about your past failings then you should start by returning the Medal of Freedom you willingly received from President Bush in December 2004.  You claim it was given only because of the war on terror, but you were standing next to General Tommy Franks and L. Paul Bremer, who also contributed to the disaster in Iraq.  President Bush said that you:

played pivotal roles in great events, and [your] efforts have made our country more secure and advanced the cause of human liberty.

The reality of Iraq, however, has not made our nation more secure nor has the cause of human liberty been advanced.  In fact, your tenure as head of the CIA has helped create a world that is more dangerous.  The damage to the credibility of the CIA is serious but can eventually be repaired.  Many of the U.S. soldiers maimed in the streets of Fallujah and Baghdad cannot be fixed.  Many will live the rest of their lives missing limbs, blinded, mentally disabled, or physically disfigured. And the dead have passed into history.

Mr. Tenet, you cannot undo what has been done.  It is doubly sad that you seem still to lack an adequate appreciation of the enormous amount of death and carnage you have facilitated.  If reflection on these matters serves to prick your conscience we encourage you to donate at least half of the royalties from your book sales to the veterans and their families, who have paid and are paying the price for your failure to speak up when you could have made a difference.  That would be the decent and honorable thing to do.

Sincerely yours,

Phil Giraldi
Ray McGovern
Larry Johnson
Jim Marcinkowski
Vince Cannistraro
David MacMichael

UPDATE:  Signatories who were not CIA officers but worked in high level intelligence and national security positions.

W. Patrick Lang (Colonel, retired, US Army and former Chief of Middle East Division, DIA)
Thomas R. Maertens (Director for nonproliferation and homeland defense under Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush)

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VA Resources for Virginia Tech Mass Murder

The staff at the National Center for PTSD extend our condolences to all of those affected by the violence at Virginia Tech, the worst school shooting in US history. We know that continued support is vital in helping all individuals manage through this trying time.

This type of event can be categorized as an act of mass violence. Unlike reactions to community violence, which involves living in a community where violence is often prevalent, psychological affects following this type of mass violence are more similar to those following terrorism or disaster. Please see the links below on our website for useful information:

Related information for Providers

-Psychological First Aid Manual (with handouts)
www.ncptsd.va.gov/ncmain/ncdocs/manuals/nc_manual_psyfirstaid.html  

-Mental Health Reactions after Disaster/Mass Violence
www.ncptsd.va.gov/ncmain/ncdocs/handouts/Reactions.pdf 

-More information for Providers
www.ncptsd.va.gov/ncmain/providers/fact_sheets/treatment/disaster/index.jsp

Information for individuals affected

-FAQ on Terrorism and Mass Violence
http://www.ncptsd.va.gov/ncmain/ncdocs/fact_shts/fs_faq_disaster.html 

-Reactions to Major Disaster/Mass Violence (handout)
www.ncptsd.va.gov/ncmain/ncdocs/handouts/Reactions_Survivors.pdf 

– More information about trauma and disasters
www.ncptsd.va.gov/ncmain/information/trauma/disaster/general_ndis.jsp 

Also see: National Child Traumatic Stress Network:  www.nctsnet.org

Sincerely,

The Staff at VA’s National Center for PTSD

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For One Couple, Struggle to Find Better Care Led to Relocation

MONTAGUE — The morning sun glinted off the silver crucifix dangling from the rearview window of Anna Mohan’s 1992 Toyota as it started with a rough bang on a cold late-winter day.

She was on the road. Again.

As Mohan has struggled, traveling far and wide to find help for husband, Peter, a soldier wounded in Iraq, her faith and her faithful old car have been about all she could rely on.

Certainly, for the longest time, she couldn’t rely on the VA.

The couple’s journey together has taken them from the cornfields of rural North Carolina to the hill towns of Western Massachusetts, where Peter Mohan, 27, finally got the care he needed. His was a classic case of a veteran who found himself desperate for VA services, but living far from a VA healthcare center and feeling lost in the agency’s bureaucratic thicket.

Hers was also a common story — of the incredible burdens that often settle on a wounded veteran’s spouse or family. It is no stretch to say that Anna Mohan’s perseverance may have saved her husband’s life.

She and her husband were living North Carolina in 2004 when he deployed as a specialist with the Army National Guard to Iraq. After he returned a year later, she got a job as a teacher in Engelhard, a small town in North Carolina.

But while she away during the day at work, Peter was collapsing into mental illness, anger, self-destructive behavior, and hard drinking. He was consumed by memories of war — the fellow soldiers he saw killed and civilians he saw caught up in intense fighting near Baqubah. He became suicidal and harbored violent fantasies.

Sometimes, he said, he would roar through town on his motorcycle toting a loaded gun and a bottle of Jack Daniels. He was hoping for a confrontation with police that would “get that feeling again” of combat.

“I wanted to get in a fight I knew I’d lose. I wanted to take my life that way,” he said.

At the VA medical center in Durham — a four-hour drive from Engelhard — Peter was prescribed a raft of antianxiety drugs and sleeping pills, but no counseling. No one mentioned how dangerous it could be to take the pills after consuming alcohol. Anna Mohan was told it would be a four month wait to get an appointment for her husband to be assessed for post-traumatic stress disorder, and after that, a three-month wait for counseling.

She knew he couldn’t wait that long.

“I was really scared,” she said. “You feel like there is no one there. The VA, from my experience, is just not prepared for these veterans coming home with these problems. It’s up to the wives and the families. And for those who don’t have that support, I just don’t know what happens to them.”

She quit her job, knowing that the fight to save her husband would be full-time task. Bills piled up. Eventually they had to put their house on the market. “Thing fell apart really fast,” she said.

And Peter was unraveling even faster. In December 2006, Anna gave up on getting him the care he needed in North Carolina. She moved them to Montague, Mass., where her parents live and where — more importantly — they would be close to Northampton, home to one of only five in patient PTSD programs in the country.

Within weeks, Peter was diagnosed with “severe chronic PTSD” and told he was next in line for the Northampton program. That meant another delay. Anna insisted that he needed immediate help, and the center acquiesced, placing him in a 3 1/2-week program in late February.

For the Mohans, the contrast between the response in Northampton and what they encountered in North Carolina is a dramatic example of something veterans’ advocates complain of — the inconsistent quality of care at VA facilities.

Still, they have found a vein of hope.

“I am nervous because I don’t know what things are going to be like, and what the healing process is going to be like,” Anna said, as she set off in her Toyota to pick up Peter at the hospital. “But I am excited because I am getting my husband back.”

For his part, Peter, a tall, solidly built man, jokes that it will take a while to adapt to life “behind the tofu curtain” in New England, a region that had seemed foreign to one with a staunchly military outlook. But, turning serious, he is grateful.

“There’s not a lot of NASCAR in Montague, but I’ve got to tell you for all the smack the right talks about the left, this place full of liberals has offered more support and better services than the red state of North Carolina,” he said.

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