Amnesty International Press Release: Iraq: New Humanitarian Crisis Looms as More Than Three Million Iraqis Displaced by War

Amnesty International today warned that the Middle East is on the verge of a new humanitarian crisis unless the European Union, US and other states take urgent and concrete measures to assist the more than three million people forcibly displaced by the conflict in Iraq.

In a briefing released in advance of an international conference being convened by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Geneva, 17-18 April 2007, the organization called for other states to immediately help alleviate the situation of Iraqi refugees who have increasingly flooded into Syria and Jordan, particularly since the February 2006 attack by armed insurgents on one of Iraq’s holiest shrines, the Samarra’ mosque. That attack sparked a new, more intensive bout of sectarian bloodletting in which civilians from across Iraq’s increasingly divided communities have been among the principal targets.

“Syria and Jordan, who together now host some two million Iraqis, have borne the brunt of the refugee exodus so far, but there must be a limit to which they can continue to do so in the face of the continuing surge by Iraqis desperate to escape the conflict,” said Malcolm Smart, Director of Amnesty International’s Middle East and North African Programme. “It is vital that other governments now step in and deliver — not just pledge — direct assistance in order to ensure that the refugees are adequately housed and fed, and have access to health care and education, in Syria, Jordan and the other countries which are now helping bear the consequences of the disaster in Iraq.”

As well as direct aid to the Iraqi refugee communities and the countries hosting them, Amnesty International is calling on the US, EU and other states to establish generous resettlement programmes in order to assist Iraqi refugees, especially the most vulnerable and at risk, to start new lives well away from the conflict zone, and to afford all refugees and rejected asylum seekers effective protection. “The UK government and others which persist in returning failed asylum seekers to Iraq, arguing that the Kurdish north is relatively peaceful, should desist from this practice forthwith,” said Malcolm Smart. “Iraqis’ lives should not be put at risk in order for governments to demonstrate to a domestic audience that they can be tough on asylum seekers — this is just playing with other people’s lives.”

Amnesty International is also calling for action to assist the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis who have become internally displaced. “The Iraqi government, the states contributing troops to the Multinational Force, and other governments and political and religious leaders in the region must redouble their efforts to find a political solution, one that brings an end to sectarian and other violence and allows Iraqis to return to their homes and live in peace,” said Malcolm Smart. “Until and unless they do so, and find a solution which respects basic human rights, Iraqis will continue to pay the price with their lives and the stability of the entire region will remain under threat.”

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Iraq War Veterans are Home and Homeless

Three years ago, when he returned from Iraq and a stint in the U.S. Army, Herold Noel thought he’d be treated as a hero. Instead, he faced a series of degradations, including learning he was ineligible for public-housing assistance.

That’s when Noel went back to the red Jeep that had become his home at night. That’s when Noel — fueled by alcohol — took out a gun. That’s when Noel fired the bullet intended to pierce his skull and kill himself instantly.

Noel misfired, then passed out. When he woke up, he realized what had happened.

“I was fed up with this situation,” he says now, speaking on the phone from New York about the housing setbacks, job rejections and other stresses that pushed him to attempt suicide. “I just felt like I’d rather die on my feet than on my knees. This country was putting me on my knees. I said I’d rather die with a little bit of pride, because they stripped me away from all that.”

Homelessness was a central factor in Noel’s desperation, just as it is for many veterans returning to cities and towns all across the United States from the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan.

On any given night, an estimated 100 to 300 vets who were part of Operation Iraqi Freedom or Operation Enduring Freedom (the government’s name for its Afghanistan campaign) live in transient conditions, according to organizations that help homeless ex-GIs. These men and women who once proudly represented the U.S. military now live on the street, in shelters, in their cars, with their friends — anywhere they can unload their belongings for a night or two or longer. The number may seem low, but homeless advocates worry that these wars will eventually produce tens of thousands of homeless vets, as the Vietnam War did.

Brian Dadds, a Navy veteran whose ship monitored missile strikes on Iraq in the war’s first months, now bides his time in San Francisco, where he has slept everywhere from Ocean Beach to a city-run homeless shelter. His hair much longer than in his military days, Dadds, 24, says he’ll often just “walk around town” before deciding on a place to sleep.

Swords to Ploughshares, the San Francisco organization that helps former military personnel who are homeless, has seen more than 20 Iraq War veterans. Vietnam Veterans of California, which has temporary housing sites throughout Northern California, says it has assisted more than 60 veterans of Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom who were in need of permanent housing.

Historians often compare the Iraq war to Vietnam in terms of scope, casualties and military aims gone awry, but for homeless advocates, there’s a disturbing difference between the conflicts: The Vietnam War, which lasted more than a decade, produced a steady stream of homeless vets in the years after hostilities ended; the Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns, which are less than 6 years old, have resulted in homeless vets while hostilities are still going on.

Many of those who join today’s volunteer army, like Noel, come from economically depressed backgrounds, say homeless advocates, and when they return home, they face the same financial vulnerabilities they had before, but now they might suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (Noel has been diagnosed with it) and might rely on alcohol or other drugs to cope with their traumas. They may also be reluctant to admit their problems to the Department of Veterans Affairs or the many nongovernmental organizations that help homeless veterans.

“What happens sometimes is that young men and women come home from Iraq and Afghanistan, and they think everything is going to be cool and that life is going to begin again,” says Cheryl Beversdorf, president of the National Coalition for Homeless Veterans in Washington. “But then things start occurring, like they begin recognizing symptoms of PTSD or depression or whatever, and some people say, ‘I’m not going to the VA — that’s where my dad went.’ Or they say, ‘There’s nothing wrong with me.’ Or they don’t know about community-based organizations (that help homeless vets).”

About 200,000 veterans are homeless in the United States, according to estimates by the Department of Veterans Affairs, with about 80,000 having been in Vietnam. About 2.8 million Americans served in Vietnam. So far 1.5 million U.S. troops have been deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan.

Judging by experience, tens of thousands of Americans who went to Iraq and Afghanistan will eventually become homeless — a number that Veterans Affairs is woefully unprepared for, says Paul Rieckhoff, a former Army lieutenant who fought in Iraq in 2003 and 2004 and now heads a group called Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America, which lobbies on behalf of homeless vets.

“History is repeating itself,” Rieckhoff says. “Systemwide, there’s not an adequate plan in place to deal with homelessness. … It starts with a lack of adequate transitional resources and capacity, but there’s also a lack of beds, a lack of outreach, a lack of good data. One of my biggest criticisms of the VA is that they don’t have an accurate tracking mechanism. If you ask the secretary of the VA how many people are homeless, he won’t be able to tell you adequately. He can’t even tell you how many people are dead, because there is no registry. That’s one of the legislative initiatives that we’ve been pushing for — a Department of Defense registry that tracks everyone from the moment they get home.”

After the Vietnam War, the Department of Veterans Affairs did establish homeless outreach programs around the country. VA medical centers, such as the one in San Francisco’s outer Richmond District, have coordinators who specialize in homeless services. The VA has a national director of homeless programs and a multimillion-dollar budget that, among other things, pays for temporary housing. But the staggering number of Vietnam vets still on the streets 30 years after the war ended reveals the extent of the problem, including the VA’s role, say homeless advocates.

Upon returning to the United States, veterans must register with a system already backlogged with 400,000 applications for disability benefits, a bottleneck that puts veterans at risk of homelessness, warns Linda Bilmes, a Harvard lecturer in Public Policy who is the author of a paper published in January, “Soldiers Returning from Iraq and Afghanistan: The Long-term Costs of Providing Veterans Medical Care and Disability Benefits.”

During the long wait for their first disability check — six months or longer — “veterans, particularly those in a state of mental distress, are most at risk for serious problems, including suicide, falling into substance abuse, divorce, losing their job, or becoming homeless,” Bilmes warns in her report.

Noel was one of those vets forced to wait six months for his first disability check. At one point, he stayed in a homeless shelter in the Bronx, where he says someone stole his Iraq War medals and photos. Noel would sometimes sleep on the roof of a building. His nightmares followed him wherever he went.

During his seven months in Iraq in 2003 and 2004, Noel delivered fuel for tanks and other military vehicles. His tanker was shelled by militants, and every time he took to Iraq’s roadways, Noel feared he would be killed. During his deliveries, he carried an M16 that he fired at people he believed were trying to harm him. In other interviews he’s given after his appearance in the 2005 documentary “When I Came Home” (which is about homeless veterans), Noel has implied that he had killed eight Iraqis. He says he witnessed the deaths or dead bodies of many other people.

After Iraq, Noel’s marriage collapsed in divorce. Two of his three kids lived with another family in New York, while he and one son slept in Noel’s SUV, usually parking it on the streets of Brooklyn. “Although he now can afford to rent his own apartment, Noel still has thoughts of suicide.

“We came back to a country that won’t fight for us,” Noel says. “We’re still sacrificing.” Noel, 27, says homelessness among former service members should spark as much outrage as the conditions at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, where a Washington Post probe prompted a shakeup.

The government is trying to do something about vet homelessness, says Peter Dougherty, director of homeless programs for Veterans Affairs. In the past 15 years, as the VA has boosted services to homeless vets, the number of ex-GIs who are homeless has decreased by 50,000, he says. About 300 members of the military who saw duty in Iraq and Afghanistan have stayed in VA-sponsored housing for homeless veterans, Dougherty says. Instead of being a foreboding sign, he says, the number of new veterans seeking shelter is an opportunity for the government to work with veterans in vulnerable positions — to offer assistance before problems get out of control.

“I’m of the theory that the earlier we can intervene, the better off that veteran is going to be,” Dougherty says. “Some people always ask me, ‘Isn’t it tragic that we’re seeing these veterans?’ Well, it’s tragic we’re seeing anyone. But I think the best news we have is that the earlier we see them, the more likely it is that they’re going to get better, faster, and get on with their lives.”

During this fiscal year, Washington is spending $210 million on programs directly related to helping homeless veterans, Dougherty says. Next year’s budget is scheduled to increase by $77 million. Homeless veterans who enter the doors of the San Francisco VA clinic on Third and Harrison streets have access to showers, storage lockers, and a clean place to sit with other veterans who are trying to right themselves. They can meet with counselors and medical staff, and attend group sessions on ending abuse of alcohol and drugs.

Among those who have recently visited the center, according to clinic head Bobbie Rosenthal, are an Iraq vet who lives in a van on a street near AT&T Park and another who lives with his girlfriend “on the edge” of homelessness. The ex-serviceman in the van has overcome a drinking problem, Rosenthal says, while the other man is struggling with the effects of post-traumatic stress disorder.

Dadds says he doesn’t have a drug or alcohol problem, nor is he struggling with emotional trauma from his time in the Persian Gulf. Though he learned to shoot and was assigned guard duty on his Navy ship, his main task was to work in the vessel’s computer room, he says. Since his Navy service ended in July 2003, Dadds — a native of Maryland who has lived in Florida and San Diego — has been traveling from city to city, content with living on the street if he can’t find a temporary bed to his liking. In San Diego, he slept on the street for four months. At shelters, he has met veterans who fought in the 1991 Persian Gulf War, and in the 1992-94 Somalia operation. Dadds avoids reading or watching news about the war.

“The less I see it, the less I hear about it, the less I think about it,” Dadds says.

Dadds would one day like to “settle down” into a steady job and home, but for now, he’s unconcerned about his transient lifestyle, even if it means sleeping on a mat in a strange shelter.

Compared with the tens of thousands of people who have died in the Iraq War, Noels, Dadds and other young veterans are fortunate. The reality, though, is that homelessness can be a debilitating experience, and for veterans, nothing they ever expected when they first put on a uniform.

E-mail Jonathan Curiel at jcuriel@sfchronicle.com.

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The War Within: Post-Traumatic Stress Takes Toll Long After Veterans Come Home

January 2005: The citizens of Iraq go to the polls to elect representatives to the Iraqi National Assembly.

Two soldiers from Missoula climb into Bradley infantry fighting vehicles, and for 24 hours straight patrol the streets of Baqubah, providing security for polling places.

Baqubah is a nasty place in more ways than one.

“I can’t forget the smell,” says Sgt. Fred Hansen of the 163rd Infantry Battalion, Montana National Guard. “There’s no garbage system, just an open field on each block where everyone throws their trash.”

“And an above-ground sewer” that carries feces and urine away, adds Sgt. Dave Bauer.

But it’s not just the stench from the open dumps and sewers. Baqubah sits on the edge of the Sunni Triangle, and Americans are despised.

Still, the elections went off well. American and Iraqi forces put up concrete barriers 500 meters from the polling places in Baqubah to keep car bombs at bay, and the Bradleys lumbering through the streets helped deter insurgents from trying much else. The Americans had come under small-arms fire the night before, but the polls still closed without the election being disrupted.

“Then our mission changed,” Bauer says.

And so did their long night.

Now their job was to provide security for the truck that was picking up ballot boxes at polling places, and that meant getting out of the tanks and moving the concrete barriers.

“The last polling place was about a mile up a road, and we had a big concrete barrier to get out of the way,” Bauer says.

Suddenly, an improvised explosive device was detonated near them. Rocket-propelled grenades rained in on them.

“It knocked my commander out cold,” Bauer says. “I was shaking him, trying to wake him up, and another guy threw a pipe bomb off a bridge at us. We had the road unblocked, so we started going up it, trying to figure out who was firing on us.”

Three-quarters of a mile up the road, the Bradley stopped near a grove of date palms where it looked like the enemy had retreated. The ballot box truck and two more Bradleys continued on to the polling place.

While they waited, more rocket-propelled grenades were fired at them. One hit the transformer on a telephone pole 10 feet away, and sparks and oil rained down on them.

Bauer opened fire with the coaxial machine gun on the Bradley. It cut down trees in the grove. He hit the enemy’s arms cache, creating a huge explosion as a fireball rose in the night sky.

“Go, Dave, go!” hollered Hansen and the other troops.

“There were fires everywhere and trees were down,” Hansen says. “There were Apaches (helicopters) above us, but they didn’t have to do anything. Dave took care of business. We rely on these guys. He was saving our lives.”

“I was saving myself, too,” Bauer says.

March 2007: 23-year-old Chris Dana, who served alongside Hansen and Bauer in Echo Troop, shuts himself in his bedroom in Helena, puts a blanket over his head and shoots himself.

Going to war is not easy for America’s servicemen and women.

Neither, it turns out, is coming home.

Oh, at first there is nothing like the euphoria you feel, they say. You have never been so happy to be back in a safe place. You have never more appreciated the people in your life. You have never felt so lucky to be alive.

You try to settle back into the routines, of jobs, of family. But the memories of Iraq don’t let you.

Months after his return, Hansen and his partner, Jeanne Castle, were putting together a bed. It was time to lift the box spring into place, and Hansen stood there, in the middle of the frame where the box spring needed to go, unable to figure out why Jeanne kept telling him to move.

“I had a hard time forming thought processes,” he says. “The simplest things confounded me. Jeanne and I were remodeling our basement, and I couldn’t make measurements. I talked to my counselor about why I couldn’t think the simplest things through.”

Eric Kettenring of the Missoula Vets Center told Hansen it was because while he was in Iraq, his mind raced at 100 mph, every waking moment, for a solid year.

“At home everything moves at a slower pace,” Hansen says, “but my mind couldn’t slow down. I was over-thinking everything. It was the most bizarre experience.”

For Bauer, the firefight in Baqubah “was an adrenaline rush like no other.”

Long after the euphoria of returning home wore off, the adrenaline rushes didn’t.

“When you’re on patrol in Iraq, you are hyper-aware,” Bauer says. “You want to be in control, because being in control can save you. When you get home, that feeling doesn’t go away.”

It led, he says, to encounters that shouldn’t have happened.

“I’d get frustrated with traffic, frustrated with co-workers,” he says.

Even, says the father of four, with his family.

At the bottom of his frustrations, Bauer says, was a feeling that his fellow Americans have little or no appreciation for the privileged lives they lead.

“They can travel from state to state with no roadblocks,” he says. “They have electricity 24-7, they get 100 channels on their TV, they have food in their grocery stores. I’ve been where they’ll go without electricity for 10 days or have no running water for two days, and then when they get it it only runs for two hours. When I hear people here gripe, I just want to say, ‘Open your eyes and quit complaining when your cable bill goes up $3 or gas goes up a few cents.’ ”

“You have no idea how lucky you are,” Hansen adds, “that you can walk out of your house and not have to worry about getting blown up.”

Old habits die hard. In Iraq, when you’re on patrol, you stop for nothing. Sitting ducks are, after all, sitting ducks.

Hansen yelled at Jeanne for coming to a stop on a busy Missoula street.

“It’s a red light,” she explained to him.

Lori Bauer couldn’t believe it when her husband drove her new TrailBlazer right over 6-inch-high concrete barriers in a parking lot instead of going around them.

“I just knew we had to get across them to get where we were going, and I never slowed down,” Dave Bauer says. “It never crossed my mind that I shouldn’t be doing it until my wife mentioned the fact that we were in her car, not mine, and she’d rather I didn’t do it anymore.”

“We were both Humvee drivers over there, and if traffic stopped, we didn’t,” Hansen says. “If they didn’t get out of the way we rammed them, because you don’t want to be a stationary target. We carried the same mind-set back here.”

“Your average State Farm agent frowns on that,” Bauer adds.

Now 48 and 45 respectively, Hansen and Bauer were the old men of Echo Troop in 2005.

Indeed, his fellow soldiers called Hansen “Grampa” and Bauer’s call sign, Oscar Mike, stood for “old man.”

Hansen, a former district manager in the Missoulian’s circulation department who filed several stories for the newspaper during 2005 detailing his year in Iraq, now works as an administrative assistant in the Department of Education at the University of Montana.

He also served in the U.S. Navy from 1979-85.

Bauer, a Polson native who joined the National Guard in 1979 when he graduated from high school there, works for the Montana Department of Natural Resources, where he builds and rebuilds fire trucks.

He and Lori have four children. The oldest, 21-year-old Dallon, is with the 1st Division of the 509th Airborne Infantry, and was in Iraq at the same time as his father.

“A double whammy” for Lori, Bauer admits.

Their other children are 20-year-old Danelle, 14-year-old Forrest and 10-year-old Faith.

Hansen had been out of the service for 18 years, and Bauer for 16, when they joined the Montana National Guard.

Neither expected to be deployed to Iraq.

Hansen enlisted on Oct. 7, 2003 – his 45th birthday.

“I originally wanted to do something for my community, and I’d seen the work the National Guard did on forest fires, and I respected that,” Hansen says. “I wanted to do the same thing they had. It didn’t quite turn out the way I expected.”

Bauer watched terrorists fly jets into New York City skyscrapers and the Pentagon on 9/11, got out of his chair, drove down to the recruiter and re-enlisted.

“I’d been thinking about re-upping,” he says. “I kind of went down and did it on a whim – but there was no better time.”

At the time, Echo Troop played the role of the opposition at Fort Irwin, Calif., training troops headed for Iraq.

“We were non-deployable because we were trainers,” he says. “I was sort of hoping we would get deployed. I guess my wish came true.”

They spent three weeks at Fort Harrison in Helena, moved on to Fort Bliss, Texas, then to the Joint Readiness Training Center at Fort Polk, La., where Iraqi nationals played the part of insurgents to add to the authenticity of the training.

Right after Thanksgiving, they were deployed, first to Kuwait, then into Iraq, part of a seven-mile-long convoy that took six days to get to Baghdad.

The day after the firefight in Baqubah, Echo Troop moved out to friendlier territory in Kirkuk, where Kurds and Turkmen who had been persecuted by Saddam Hussein were part of the population.

“We left the Kurds high and dry after the first Gulf War, and for the first couple of years they were suspicious of Americans,” Bauer says, “but by the time we got there they knew we were going to stay, and not abandon them.”

There were shootings, they say, and they awoke most every morning to the sounds of things exploding. But it was nothing like the terror of Baqubah.

They went on patrols and conducted raids – “soft knocks” if they believed an insurgent was in the area; “hard knocks,” where they would break down the door, if they believed an insurgent was in a particular house or building.

“One of our scariest missions came when police had captured four guys who had been kidnapping Iraqi police officers and chopping their heads off,” Bauer says. “Me and Sgt. Hansen had to take them to court in an armored Suburban, and I figured if we were going to get hit, this would be when it would happen.”

It didn’t, but there was never time to relax. They visited a bank, asked questions, and within 20 hours a car bomb went off in the same spot, killing 42 people.

“It’s hard to explain,” Bauer says. “What if we’d gone 20 hours later? Or were they targeted because we talked to them? There’s a lot of stress knowing every day could be your time to get hit.”

“You had to go moment to moment, day to day,” Hansen says. “To dwell on it would drive you crazy.”

Home sweet home. People hiking Mount Sentinel. Twenty-thousand-plus cheering the Grizzlies on football Saturdays. Rafts floating down the Clark Fork. Folks strolling through the Farmers Market. Kids swinging in the parks. Families enjoying holidays.

A world apart from the death and explosions, the IEDs and RPGs they lived with on a daily basis in Iraq.

Home was a wonderful place, until the euphoria of being back wore off but the memories of Iraq didn’t.

“I couldn’t go into Costco, I’d get so claustrophobic,” says Hansen, who also couldn’t take the noise from the fireworks show on a trip to Disneyland after his return and had to retreat inside his hotel.

“I’d get real anxious in the grocery store,” Bauer says. “I just knew I don’t want to be here, I want to get out. My wife would say, ‘Where are you going?’ and I’d say, ‘I don’t know, but I’m not staying here.’ ”

Jeanne and Lori were their rocks, Hansen and Bauer say.

“My wife knew, she was my shield instantly,” Bauer says. “My relationship with my wife for the first three or four months couldn’t have been better. But as I settled back in and got back to work, I started seeing more anxiety. When I get anxious, I get angry. And I don’t back down. I was quick-tempered, with her, with my kids, with co-workers.”

His family, his church and the Missoula Vet Center have all been keys to his readjustment into society, Bauer says.

“Jeanne has been my rock,” Hansen says. “She’s put up with me, loved me, guided me, and been there for me every step. If I was single, it would have been a more difficult transition.”

Chris Dana, their comrade who committed suicide after coming home, was single.

He suffered from the same thing Bauer has been diagnosed with – Post Traumatic Stress Disorder.

“He was a young guy who would get into bed with his uniform and boots on, curl up in a fetal position and fall asleep,” Bauer says. “He’d never take that uniform off. He’d stay in it for weeks.”

Bauer guesses Dana showed the same symptoms he did after returning to U.S. soil: An inability to sleep. Nightmares. Showing anxiety in stressful situations.

“I had all those signs, and I was diagnosed with PTSD,” Bauer says. “I was lucky. I have a support system. Chris probably had the same signs, but nobody caught them. He wasn’t working, he wasn’t going to drills, and they were getting ready to give him a dishonorable discharge.”

Matt Kuntz, Dana’s stepbrother, wrote a letter to the Helena Independent Record blaming the state of Montana for the suicide.

“Chris was receiving this dishonorable discharge because he demonstrated tell-tale signs of PTSD, withdrawal from society and an inability to participate in military functions,” Kuntz wrote. “Four days after Chris’s death, the State of Montana buried him as a hero, with Lieutenant Governor Bohlinger and Major General Mosley in attendance. The irony could not be any more appalling.

“Montana’s current system for caring for its service members with PTSD relies on the injured service members to reach out to the military for help. The combination of the self-reliant nature of men and women that are brave enough to volunteer for combat missions and an injury that forces victims into self-seclusion doom the voluntary counseling system to failure. The failure of this system led the State of Montana to begin prosecuting my step-brother for displaying the symptoms of his injury. They were prosecuting him in the name of every citizen of the State of Montana and that ridiculous prosecution undoubtedly contributed to Chris’s death.”

But Bauer says everyone close to or related to Dana must shoulder some of the blame, too.

“If they’re saying he fell through the cracks – his family has to be there somewhere, too,” Bauer says. “Was Chris a casualty of war, or a casualty of the society we live in?”

Families, friends and counseling are the keys to a successful readjustment to civilian life. Families and friends may not understand what you’re going through, but if they understand you’re going through it, they need to step in.

The one thing the military should change, Bauer says, is the practice of giving returning servicemen and women their chance to bring up any physical or mental problems during the days when they demobilize.

Bauer and Hansen did it at Fort Lewis, Wash.

“We were deactivated back into the National Guard, and it took nine days to do that,” Bauer says. “That’s a hard nine days, when you’re so close to home. I had a knee problem (his leg was slammed in a Humvee door) and I had three opportunities to bring it up, but if you say anything, you’re separated and segregated and left behind. I’d been away for 18 months and I wanted to see my wife and kids. That’s the first priority over everything.”

“I had a lower back problem that I’d hurt in training,” Hansen says, “and I didn’t bring it up for the same reason.”

Home sweet home. It beckons so strongly, then weeks later, the memories of war bite back.

For seven months, Dave Bauer kept a journal in Iraq.

Seven months. Sixty-thousand words.

“One day I went back and started reading it for a couple of hours, and it was all negative,” Bauer says. “I decided as soon as I had something positive to write, I’d write it down. I never wrote anything again.”

He and Hansen felt bad for the younger soldiers, who watched marriages and relationships go sour during their deployment.

“Out of 38 guys, I think we had six divorces within a few months, and six more after we got back,” Bauer says. “The only difference was the ones who waited until we got back were just sucking at the nipple of the guys’ wages. When we got back, they’d already sold the car or quit the payments and moved in with someone else.”

One soldier’s wife, who was pregnant when he left, wrote to tell him she wanted a divorce.

“You know he’s thinking about that, instead of what he should have been,” Hansen says.

“Can you imagine being out on patrol, your life on the line, and your mind is on a wife who’s pregnant and wants out of the marriage?” Bauer asks.

In that respect, the old men of E Troop feel blessed. They both had someone who stuck by them; they both had someone to come home to; they both had someone to help them when they got here.

Fred Hansen and Dave Bauer aren’t asking for anything but understanding for the servicemen and women who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan.

“I’d gladly do it over again,” Bauer says, “and I gladly did it the first time.”

But they thought you ought to be reminded that while war is hell, coming home can sometimes put a soldier or Marine in the strangest of purgatories.

It is April 2007, and these two soldiers, who lost one of their own to suicide, want returning veterans to seek help if they need it.

“Quit saying you can handle it on your own,” Bauer says, “and take the help that’s there.”

They both did. And while their lives are forever changed by war, those lives, they say, look better every day.

Reporter Vince Devlin can be reached at (406) 319-2117 or at vdevlin@missoulian.com

National Guard assessment extended to 2 years

Maj. Gen. Randy Mosley, adjutant general of the Montana National Guard, says he doesn’t want to steer in any particular direction the task force created in the wake of the suicide of Helena National Guardsman Chris Dana, who killed himself 16 months after returning from Iraq.

But Mosley knows what he knows: That six months is too short a time to watch for symptoms of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, and that – unlike active-duty troops who return from combat to military bases with large support systems – National Guardsmen are kicked back into civilian life.

“They are thrust back into society,” Mosley says. “A lot of Montana is rural, they’re not with their combat buddies anymore and there’s not the support network available to them.”

The Montana National Guard has followed Department of Defense guidelines in identifying soldiers who may need professional help, but Dana’s suicide “brought home that we may have issues the National Guard was not aware of,” Mosley says. “The means to determine if one of our soldiers needs help may not be satisfactory enough.”

The task force is charged with reviewing the current system and coming up with new policies to address identifying and getting help for Guardsmen who may need it.

“Once they’re home, all we see of them on the military side is two days a month when they come to drills,” Mosley says.

And even if they’re having problems readjusting to home life, they may hide it for the two days they’re back in uniform.

“They may not want to show their buddies,” Mosley says.

The Montana National Guard has already moved to extend the Post Deployment Health Assessment, which all soldiers receive after returning home, from six months to two years.

“What we’re finding is that six months after, they may not yet have a problem, or want to indicate they have a problem,” Mosley says. Statistics are showing, he says, that even things like traumatic brain injury, which can be caused by being knocked around inside an armored vehicle by an improvised explosive device, may not come to light for up to two years.

“It’s been well established for some time that Post Traumatic Stress Disorder and other mental health illnesses are a predictable outcome of war,” says Dr. Mike Magee, host of a weekly electronic media program called “Health Politics.”

The Walter Reed Army Institute of Research says that in addition to PTSD, returning soldiers may suffer from major depression, substance abuse, and impairment of their ability to function in society or at work.

“It’s a challenge, it really is,” Mosley says. “We want to make sure if they need assistance, they get it, and they’re not ostracized for doing so. Once they’re off deployment they’re veterans with all the benefits of the VA, and that’s where they often need to get connected for assistance.”

Help for post traumatic stress is available

Veterans and their family members who would like more information on help available for those who have served in combat and are having trouble readjusting to life at home can contact the Missoula Vet Center (1-800-626-8686 or 721-4918), the Billings Vet Center (406-657-6071) or the state of Montana Veterans Affairs Division (324-3740).

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Anthrax Vaccine The Killer

The vaccination against anthrax is mandatory for its U.S. troops deployed overseas to the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. One soldier refused the vaccination and said he is more afraid of it than bullets.

To watch the CBS News video, click this link: http://www.cbsnews.com/sections/i_video/main500251.shtml?id=2684326n

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Soldier Health Scare Back in News

Lori Brim cradled her son in her arms for three months before he died at Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington.

Dustin Brim, a 22-year-old Army specialist had collapsed three years ago in Iraq from a very aggressive cancer that attacked his kidney, caused a mass to grow over his esophagus and collapsed a lung.

The problems she saw during her time at Walter Reed, including her son screaming in pain while doctors argued over medications, had nothing to do with mold and shabby conditions documented in recent news reports. What this mother saw was an unexplainable illness consuming her son.

And what she has learned since her son’s death is that his was not an isolated case.

Lori Brim has joined other parents, hundreds of other sick soldiers, legislators, research scientists and environmental activists who say the cause of their problems results from exposure to depleted uranium, a radioactive metal used in the manufacture of U.S. tank armor and weapon casings.

Health and environmental effects of depleted uranium are at the heart of scientific studies, a lawsuit in the New York courts and legislative bills in more than a dozen states (although not in Florida).

News stories claiming negative signs of depleted uranium’s impact, including death and birth defects, are surfacing from Australia to England to the Far East. The controversy rages within government bodies and underlies the theme of TV shows like a recent episode of the medical series “House.”

While the military continues to deny the connection of depleted uranium to sicknesses plaguing returning servicemen and women, a newly mandated study stemming from legislation signed by President Bush in October is just getting under way.

OPPOSITION

The new study, which began in March, follows several that have been completed by the military into depleted uranium, a byproduct left when enriched uranium is separated out for use in nuclear power and atomic weapons. The Department of Energy gives it to arms makers, where its extreme density is valuable in the manufacture of armor and casings.

Despite a 1996 U.N. resolution opposing its use because of discovery of health problems after the first Gulf War, the military studies have concluded there was no evidence that exposure to the metal caused illnesses.

To the military, the effectiveness of weapons and armor made with depleted uranium outweighs any residual effects. Their bottom line: Depleted uranium saves soldiers’ lives in combat.

Robert Holloway, president of Nevada Technical Associates Inc., a firm that specializes in radiation safety training, disputes any concern over depleted uranium.

“I have no financial interest in promoting depleted uranium,” Holloway wrote in an e-mail to The News-Journal. “There really is no substitute for depending on the judgment of professionals in this field.”

Holloway and others who believe depleted uranium is safe to use say the best authority in the scientific community would be individuals connected to the Health Physics Society.

Doug Craig of Ponce Inlet, a retired radiation biophysics scientist, is such a person. He doesn’t believe low doses of radiation from depleted uranium are a problem.

“Uranium occurs in a lot of places,” Craig said, “and man has been exposed to low concentrations of uranium for a long time.”

LAWS AND LAWSUITS

But Brim and others think there will not be enough known until soldiers are tested for exposure. They compare the debate over depleted uranium to the controversy surrounding Agent Orange, the toxic herbicide used to defoliate the jungles of Vietnam. Speculation over its effects continued for more than two decades before the Defense Department agreed to compensate veterans who suffered from ailments linked to its use.

Brim often comforts other mothers whose sons and daughters are suffering from unexplainable, aggressive cancers, like a Michigan mother Brim met on the Internet.

The Michigan mom says she believes malignant tumors that resulted in removal of her Marine son’s ear, ear canal and half his face may be linked to depleted uranium. But the woman asks that her name not be used because her son still is a Marine — battling cancer, not bullets. And he has not been tested for DU exposure, she says.

In addition to consoling other mothers, Brim has tried unsuccessfully to raise awareness of the issue either through legislation or a lawsuit.

She recently traveled to Tallahassee with cancer lobbyists and left plate-size booster buttons with her son’s image, trying to raise the consciousness of Florida legislators. But she says she has not been able to interest anyone in creating a bill similar to one passed last year in Connecticut — the first state law in the nation aimed at helping National Guard personnel returning from Iraq to get tested for exposure to depleted uranium.

Other veterans are seeking help from legislators in states around the country, like Melissa Sterry, 44, of Connecticut, who served during the Persian Gulf War and suffers from multiple symptoms, including chronic headaches, infections and multiple heart attacks.

Sterry is an activist who keeps track of more than a dozen states that have introduced bills. That includes her home state, where a veterans’ health registry is being created as a database for the federal government. Among the current list of states working on individual legislation, Arizona has state Rep. Albert Tom, a Democrat. For three years he introduced the issue of testing National Guardsmen, each time a bit differently. He patterned a bill after the Connecticut law this year.

“Again it was heard (in committee), but it just didn’t go anywhere,” Tom said.

Veterans might have better luck in court. Brim is closely following a trial in New York, where — despite a precedent that prevents military personnel from suing the government for injuries resulting from their service — eight National Guard veterans have won the right to be heard about their depleted uranium exposure.

One veteran in that suit, Gerard Matthew, says not only is he sick, but contends his little girl’s birth deformities are related to his exposure to depleted uranium. The deformity, Matthew said, is similar to many being reported within the Iraqi population since the first Gulf War.

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Chavez: Troops to Escort Oil Takeovers

President Hugo Chavez said Thursday that soldiers will accompany government officials when they take over oil projects in the Orinoco River basin next month.

Chavez has decreed that Petroleos de Venezuela SA, or PDVSA, will take a minimum 60 percent stake in four heavy-oil projects in the Orinoco River region and invited the six private companies operating there to stay on as minority partners.

“On May 1 we are going to take control of the oil fields,” Chavez said. “I’m sure no transnational company is going to draw a shotgun, but we will go with the armed forces and the people.”

The projects — run by BP PLC, Exxon Mobil Corp., Chevron Corp., ConocoPhillips, France’s Total SA and Norway’s Statoil ASA — upgrade heavy, tar-like crude into more marketable oils and are considered Venezuela’s most promising. As older fields elsewhere go into decline, development of the Orinoco is seen as key to Venezuela’s future production.

Negotiations over the takeover have yet to yield an agreement and are expected to be difficult as the companies seek a deal that takes into account more than $17 billion in investments and loans related to the projects.

Chavez has been given special powers by congress for 18 months to issue laws by decree in energy and other areas, which he has also used to nationalize the country’s biggest telecommunications company and electricity company.

Chavez has justified the nationalizations as necessary to give the government control of sectors strategic to Venezuela’s interests.

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In an Instant, a Junkyard of Humanity

BAGHDAD, April 12   The bomber blew himself up no more than a few yards away. First, a brilliant flash of orange light like a starburst, then a giant popping sound. A gust of debris, flesh and blood threw me from my chair as if I were made of cardboard.

I was lying on a bed of shattered glass on the floor of the cafeteria in the Iraqi parliament building, covered with ashes and dust. Small pieces of flesh clung to my bluejeans. Blood, someone else’s, speckled the left lens of my silver-rimmed glasses. Blood, mine, oozed from my left hand, punctured by a tiny shard of glass.

“Are you okay? Are you okay?” asked Saad al-Izzi, one of The Post’s Iraqi correspondents, standing over me, his face framed by an eerie yellowish glow, his voice distant. I did not reply.

I had always thought about this moment. In Iraq, every journalist does. But I did not expect a bomber to take lives inside the Green Zone, the nerve center of the Iraqi government and its backer, the United States. To enter, you must pass heavily armed U.S. soldiers, Peruvian security contractors, bomb-sniffing dogs, body searches, metal detectors and several identity checks. Once you are inside, there are checkpoints sealed by concrete barriers on nearly every stretch of road. Then, more body searches, metal detectors, bomb-sniffing dogs and identity checks.

Saad and I had arrived at the parliament building at around 2 p.m. on Thursday. The cafeteria on the first floor was packed with scores of politicians, aides and others working to rebuild Iraq. There were Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds, the religious and the secular, seated at glass-topped tables. Waiters served roasted chicken on beds of rice.

We met Mustafa al-Hiti, a Sunni member of parliament. He motioned for us to sit down. A few feet away, at a nearby table, sat his friend, Mohammed Awad, another politician. Hiti greeted Awad, then returned to our table.

The explosion came at the end of the 25-minute interview. Saad initially thought a mortar shell or a rocket had struck the ceiling. In recent weeks, such attacks had taken place in the Green Zone. Later, Saad described what he saw:

“There were orange flames like the exhaust of a drag racer. Pieces of black paper fell from the ceiling. Dr. Mustafa was lying next to you. He was staring at me. I knew that you were having the same problems with your ears. I was shouting at you.”

Saad helped me up. The smoke was as thick as giant rain clouds. It was difficult to breathe. Our mouths and noses filled with dust. I felt like I was walking through one of Iraq’s famous sandstorms. Dust covered the carpeting, too, like snow. Hundreds of shoe imprints pointed toward the exit — and illustrated the chaos.

I thought: Are we going the right way? Could there be another bomb?

We walked through the apocalyptic landscape, silent save for the cries of ghostly, dust-covered figures searching for friends and colleagues. I didn’t know it then, but my left eardrum had been perforated. At the bottom of a staircase, an old man writhed in pain. He had somehow worked his way down the steps. He had two more to go, but he seemed to have given up. We didn’t stop.

Outside, Iraqis — men and women, young and old — were huddled in groups. Some punched the buttons on their phones. Others wept. Most appeared stunned and solemn, deep inside their own realms, as I was.

At 2:40 p.m., I followed dozens of Iraqis back into the building. I wanted to retrieve my tape recorder and notebook. I walked back up the stairs. The old man was gone.

Blue-uniformed policemen in surgical masks and carrying large flashlights searched for the wounded and the dead. I made my way to our table. A human leg, from the knee down, rested three feet from where I had been sitting. I stared at it for a few seconds.

The floor was a junkyard of humanity, a perfume bottle here, pieces of shirt there. Debris covered untouched chicken dishes. The sounds of shoes crunching shattered glass blended with the wails.

I found my dust-covered notebook. Some pages were splotched with blood. When I found my tape recorder, it was still running.

Later, I heard the vocabulary of a bombing’s initial moments:

“The rest, where are the rest?” someone screamed.

“Let’s go out.”

“Wait a minute, wait a minute.”

“Khalid, Hamada,” someone said, yelling out names.

“God is the greatest.”

“What is this?”

“Who is this?”

“Khalid! Pick him up!”

“Is there a doctor at the training room?”

“Yes, there is one.”

“It’s all a curse on us, Ayad. It’s because of the stealing, the corruption.”

“Why, God, why?”

“Ah ahhhahhhh,” someone screamed in pain.

By 2:45 p.m., an American security contractor inside the cafeteria was yelling: “Get out of here. Get out of here. Suicide bomber.”

I left the building. Then U.S. soldiers arrived and made their way inside, past a man clutching his bandaged head, past a woman yelling into her cellphone: “Where’s Ahmed?”

The old man was seated in a chair outside the front entrance, his face no longer showing pain, only exhaustion. A woman fanned him with a piece of yellow paper. “Give him room to breathe,” she said to anyone who came too close.

At 3 p.m., two U.S. soldiers approached me. One worked at the U.S. military’s press badging desk, in a building right behind parliament. He recognized me.

“Are you bleeding?” he asked. I shook my head.

“Where were you?” he wanted to know. I told him.

“The Lord is looking after you, brother,” he said, and walked away.

By 3:30, U.S. troops ordered everyone to a fenced compound filled with Humvees, a short walk from the parliament building. That’s where I found Hiti, the politician I had interviewed. He, too, was suffering from hearing loss. Dried blood marked his left cheek. Like many Iraqis there, he was edgy about being enclosed with a large group of people. He had lost faith in the security of the Green Zone.

“This is wrong. What if they planted a car bomb here?” Hiti said, glancing at the Humvees and the dozens of Iraqis there.

Nearby was a U.S. Embassy official. Minutes before the bombing, he had been speaking to some politicians in the press room next to the cafeteria. He wondered aloud what impact the attack would have on Iraq’s political progress.

“I hope this doesn’t slow things down here,” said the official, who did not want his name used because he is not authorized to speak to journalists. “These are the people we need to make this experiment work.”

A few minutes later, Hiti recounted his story. He, too, had reentered the building, to save his friends. He passed an arm and two legs on his way back to the cafeteria, he said. A few feet from our table, he found the body of his friend Mohammed Awad.

Next to him sat another lawmaker, staring at Awad in shock.

Hiti gently shook the man. “He’s dead,” he said.

Then he helped the man out of the building.

At 4:40 p.m., we heard another blast.

“Car bomb?” Hiti asked Saad. We weren’t sure.

An ambulance arrived to treat the wounded. The crew put a young man with a green cloth wrapped around his head into the vehicle. His shirt, like mine, was peppered with bloodstains. Saad and I joined him to have our ears checked. I couldn’t find Hiti. Later, I called him. He was fine, but he still couldn’t hear well.

At the main U.S. military hospital inside the Green Zone, a military ear doctor said 20 percent of my left eardrum was perforated. It would heal naturally in a month or two. By then, the hospital was treating 20 to 30 wounded Iraqis, said Maj. William Aiken, a nursing supervisor.

I watched orderlies wheel in an unconscious man, his body covered with dried blood. Then a nurse wheeled in a man whose face was pocked with pink shrapnel marks. She parked him next to the door. He clutched his head and mumbled.

Aiken said they were fortunate. Usually after a bombing, he has to fix patients missing arms, legs, their very souls. I still had all of that, and more.

“I don’t believe in coincidences,” said Aiken, who is from San Antonio. “When it is your turn, it is your turn. I have seen too much here.”

I could not disagree.

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Senator Byrd: America’s Veterans Must Not Be Shortchanged; Pushes for Fully Funding VA to Meet Growing Needs of West Virginia’s Veterans

Washington, DC (HNN) — U.S. Senator Robert C. Byrd, D-W.Va., Chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, called for fully providing for the growing medical needs of the nation’s veterans. Byrd asked Veterans’ Affairs (VA) Secretary Jim Nicholson to look into reports that some VA hospitals are ‘juggling the books’ to make it appear that the wait time for appointments are shorter than they really are.

“While the VA continues to address the injuries and unique illnesses suffered by Vietnam and Persian Gulf War Veterans, they also have to accommodate a new set of injured warriors,” said Byrd. “The VA must be ready to step up to this daunting challenge.”

Byrd secured an additional $1.7 billion for the VA in the recently passed Senate version of the emergency supplemental. In its original request to Congress for supplemental funding, the White House did not request any new funds for the VA, despite the massive influx of new cases from Iraq and Afghanistan and the worsening crisis in veterans’ health care.

“The continued neglect of America’s seriously injured veterans demands an emergency response from Congress,” Byrd said. “I am at a complete loss as to why this Administration does not feel the same way.”

Recently, Senators Byrd and Jay Rockefeller, also D-W.Va., asked Mountain State veterans to share their experiences – good and bad – at VA facilities.

“In West Virginia, we received positive comments regarding the quality of care provided by staff at the VA hospitals, but very negative comments when it came to securing appointments, processing claims, and the VA administration, particularly in the regional offices,” Byrd said.

Byrd and Rockefeller are encouraging veterans to write to their Senate offices with their reports. The Senators also have established special email addresses for West Virginia veterans — vets@byrd.senate.gov and vets@rockefeller.senate.gov.

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Top VA Officials Knew of Watler Reed Scandal in 2004

WASHINGTON — The Army might be shortchanging injured soldiers by rating the severity of their disabilities with a system that is both unwieldy and inconsistent, the head of a special commission said Thursday.

Pentagon officials denied those who rate the disabilities would cheat service members but pledged to investigate. “I’m trying to make sense of this finding,” said acting Army Secretary Pete Geren.

Meanwhile, two Democratic senators criticized the Department of Veterans Affairs, expressing concern that President Bush’s nominee to be VA’s undersecretary for health, Michael Kussman, was long aware of problems at Walter Reed Army Medical Center but didn’t respond.

“The warning lights were flashing at Walter Reed years ago, but the Bush administration chose to ignore the problem and our injured service members paid the price,” said Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash.

Testimony to Congress on Thursday by retired Lt. Gen. James Terry Scott, chairman of the Veterans’ Disability Benefits Commission, is the latest to document problems in a system under extra strain as thousands of service members return from Iraq and Afghanistan.

Scott suggested there could be an effort to keep costs down as the military rates the severity of soldiers’ disabilities. He said the Pentagon “has strong incentive to assign ratings less than 30 percent” so the military won’t have to pay disability benefits.

In a preliminary review of Pentagon and VA data, Scott’s commission found the Army was much more likely than the other active forces to assign a disability rating of less than 30 percent, the typical cutoff to determine whether a person can get lifetime retirement payments and health care.

VA ratings tend to be higher, due to a separate system that gives consideration to whether injured veterans are afflicted with multiple disabilities.

“It is apparent that service members are not well-served,” Scott said at an unusual joint hearing of the Senate Armed Services and Veterans Affairs committees.

His commission was formed in 2004 to study ways to improve the benefits system and is to issue a report later this year.

Separately, the VA came under fire by members of a Senate Appropriations subcommittee after reports that Kussman, now the acting undersecretary, and other top department officials knew of problems at Walter Reed as early as 2004.

At the time, Kussman co-chaired a task force on improving veterans care and produced a report in which Walter Reed patients _ seriously wounded veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan _ stated that they were “frustrated, confused, sometimes angry” about their experiences, according to Salon.com.

“It’s troubling that that long ago there was a report somewhere that these issues were festering over there. Was it not shared with anybody at the VA at the time?” Murray asked.

“Oh no, we knew about it,” Kussman replied.

Later, Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill., sent a letter to Bush to express concerns about Kussman’s nomination as permanent undersecretary for health. Obama asked that Bush direct VA Secretary Jim Nicholson to release briefings and reports pertaining to when the department first learned of problems at Walter Reed.

A VA spokesman responded late Thursday that the department was aware of bureaucratic problems cited by Walter Reed patients, who sometimes fall in a gray area between Pentagon and VA care as they transition from injured servicemember to retired veteran.

A report on the problems was passed along to the Pentagon, said spokesman Phil Budahn. “Walter Reed Army Medical Center is operated by the Department of Defense, not the Department of Veterans Affairs,” he said.

Nicholson, meanwhile, said a presidential task force he is heading to improve troop and veterans care was working vigorously and planned to issue recommendations next week.

One primary focus of his department, he said, has been to pare down the backlog of claims, which currently take an average of 177 days to process.

“This is too long,” Nicholson said in written testimony to the Senate Appropriations panel. “We must and will reduce the pending inventory and shorten the time veterans must wait for decisions on their claims.”

At the joint hearing of Armed Services and Veteran Affairs, lawmakers recounted stories from injured troops and veterans who described long waits, lost paperwork and subjective ratings as they moved from military hospitals to the VA’s vast network of 1,400 clinics and treatment facilities.

In particular, critics contend the ratings are easily manipulated to limit disability payments and create undue confusion.

“This is not a new issue,” said Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich., who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee. “Our nation has a moral obligation to provide quality health care. We as a nation are not meeting this.”

“For ratings 30 percent or above, there is a cost to the Army,” said Geren, but he disputed that officials would shortchange troops on benefits.

“We have found no evidence the officers and soldiers on the disability boards have been influenced, but that is certainly something we can look into,” he said.

Sen. Larry Craig of Idaho, the top Republican on the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee, decried the poor coordination between the Pentagon and VA after years of warnings and recommendations by congressional committees and a presidential commission.

Geren defended efforts to improve care, saying he had confidence in a new leadership team installed after disclosures in February of shoddy outpatient treatment and bureaucratic red tape at Walter Reed Army Medical Center.

An independent review group appointed by Defense Secretary Robert Gates said this week that money woes and Pentagon neglect were to blame for many of the problems, concluding that “leadership at Walter Reed should have been aware of poor living conditions and administrative hurdles.”

In recent weeks, the Army has added case managers, set up telephone hot lines and sought to reduce paperwork. It says it will take into account the findings of numerous investigations currently under way.

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Wolfowitz: Architect of Iraq War Fiasco Embroiled in World Bank Scandal

Paul Wolfowitz was under pressure to resign as president of the World Bank on Thursday after admitting he was personally involved in securing a large pay rise and promotion for a Bank official with whom he was romantically involved.

The Bank president issued a public apology, saying: “I made a mistake for which I am sorry”.

The apology came after the Financial Times revealed that Mr Wolfowitz ordered the World Bank’s head of human resources to offer Shaha Riza the pay rise and promotion as part of a secondment package.

The instructions were set out in a memorandum dated August 11 2005, according to two sources who have seen the document.

The Bank’s board of directors, who represent its shareholder governments, met late into the night in an emergency session to review the findings of their own investigation into the Riza assignment and decide on the next step.

The board adjourned the meeting early on Friday but said in a statement that it would act promptly.

”The executive directors will move expeditiously to reach a conclusion on possible actions to take,” the board said. ”In their consideration of the matter the executive directors will focus on all relevant governance implications for the bank,” it added.

The board also released the report of the ad hoc group that investigated the contract agreed with Ms Riza and also included communications between Mr Wolfowitz, the board and other bank officials.

Pressed at the opening press conference of the Bank’s spring meeting on Thursday as to whether he would resign over his handling of the Riza case, Mr Wolfowitz said he would “accept any remedies” the board proposes.

He did not comment on the specifics of the memo.

Moments later, amid chaotic scenes in the lobby of the Bank’s headquarters in Washington, the Bank president made an impromptu address to staff who had gathered to call for his resignation.

An emotional Mr Wolfowitz told staff the controversy had been “very painful” and apologised to them in person for his handling of the affair.

Alison Cave, the chair of the staff association, welcomed the apology but said Mr Wolfowitz must “act honourably and resign”.

Mr Wolfowitz said he acted as he did in order to shield the Bank from the threat of a lawsuit if Ms Riza was forced to leave because of staff rules that prohibit its employees from working for anyone with whom they are romantically involved.

He denied charges of an attempted cover-up, declaring: “I did not attempt to hide my actions nor make anyone else responsible.”

The Bank president made a plea for “understanding” saying he faced a “painful personal dilemma” at a time when he was new to the Bank and “trying to navigate in uncharted waters”.

Ms Cave said Mr Wolfowitz had “broken the staff’s trust on this and many other issues” and if the board failed to ask him to step down, the staff association would call a vote of no confidence in him.

In the August 11 2005 memorandum, two sources told the Financial Times, Mr Wolfowitz directed Xavier Coll, the Bank’s vice-president for human resources, to offer Ms Riza specific terms as part of a secondment package to the US State department.

These included a promotion, a pay rise above that normally associated with the promotion, and arrangements to ensure Ms Riza received exceptional annual pay increases. Only the promotion had been recommended by the board’s ethics committee, two sources told the FT.

The terms and conditions were not approved by the Bank’s ethics committee or its senior legal officer, then general counsel Roberto Danino.

A copy of the memorandum has been seen by the subcommittee of the bank’s board of executive directors who were charged with investigating the Riza assignment, two sources said.

Mr Wolfowitz went to the board on Thursday morning and proposed that it should “establish some mechanism to judge whether the agreement reached was a reasonable outcome.”

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