Soldiers survive war, then die on the roads

AMERICAN soldiers who survive Iraq and Afghanistan are dying in record numbers on roads in the United States, driving at speed and ignoring standard safety precautions because of a newfound sense of invincibility. The latest figures show a 41 per cent increase in the deaths of servicemen in accidents involving cars and motorcycles, compared with the average for the past three years.

For veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan, driving at speed becomes like a drug — “the newest crack out there”, one staff sergeant told USA Today. Eighty-three soldiers have died in private-vehicle crashes in the US since October 1. Many were fresh from the battlefield, determined to have fun, live fast and sustain the rush of survival, army safety experts said.

During the same period, 22 soldiers have died in motorcycle accidents, about three times the typical rate for the whole year, according to J. T. Coleman, the spokesman for the Army Combat Readiness Centre, a government agency that collects crash statistics. It is so concerned that it has told recruits to report future journeys by road to their supervisors, who may order them to rethink their plans.

Gail Tipp’s son, Robert, 20, died on March 26, three days after he returned from Iraq, as he sped around a bend in Texas on an all-terrain vehicle. Mr Tipp, who was not wearing a helmet, sustained massive head injuries when he hit the pavement after losing control of his vehicle.

“He thought that nothing could hurt him,” his father said.

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Mental health funds sought

Many soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan are struggling with the transition to civilian life, say lawmakers who want Congress to give more funding for veterans’ mental health services.

Rep. Lane Evans. D-Ill., introduced legislation in April that would require the Department of Veterans Affairs to add more clinical teams, family therapists and other full-time staff at veterans health facilities.

“If estimates hold, we can expect at least 17 percent of those men and women returning from deployment in Iraq to have a post-deployment mental health issue,” Evans said. “We need to be quicker in intervening with those service members now deployed.”

One out of four veterans treated at Veterans Affairs hospitals in the past 16 months have been diagnosed with mental disorders such as post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and general anxiety, according to a New England Journal of Medicine study released in March.

Rep. Shelley Berkley, D-Nev., is among 49 co-sponsors of the Evans bill.

“We are already seeing large numbers of service members returning from Iraq and other combat zones who are showing signs of anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder,” said Berkley, the ranking Democrat on a House subcommittee that oversees veterans health claims.

Rep. Brian Baird, D-Wash., a former Veterans Affairs psychologist, periodically visits soldiers recuperating at Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington.

“Their lives have changed in devastating ways, which they may never recover,” Baird said.

Baird said the Congressional Budget Office is still determining how much funding would be needed to make more resources available.

“It will not be cheap,” Baird said. “We spent money as if it was water over there (in Iraq). If we’re willing to spend billions of dollar on high-tech weaponry and building Iraq’s infrastructure, we ought to be helping our troops.”

Berkley said disparities exist among VA regional offices when it comes to rating mental health disabilities and qualifying payments for veterans with post-traumatic stress.

Berkley said the Veterans Affairs regional office in Reno gives full disability benefits to 18 percent of veterans with service-connected post-traumatic stress disorder.

By comparison, she said, the VA in Wilmington, Del., approves 34 percent, while the office in Lincoln, Neb., qualifies only 10 percent.

“As we have learned from the aftermath of Vietnam, timely intervention and access to mental health services can prevent a chronic reaction to stress,” Berkley said.

Jim Benson, a Veterans Affairs spokesman, said 6,386 newly returned soldiers have sought assistance through Veterans Affairs for post-traumatic stress disorder.

“That number only represents 2.8 percent of the 224,879 veterans treated annually by VA for PTSD,” Benson said.

He said Veterans Affairs officials are keeping an eye on the mental health needs of returning soldiers, but the “numbers aren’t overwhelming.”

Last month, the Senate voted 46-54 against adding $2 billion to the fiscal 2005 budget for veterans’ health care. The sum included $525 million for mental health care.

A Republican leader said the additional spending was unnecessary.

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Gulf War veterans want early help for today’s soldiers

Gulf War veterans want early help for today’s soldiers

By MIKE BRANOM
Associated Press Writer

ORLANDO, Fla. Americans serving in Iraq need assistance sooner than later in making the often-tough transition back to civilian life, an advocacy organization for veterans of Desert Storm said Friday.

At the National Gulf War Resource Center’s annual meeting, the emphasis was on early intervention for those having trouble coping after leaving the military. And a soldier’s support system must extend beyond his unit and family, into the community at large.

“We spend a lot of money in the military teaching people how to pull the trigger, said Steve Robinson, executive director of the Gulf War Resource Center. “But we don’t spend the money on what happens afterward.”

According to an Army study published last year, about 16 percent of soldiers and marines fighting the current insurgency in Iraq suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The disorder also affected veterans of the 1991 Gulf War.

But of those, only 40 percent are interested in seeking mental health counseling and even fewer actually sought help.

“When you’re an ‘Army of One,’ you’re not going to admit weakness,” said Lourdes Alvarado-Ramos, assistant director for the Washington state Department of Veterans Affairs.

Former Navy corpsman Charlie Anderson, 28, of Virginia Beach, Va., said he denied he had a problem after serving four months in Iraq, despite suffering nightmares, hypervigilance and an overeating problem that saw him gain 40 pounds.

Anderson only sought help after his wife found him cowering behind a couch on New Year’s Eve 2004, frightened by the celebratory fireworks set off by neighbors.

“The longer we wait, it festers and it gets worse. Then you end up with a situation where people are going to require so much more treatment than they would otherwise,” said Anderson, who now works with the group Iraq Veterans Against the War.

On the Net: National Gulf War Resource Center www.ngwrc.org

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General Demoted, But Cleared in Abuse Probe

President Bush approved yesterday an order demoting Army Reserve Brig. Gen. Janis L. Karpinski, the only general to be punished in connection with investigations into detainee abuse at U.S. military prisons.

Karpinski’s rank was reduced to colonel, and she was issued a reprimand and relieved of her command. But the Army’s inspector general recommended the sanctions based on a broad charge of dereliction of duty, as well as on a charge of shoplifting, essentially clearing her of responsibility for the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison. As commander of the 800th Military Police Brigade, Karpinski oversaw more than a dozen prison facilities in Iraq in 2003.

“Though Brig. Gen. Karpinski’s performance of duty was found to be seriously lacking, the investigation determined that no action or lack of action on her part contributed specifically to the abuse of detainees at Abu Ghraib,” according to an Army news release. Instead, Army sources said, Karpinski was punished for leadership lapses and for failing to properly train and prepare her brigade in Iraq.

Pentagon officials have cited Karpinski’s punishment as evidence that the military has taken the Abu Ghraib abuse seriously. But the inspector general’s report does not link Karpinski’s deficiencies to the abuse and, as reported last week, clears four other top officers who were in charge of the war in Iraq. Those officers were Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, then the top U.S. commander in Iraq; his deputy, Maj. Gen. Walter Wojdakowski; Maj. Gen. Barbara G. Fast, Sanchez’s top intelligence officer; and Col. Marc Warren, Sanchez’s top military lawyer.

Sanchez, who now commands the Army’s V Corps in Germany, was specifically cleared of allegations that he was derelict in his duties pertaining to detention and interrogation operations and that he improperly communicated interrogation policies. According to Pentagon investigations into the abuse, top generals believed that Sanchez bore some responsibility for failing to prevent or notice the abuse and for approving a set of interrogation tactics that allowed techniques such as using military dogs and placing detainees in stressful positions.

Human rights groups criticized the findings last week. They called for an independent investigation into the role of senior officials in abuse cases that were found to be widespread in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Neal A. Puckett, Karpinski’s attorney, said yesterday that she has not been informed of her demotion. Puckett said the Army is seeking to punish a general officer to show that action has been taken, but has distanced her from the actual abuse to absolve other senior leaders.

“They’re saying she’s the only senior leader that had any part in this, but they’re saying she didn’t have a direct part in it,” Puckett said. “I think they’re trying to have it both ways. They are severing the chain of command right at her eyeball level, and not letting it go higher.”

The shoplifting charge stemmed from a misdemeanor incident in which Karpinski allegedly stole cosmetics in Florida before she was promoted to one-star general. Her failure to disclose the arrest was against Army regulations.

Army officials said yesterday that about 25 percent of the 130 military members who have faced punishment for abuse were officers, including an unnamed colonel who received an administrative punishment, four colonels who were either reprimanded or administratively punished, three majors, 10 captains, six lieutenants and two chief warrant officers.

“Investigations into detainee abuse allegations are rank immaterial and will continue until all cases are completed,” an Army news release said.

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David Hackworth, Vietnam vet and military analyst, dies at 74

David Hackworth, Vietnam vet and military analyst, dies at 74

By MATT APUZZO
Associated Press Writer
May 5, 2005, 2:07 PM EDT

HARTFORD, Conn. — Retired Army Col. David Hackworth, a decorated Vietnam veteran who spoke out against the war and later became a journalist and an advocate for military reform, has died, his wife said Thursday. He was 74.

Hackworth died Wednesday in Tijuana, Mexico, where he was receiving treatment for bladder cancer. His wife, Eilhys England, was with him.

“He died in my arms,” she said. The couple lived in Greenwich.

Hackworth, a Newsweek correspondent during the Gulf War, worked in recent years as a syndicated columnist for King Features, where he has been highly critical of the Bush administration’s handling of the Iraq war.

“Most combat vets pick their fights carefully. They look at their scars, remember the madness and are always mindful of the fallout,” Hackworth wrote in February. “That’s not the case in Washington, where the White House and the Pentagon are run by civilians who have never sweated it out on a battlefield.”

Hackworth ignited a national debate last year when he reported that, rather than personally signing condolence letters to the families of fallen soldiers, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld used a machine.

Rumsfeld later promised to sign each letter be hand.

“Hack never lost his focus,” said Roger Charles, president of Soldiers for the Truth, a California-based veterans group for which Hackworth served as chairman. “That focus was on the young kids that our country sends to bleed and die on our behalf. Everything he did in his retirement was to try to give them a better chance to win and to come home. That’s one hell of a legacy.”

Hackworth served four tours of duty in Vietnam and was one of the first senior officers to speak out publicly against the Vietnam War. He was nearly court-martialed before he retired from the military in 1971 and gave up his medals in protest.

He moved to Australia and made millions in a restaurant business and a duck farm. His medals were reissued by Brig. Gen. John Howard in the 1980s and he returned to the United States.

Hackworth wrote several books including “The Vietnam Primer,” “About Face,” and “Hazardous Duty.”

Hackworth is survived by his wife of 8 years, a stepdaughter and four children from two earlier marriages, the family said.

England said he will be buried at Arlington National Cemetery but said a date has not been set.

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Iraqi Press Under Attack from Authorities in Iraq

A photographer for a Baghdad newspaper says Iraqi police beat and detained him for snapping pictures of long lines at gas stations. A reporter for another local paper received an invitation from Iraqi police to cover their graduation ceremony and ended up receiving death threats from the recruits. A local TV reporter says she’s lost count of how many times Iraqi authorities have confiscated her cameras and smashed her tapes.

All these cases are under investigation by the Iraqi Association to Defend Journalists, a union that formed amid a chilling new trend of alleged arrests, beatings and intimidation of Iraqi reporters at the hands of Iraqi security forces. Reporters Without Borders, an international watchdog group for press freedom, tracked the arrests of five Iraqi journalists within a two-week period and issued a statement on April 26 asking authorities “to be more discerning and restrained and not carry out hasty and arbitrary arrests.”

While Iraq’s newly elected government says it will look into complaints of press intimidation, local reporters said they’ve seen little progress since reporting the incidents. Some have quit their jobs after receiving threats – not from insurgents, but from police. Most Iraqi reporters are reluctant to even identify themselves as press when stopped at police checkpoints. Others say they won’t report on events that involve Iraqi security forces, which creates a big gap in their local news coverage.

“Tell me to cover anything except the police,” said Muth’hir al Zuhairy, the reporter from Sabah newspaper who was threatened at a police academy.

The fall of Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship resulted in unprecedented freedom for Iraqi journalists, who’d suffered torture and prison terms for criticizing the former regime. More than 150 new newspapers and several local TV and radio stations sprang up immediately after the war began – one of the biggest success stories of the U.S.-led invasion. In recent months, however, Iraqi police have begun cracking down on local journalists, creating a wave of fear reminiscent of Saddam’s era.

“If things carry on like this, we will have to carry weapons along with our cameras and recorders,” said Israa Shakir, editor of Iraq Today, an independent Baghdad newspaper. “Under such circumstances, we should be worried about the future of democracy.”

Although Baghdad is the main hub for Iraqi journalists, complaints have poured in from other provinces, said Ibrahim al Sarraj, director of the Iraqi Association to Defend Journalists. In southeastern Iraq, he said, a weekly newspaper was shut down in October for criticizing the governor of the Wasit province. A judge related to the governor sentenced two editors to several months in prison, Sarraj said. The court papers accused the men of “cursing and insulting” the politician.

In the northern town of Baqouba, a cameraman for a local TV station was filming a mosque when Iraqi troops detained him on April 9 for trespassing “in a prohibited place” and for shooting videos that could be used to help insurgents. He’s still in custody, said Salah al Shakerchi, one of the man’s colleagues at Al Diyar TV.

“There was no warrant. It was totally illegal, and he’s being kept in poor conditions,” Shakerchi said. “That’s all we know. We have had no further contact with him.”

Several Interior Ministry officials didn’t return phone messages seeking comment on the journalists’ complaints.

Unlike most Western journalists, who are bunkered in hotels because of security concerns, Iraqi reporters still cover bombing scenes and demonstrations, places swarming with authorities. The local journalists make easy targets for several reasons: Police aren’t used to press coverage of their activities, authorities aren’t well-versed in press freedoms and Iraqi politicians frequently gripe that negative news reports aid the insurgency.

“We’ve become hated because we say the truth, and the truth is that Iraqi police make a lot of mistakes,” said Ahmed Abed Ali, the photographer arrested Jan. 13 for taking pictures of long lines at gasoline stations.

Even with the backing of a major company, journalists in Iraq are targeted by local authorities. The Middle East’s two most popular satellite TV stations have suffered: Al-Jazeera’s Baghdad bureau has been shuttered for months because of government criticism, and Iraqi forces held a reporter from Al-Arabiya for two weeks because he had footage of insurgent attacks.

Laith Kubba, a spokesman for Prime Minister-designate Ibrahim al Jaafari, said the newly elected government won’t accept maltreatment of journalists and urged them to bring complaints through organizations such as the Iraqi Association to Defend Journalists.

The government’s main objective, he said, remains fighting terrorism. Iraqi police are the frequent targets of insurgent attacks and are naturally suspicious of reporters who show up minutes after a car bombing. Authorities also have reported incidents in which insurgents used fake press ID cards to get closer to their targets.

“Our brothers in media organizations understand the sensitivity and the difficulties of the current conditions,” Kubba said.

Al Dulaimy is a special correspondent. Knight Ridder correspondent Hannah Allam contributed to this report.

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Army Recruiters Say They Feel Pressure to Bend Rules

    It was late September when the 21-year-old man, fresh from a three-week commitment in a psychiatric ward, showed up at an Army recruiting station in southern Ohio. The two recruiters there wasted no time signing him up, and even after the man’s parents told them he had bipolar disorder – a diagnosis that would disqualify him – he was all set to be shipped to boot camp, and perhaps Iraq after that, before senior officers found out and canceled the enlistment.

    Despite an Army investigation, the recruiters were not punished and were still working in the area late last month.

    Two hundred miles away, in northern Ohio, another recruiter said the incident hardly surprised him. He has been bending or breaking enlistment rules for months, he said, hiding police records and medical histories of potential recruits. His commanders have encouraged such deception, he said, because they know there is no other way to meet the Army’s stiff recruitment quotas.

    “The problem is that no one wants to join,” the recruiter said. “We have to play fast and loose with the rules just to get by.”

    These two cases in a single state – one centered on a recruit, the other on a recruiter – may lie at the outer limits of the fudging and finagling that are occurring in enlistment offices as the Army tries to maintain its all-volunteer force in a time of war. But that cheating, evidenced by Army statistics that show an increase in cases against recruiters, is disturbing many of the men and women charged with the uphill task of refilling the ranks.

    Interviews with more than two dozen recruiters in 10 states hint at the extent of their concern, if not the exact scope of the transgressions. Several spoke of concealing mental-health histories and police records. They described falsified documents, wallet-size cheat sheets slipped to applicants before the military’s aptitude test and commanding officers who look the other way. And they voiced doubts about the quality of some troops destined for the front lines.

    The recruiters insisted on anonymity to avoid being disciplined, but their accounts were consistent, and the specifics were verified in several cases by documents and interviews with military officials and applicants’ families.

    Yesterday, the issue drew national attention as CBS News reported that a high-school student outside Denver recorded two recruiters as they advised him how to cheat. The student, David McSwane, said one recruiter had told him how to create a diploma from a nonexistent school, while the other had helped him buy a product to cleanse traces of marijuana and psychedelic mushrooms from his body. The Army said the recruiters had been suspended while it investigated.

    By the Army’s own count, there were 320 substantiated cases of what it calls recruitment improprieties in 2004, up from 199 in 1999, the last year it missed its active-duty recruitment goal, and 213 in 2002, the year before the war in Iraq started. The offenses varied from threats and coercion to false promises that applicants would not be sent to Iraq. Many incidents involved more than one recruiter, and the number of those investigated rose to 1,118 last year, or nearly one in five of all recruiters, up from 913 in 2002, or one in eight.

    Maj. Gen. Michael D. Rochelle, the Army’s commander of recruiting, said the increases reflected a renewed resolve to find and prevent improprieties, rather than any significant rise in cheating.

    Recruiters and some senior Army officials, however, said that for every impropriety that is found, at least two more are never discovered. And the Army’s figures show that it is not punishing serious offenses as it once did. In 2002, roughly 5 of every 10 recruiters who were found to have committed improprieties intentionally or through gross negligence were relieved of duty; last year, that number slipped to 3 in 10.

    General Rochelle said that decline could be explained, in part, by his decision two years ago to end a policy that nearly always dismissed serious offenders from recruiting.

    “My shift in thinking was that if an individual was accused of doctoring a high-school diploma, it was an open-and-shut case,” he said. “It may still be, but now I look at person’s value to the command first.”

    Recruiting has always been a difficult job, and some say the scandals that have periodically surfaced are inevitable. But the temptation to cut corners is particularly strong today, some experts on the military say, as deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan have created a desperate need for new soldiers, and as the Army has fallen short of its recruitment goals in recent months, including April.

    “The more pressure you put on recruiters, the more likely you’ll be to find people seeking ways to beat the system,” said David Segal, a military sociologist at the University of Maryland.

    Over the last six months, the Army has relaxed its requirements on age and education – a move that Mr. Segal says may lead recruiters to go easier on applicants, with the expectation that those who are unqualified now may be deemed eligible later on.

    Recruiters, who typically work far from commanders in storefront offices, are the Army’s primary gatekeepers. They are required to press applicants to disclose any police record or medical problems, from asthma to knee injuries, that could disqualify them.

    But applicants can lie, or withhold damaging information. So recruiters are expected to check court, educational and criminal records to confirm details and search for others that have not been disclosed. The records are checked by senior officers and then sent to a regional processing office that arranges aptitude and medical tests; it may check into problems revealed in the files but largely depends on the digging done by recruiters.

    The two cases in Ohio show just how badly the system can veer off track. In the case of the 21-year-old who had just left a psychiatric ward, it is not clear what he revealed when he approached recruiters in September. He could not be reached for comment through court-appointed lawyers and his parents, who asked that he not be identified.

    But details of the young man’s troubled past could have been easily found on the Web sites of local courts. County court records show that he was arrested in July and charged with assault; though the charge was dismissed after his accuser failed to appear in court, the records could have raised a red flag.

    Probate court records show that in a case later last summer, a judge committed the man, finding him a danger to himself and others after he showed up at his parents’ door bloodied and disoriented. He was released in late September under the guidance of a treatment program.

    Recruiters are not required to check probate court records unless they are made aware of a specific case. But the man’s parents said they did just that.

    After hearing that he had enlisted, they said, they wanted to make sure the Army understood his condition. They said they went to the recruiting station with the probate court record, gave recruiters the court’s Internet address and even showed photos of their son. The recruiters, they said, claimed they had never seen him. “They acted sympathetic,” the father said.

    The parents say they went back twice more after the recruiters failed to return their calls. At their urging, their congressmen in early October finally learned that the recruiters had indeed enlisted their son. Days before he was scheduled to ship out, the young man was disqualified only after the father told the commander of the regional processing station about his illness.

    In an interview, the commander confirmed the general outlines of the case. The Army would say only that at least two recruiters had been investigated in the case, which is closed. But the man’s father said Army officials told him they had found no wrongdoing. “The fact that they would recruit someone straight out of a psychiatric hospitalization – give me a break,” he said. “They were willing to put my son and other recruits at risk. It’s beyond my comprehension, and appalling.”

    Co-workers in the stations where the recruiters worked said last month in interviews that the two were still on the job. One of the two declined to comment when reached on his recruiting-command cellphone; the other did not return a half-dozen phone messages.

    Recruiters in Ohio, New York, Washington, Texas and New England said that as long as an offending recruiter met his enlistment quota of roughly two recruits a month, punishment was unlikely.

    “The saying here is, ‘Production is power,’ ” the recruiter in northern Ohio said. “Produce, and all is good.”

    He said that in the last year, he had seen recruiters falsify documents so that applicants could earn ranks they were not qualified to hold. When enlistees tested positive for marijuana, he said, recruiters coached them to drink gallons of water before visiting military doctors. Occasionally, the recruiter said, he has been ordered to conceal police records and minor medical conditions like attention deficit disorder, which usually disqualifies a candidate. When he and others resisted such orders, he said, superiors threatened to ruin their careers.

    The recruiter, who has fought in several conflicts including the current war in Iraq, said one in every three people he had enlisted had a problem that needed concealing, or a waiver. “The only people who want to join the Army now have issues,” he said. “They’re troubled, with health, police or drug problems.”

    The recruiter said he believed in the Army and his job, often working 80-hour weeks. But he sometimes worries about the mental capabilities of those who are enlisted, he said, especially as they move up the ranks.

    “If they are in a leadership position and they’re sending 10 or 11 people all over the place because they can’t focus on the job at hand,” he said, “we’re in trouble.”

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A refuge for homeless female veterans

The military gave Sharon Boyd all the things that life in Pottstown, Montgomery County, couldn’t: economic stability, career advancement, and the chance to travel.

But after 18 years in the service, Boyd was sleeping in her Oldsmobile Royale, battling post-traumatic stress disorder and a cocaine addiction.

Boyd is one of an estimated 6,000 homeless female veterans nationwide, a group whose numbers are expected to rise as the number of women in the military increases.

But as homeless female veterans become more visible, the reasons for their homelessness remain largely unclear.

“People go into the military, on one hand, to flee from unstable social circumstances and because they think it’ll give them better opportunity,” said psychiatrist Robert Rosenheck, coauthor of a study of homeless female veterans and the director of Veterans Affairs’ Northeast Program Evaluation Center. “Those disadvantages, while perhaps partially ameliorated by military service, in the end leave some at great risk for becoming homeless.”

Boyd, 47, now lives at Mary E. Walker House, a 30-bed transitional housing program for women at the Coatesville VA Medical Center. Walker House, which opened in January, is the military’s latest tactic to support this new group of veterans in need, and is the largest facility of its kind in the country.

Nationally, more than 315,000 veterans are homeless on any night, according to the National Coalition for Homeless Veterans. About 10,000 are estimated to live in Pennsylvania and 8,300 in New Jersey. A small percentage are women.

Like their male counterparts, homeless female veterans often suffer from a combination of drug or alcohol addiction, post-traumatic stress disorder, and other untreated mental-health problems, such as depression. These veterans may also be dealing with the aftermath of sexual trauma, which can itself trigger post-traumatic stress disorder, experts say.

The adjustment to civilian life can be the breaking point as the women move to low-paying jobs with few family supports and feel the loss of an independent lifestyle.

“We have enough homeless women veterans to have a women-veterans transitional program,” said Marsha Four, a Vietnam veteran and the program director of homeless services at the Philadelphia Veterans Multi-Service & Education Center, which runs Walker House. “They have specific needs different from male veterans’.”

Sharon Boyd’s experience reflects the issues that the Department of Veterans Affairs and researchers are trying to address. Boyd spent 10 of her Army years stationed in Germany, where, she said, she was sexually assaulted by another soldier. She didn’t file charges because she was afraid of retaliation. Boyd, who worked as a paralegal, was also injured in a training accident that burned her face, arms and chest. She began having nightmares about the assault and the training accident.

In 1989, Boyd left the Army to attend college and work as a paralegal, but she was laid off in 1991. She struggled with depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and eventually, drug addiction. Boyd reenlisted, hoping to regain her independence, but she couldn’t shake the nightmares or the drugs.

“I felt independent when I was in the military,” Boyd said. “I got my education, traveled. It was very rewarding. After the military, you have to redefine yourself. It’s hard.”

Recently, Boyd and 10 other women were living at the Walker House. All of the staff members are women, and the veterans can get substance-abuse treatment, counseling, and help with budgeting and other life skills.

“They’re going to need more programs like this,” said Boyd, who wants to reenlist. “All the women fighting in the Iraqi war – they’re coming back and moving in with men. You don’t want to, but you do it because you have no place to go. When I leave here, I won’t have to move in with some man to make it.”

Of Veterans Affairs’ 7,600 beds for homeless veterans nationwide, 1,700 are available for women in coed programs, and 206 are in women-only programs, up from 10 in 1998.

The government keeps no statistics on the amount of money spent overall to assist homeless veterans, but it says the average cost per bed in a transitional-housing program is $11,000 a year.

The risk of homelessness is two to four times as much for female veterans as for other women, according to the 2003 study coauthored by Rosenheck.Male veterans are not quite two times as likely to be homeless as are nonveteran men.

Researchers are still investigating whether the increased risk is a result of military service or reflects a predisposition of the people who enlist.

However, female veterans have higher rates of sexual trauma than nonveterans, according to Rosenheck.

At least two other Veterans Affairs studies indicate that 15 percent to 23 percent of female veterans seeking VA services report having been sexually assaulted while on active duty. Many of these women will experience post-traumatic stress disorder.

Female veterans, once they leave the military, also tend to live in an area for a shorter time that nonveterans, 11 years compared with 22 years, according to Rosenheck’s study. They may also stay in the last city where they were deployed, leaving them without family support.

Brandalyn Marks, 30, was unprepared to be on her own when she left the Air Force in 1997. During four years of service, Marks lived in a townhouse on Travis Air Force Base in Northern California and worked as a pharmacy technician. The military helped her pay for child care.

But when she left the service, Marks had to move from the base into her mother’s house in Triangle, Va., along with her 18-month-old daughter. She had trouble finding a job and an apartment she could afford.

“I was having problems getting back into the ‘real world,’ ” said Marks, who now lives at Walker House. “I didn’t have a place to live. I was a single mom, and I couldn’t support my daughter like I could before. It was hard to cope.”

Marks left her daughter with her mother and moved in with her grandparents in East Greenville, Montgomery County, hoping to find a better job and stability. Less than a year later, she was struggling with depression and feeling guilty that she was unable to support her daughter. She began drinking heavily and dating abusive men. She left her grandparents’ home.

“I couldn’t shake my depression,” said Marks, who stayed with friends and coworkers for three years. “I felt the walls were closing in on me. I had a daughter I wasn’t with, and I began to think she was better off with my mother.”

Marks entered treatment for depression at the Coatesville VA hospital in August 2004 and moved into Walker House when it opened in January. She now works full time in retail and hopes to be reunited soon with her daughter.

Child care has topped the list of unmet needs for homeless female veterans for several years. Few programs allow children to live with their mothers. Walker House, for example, helps relatives caring for the veteran’s children by contributing to expenses such as day care and clothing.

“The shelters and transitional housing don’t allow kids, so where do these women go? They’re going to the street,” said Cathy Wiblemo, deputy director for health care with the American Legion in Washington.

The military is trying to meet those needs, said Gordon Mansfield, deputy secretary of the Department of Veterans Affairs, during a visit to Walker House in early April.

“There’s a military saying that we don’t leave our wounded behind. We are going into battle to bring back those missing in America to let them know we have not forgotten.”

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Detainee Questioning Was Faked, Book Says

The U.S. military staged the interrogations of terrorism suspects for members of Congress and other officials visiting the military prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to make it appear the government was obtaining valuable intelligence, a former Army translator who worked there claims in a new book scheduled for release Monday.

Former Army Sgt. Erik Saar said the military chose detainees for the mock interrogations who previously had been cooperative and instructed them to repeat what they had told interrogators in earlier sessions, according to an interview with the CBS television program “60 Minutes,” which is slated to air Sunday night.

“They would find a detainee that they knew to have been cooperative,” Saar told CBS. “They would ask the interrogator to go back over the same information,” he said, calling it “a fictitious world” created for the visitors.

Saar worked as a translator at Guantanamo from December 2002 to June 2003. During that time, several members of Congress reported visiting the base, but military officials said they do not know precisely how many toured it.

Saar also told CBS, and claims in his upcoming book, “Inside the Wire,” that a few dozen of the more than 750 men who have been held at the U.S. Navy base at Guantanamo Bay were terrorists, and that little valuable information has been obtained from them.

A spokesman for the U.S. military’s Southern Command, which oversees Guantanamo Bay operations, dismissed the allegation of mock interrogations.

“I can say that we do not stage interrogations for VIP visits at Guantanamo,” said Col. David McWilliams. “I don’t want to characterize or comment on what Sergeant Saar believes. He’s written his book.”

A Defense Department official familiar with interrogations said Saar would not be privy to interview strategies. He noted that interrogators often ask the same questions in separate sessions to check a detainee’s account.

Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-D.C.) said she was “initially impressed” by interrogations she saw on a tour of Guantanamo Bay in February 2004 with members of the Homeland Security Committee. The delegation watched through mirrored glass as interrogators spoke in conversational tones and rewarded cooperative detainees with ice cream. Now, she believes, “we were duped.”

“The amount and depth of the torture that’s been alleged and corroborated leaves no doubt in my mind that what we saw was a staged interrogation,” Norton said.

Michael Ratner, president of the Center for Constitutional Rights, which has led the legal challenge of detainees’ imprisonment and alleged abusive interrogation techniques, said Saar’s claims support lawyers’ suspicions that the official tours of Guantanamo were phony.

“They couldn’t show people what they were really doing, because what they were really doing was illegal and inhumane,” Ratner said. “It’s such a fraud. It reminds me of the special concentration camps set up in World War II. They would take the Red Cross there to see there was an orchestra and all sorts of nice things.”

Saar also alleges in his book that he witnessed female interrogators use sexual humiliation and taunting in an effort to get detainees to talk. The general tactics he described were corroborated by Army officials, who have acknowledged disciplining two female interrogators for such acts. Numerous detainees have alleged they were victims of similar sexually suggestive interrogations.

Researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.

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Return of Our Fallen

Return of Our Fallen

For More Information Contact:
Ralph Begleiter, University of Delaware (302) 831-2687
Meredith Fuchs, General Counsel, National Security Archive (202) 994-7000
Thomas Blanton, Director, National Security Archive (202) 994-7000
Daniel Mach, Counsel, Jenner & Block (202) 637-6313

Washington, D.C., April 28, 2005 – In response to Freedom of Information Act requests and a lawsuit, the Pentagon this week released hundreds of previously secret images of casualties returning to honor guard ceremonies from the Afghanistan and Iraq wars and other conflicts, confirming that images of their flag-draped coffins are rightfully part of the public record, despite its earlier insistence that such images should be kept secret.

One year after the start of a series of Freedom of Information Act requests filed by University of Delaware Professor Ralph Begleiter with the assistance of the National Security Archive, and six months after a lawsuit charging the Pentagon with failing to comply with the Act, the Pentagon made public more than 700 images of the return of American casualties to Dover Air Force Base and other U.S. military facilities, where the fallen troops received honor guard ceremonies. The Pentagon officially refers to the photos as “images of the memorial and arrival ceremonies for deceased military personnel arriving from overseas.” Many of the images show evidence of censorship, which the Pentagon says is intended to conceal identifiable personal information of military personnel involved in the homecoming ceremonies.

Begleiter’s lawsuit is supported by the National Security Archive and the Washington, D.C. office of the law firm Jenner & Block. “This is an important victory for the American people, for the families of troops killed in the line of duty during wartime, and for the honor of those who have made the ultimate sacrifice for their country,” said Begleiter, a former CNN Washington correspondent who teaches journalism and political science at the University of Delaware. “This significant decision by the Pentagon should make it difficult, if not impossible, for any U.S. government in the future to hide the human cost of war from the American people.”

The Pentagon’s decision preempted a court ruling in the lawsuit by U.S. District Judge Emmet G. Sullivan. “We are gratified that these important public records were released without the need for further court action,” said Daniel Mach of Jenner & Block. The Pentagon ban on media coverage of returning war casualties was initiated in January 1991 by then Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney during the administration of President George H. W. Bush, just weeks before the start of the Gulf War against Iraq.

“I have never considered the release of images as a political issue,” said Begleiter, noting that both Republican and Democratic administrations imposed the image ban. “But, seeing the cost of war, like any highly-charged political issue, can have strong political consequences.”

Begleiter’s Freedom of Information Act requests, and the lawsuit, asked for release of both still and video images. The Pentagon’s “final response” in the case includes no video images of the honor ceremonies for returning war casualties. “I’m surprised at this,” said Begleiter, “because the U.S. military uses video and film technology extensively in its public relations efforts.”

Thomas Blanton, Director of the National Security Archive, which actively uses the Freedom of Information Act to force release of government documents, said, “The government now admits it was wrong to keep these images secret. Hiding the cost of war doesn’t make that cost any less. Banning the photos keeps flag-draped coffins off the evening news, but it fundamentally disrespects those who have made the ultimate sacrifice.”

Blanton and Begleiter noted one major negative consequence of the dispute over the images: the Pentagon appears to have stopped creating the photos in the first place. All the released images containing date information appear to have been taken prior to June 2004. Military officials told Begleiter and the news media that such photos were no longer being taken since his first Freedom of Information Act request was filed in April 2004.

Begleiter said, “Hiding these images from the public – or, worse, failing even to record these respectful moments – deprives all Americans of the opportunity to recognize their contribution to our democracy, and hinders policymakers and historians in the future from making informed judgments about public opinion and war.” He called on the Pentagon to resume fully documenting the return of American casualties.

Although some of the newly released images include dates, locations and other information, the Pentagon censored that information from most of the released images. Some of the censorship, or, as the Pentagon prefers to call it, “redaction,” blacks out faces, identifying features on equipment, and uniform styles. In one case, for example, a clergyman’s identity is censored, while in another image, a different clergyman remains unredacted.

“I cannot imagine that the members of these honor guards want their own faces blacked out from the public homage that is due,” Blanton said. “Honor guard is the most solemn duty for anybody in the military, not something for the censors to hide.”

The photos released by the Pentagon were taken by U.S. government photographers, not by journalists. “There is nothing macabre or ghoulish about these images,” said Begleiter. “These are among the most respectful images created of American casualties of war – far less wrenching than images we regularly see from the battlefield. They’re taken under carefully controlled circumstances by military photographers covering honor ceremonies.”

An initial release of 361 such images was provided by the Pentagon in April, 2004 in response to a Freedom of Information Act appeal by Russ Kick, who maintains the web site thememoryhole.org. The Pentagon later declared that release to have been a mistake and refused to release further images, which prompted Begleiter and the National Security Archive to challenge the policy.
The Freedom of Information Act case was filed in Federal District Court for the District of Columbia [Case No. 1:04-cv-01697 (EGS)].

The newly released images, along with many other details of the Freedom of Information Act case, may be seen at: www.nsarchive.org.


Historical note:
The ban on media coverage of returning casualties was imposed by Defense Secretary Cheney after an embarrassing incident in which three television networks broadcast live, split-screen images in December, 1989, as the first U.S. casualties were returning from an American assault on Panama. In that incident, President Bush was seen on television joking at a White House news conference while somber images of flag-draped coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base moved across viewers’ screens. The ban on war casualty images was continued during the Clinton administration, which made several exceptions to allow publication and broadcast upon the return of victims of attacks against U.S. personnel abroad, including the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole in 2000. President George W. Bush continued the ban following the start of the Afghanistan war in October, 2001 and the Iraq invasion in March, 2003.

Former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Henry Shelton, coined the phrase “the Dover Test” to describe the impact of images of flag-draped coffins returning from a battlefield to the military mortuary at Dover, potentially affecting public support for a war. Images of casualties have played significant roles in many previous conflicts, beginning with the Civil War in the 1860’s and continuing through World Wars I and II and the Vietnam conflict in the 1960’s. In 1991, President Bush asserted that the U.S. had “kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all,” but later in the 1990’s, deployments of U.S. troops in Somalia, Bosnia and Kosovo were influenced by memories of the images of Vietnam-era casualties.


Chronology of DOD Policy on Images of the Honors Provided to American Casualties
Note: Documents cited below are in PDF format.
You will need to download and install the free Adobe Acrobat Readerto view.

Media reporting of the return of fallen soldiers to the United States and ceremonies honoring American military personnel killed overseas have long figured heavily in the nation’s collective mourning. During the Vietnam War, these images appeared regularly on television and in print news sources. In the 1980’s, as well, media reporting concerning honor rituals and ceremonies for soldiers was commonplace:

  • 1980: President Carter was photographed at Arlington praying over flag-draped coffins bearing the remains of the eight U.S. airmen killed in the aborted rescue of the Tehran Embassy hostages.
  • 1983: President Reagan was present at Andrews AFB for a ceremony for American diplomatic and military personnel killed in the April bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut. He was photographed in front of a row of flag-draped coffins bearing the remains of military and diplomatic personnel. Within a few days of the ceremony photographs were provided to the media by the White House.
  • 1985: President Reagan attended a ceremony at Andrews AFB for military personnel killed in El Salvador, pinning purple hearts on their flag-draped caskets. The event was covered by the media.
  • 1989: The media covered ceremonies at Norfolk, Virginia for 47 U.S. sailors killed in an accidental explosion aboard the battleship U.S.S. Iowa.

Media coverage at Dover AFB led to a controversy during the Panama Invasion:

  • December 21, 1989: The day after the U.S. invaded Panama, the first U.S. casualties from the action were returned to Dover Air Force Base. At the same time, President George H.W. Bush held his first news conference since the invasion. Three networks (ABC, CBS and CNN) chose to broadcast the two events in split screen, allowing viewing of both events at the same time. President Bush appeared to be joking during the news conference, despite the solemn ceremony taking place onscreen at Dover Air Force Base, resulting in calls from viewers complaining to the White House about the broadcasts.

The practice of permitting media coverage of fallen soldiers’ return to the United States was curtailed in 1991, during the Gulf War:

  • February 2, 1991: “Media coverage of the arrival of [] remains at the port of entry or at the interim stops will not be permitted…” Public Affairs Guidance – Operation Desert Storm, Casualty and Mortuary Affairs, Office of the Secretary of Defense (Arlington, VA), Feb. 2, 1991.

There have been many occasions since that time, however, when exceptions were made to permit media coverage.

  • April 1996: The media photographed the arrival and transfer ceremony at Dover AFB for the remains of Commerce Secretary Ron Brown and 32 other Americans killed when their plane crashed in Croatia. President Clinton was present to receive the flag-draped caskets.
  • August 1998: The media photographed the arrival ceremony at Andrews AFB for Americans killed in simultaneous bombings of our embassies in Tanzania and Kenya; the Pentagon released a number of photographs as well, including one showing the transfer of the coffins at Ramstein AFB.
  • October 2000: The Defense Department distributed photographs of caskets arriving at Dover AFB bearing the remains of military personnel killed in the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole.
  • March 2001: The Defense Department released photographs of caskets being transferred at Ramstein AFB; the caskets bore the remains of six military personnel killed in a training accident in Kuwait.
  • September 2001: The Department of the Air Force published a photograph of the arrival and transfer at Dover AFB of the remains of a victim in the 9/11 attack on the Pentagon.]
  • October 7, 2001: Military action commenced in Afghanistan.
  • November 2001: Department of Defense restated the ban on media coverage at Dover AFB and at Ramstein AFB.
  • November 2001: The media was given access to Andrews AFB for the arrival and transfer of Johnny Micheal Spann’s remains; Mr. Spann was the first American to die in the invasion of Afghanistan.
  • March 2002: The media photographed the arrival at Ramstein AFB of seven flag-draped caskets carrying the remains of U.S. soldiers killed in Afghanistan.
  • April 2002: The media was permitted to photograph the transfer of flag-draped coffins at Ramstein AFB that carried the remains of four U.S. soldiers killed in Afghanistan.
  • February 2003: NASA released photographs showing the transfer of the space shuttle Columbia astronauts’ remains at Dover AFB.
  • March 2003: Defense Department issued an expanded policy banning media coverage of fallen soldiers’ caskets.
  • March 2003: The media was permitted to photograph the loading of six flag-draped coffins in Kabul, Afghanistan destined for Dover AFB. The soldiers were killed in hostilities in Afghanistan.
  • March 20, 2003: Military action commenced in Iraq.
  • March 26, 2003: Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Military Community and Family Policy Molino Briefing on Casualty Notification discussed the policy barring media coverage as part of a broader discussion of casualty notification procedures. This appears to be the first public discussion of the policy by the military since the initiation of the 2001 Afghanistan and 2003 Iraq conflicts.
  • November 2003: Photographs of a Korean War soldier’s remains as they were unloaded at Hickam AFB (Hawaii) are released to the media by the Defense Department. The coffin was draped with a flag — identical to those caskets currently returning from Iraq.
  • November 2003: Russ Kick filed a Freedom of Information Act request for images of the honor guard ritual at Dover Air Force Base taken from February 2003 to the Present. The request was denied and Mr. Kick files an administrative appeal.
  • As of March 29, 2004: Dover Air Force Base Mortuary maintained a home page which included a photograph of flag draped caskets being returned to Dover in a transport aircraft. This web site has since been taken offline. See http://www.thememoryhole.org/war/coffin_photos/(final image on the page).
  • April 14, 2004: 361 images of soldiers’ and astronauts’ flag draped caskets being handled at Dover Air Force Base were released to Russ Kick of thememoryhole.org in response to an administrative appeal of a Freedom of Information Act request.
  • April 22, 2004: Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Military Community and Family Policy Molino Briefing on Remains Transfer Policy in response to questions about exceptions to the media ban says “I don’t know that there’s a general standard or a threshold through which you have to pass to say by golly that’s the one we’d have to waive it for.” He further explains “There have been exceptions to the policy, you’re absolutely correct; and they’re directed by my superiors when that occurs. I don’t know what would go in to say that we’ve crossed that threshold.”
  • November 22, 2004: Air Force correspondence responding to FOIA request, including CR-Rom of images previously provided to Russ Kick and an e-mail describing the dates the images were taken. Correspondence denies other pending FOIA requests, stating that there are no images of caskets containing the remains of U.S. military personnel received at any U.S. military facility from April 1, 2004-September 30, 2004.
  • December 28, 2004: Joint Motion for Abeyancefiled to permit administrative processing of appeal and additional searching for images.
  • February 25, 2005: Joint Status Reportfiled describing status of administrative processing of request.
  • March 25, 2005: Plaintiff’s Status Reportfiled describing the absence of substantive responses and indicating that plaintiff intends to request that the stay be lifted and to file a motion for summary judgment.
  • April 8, 2005: Letter from Department of Justiceadvising that “[a]fter searching numerous components of the Department of Defense both within and outside the Air Force, the Department of Defense has located several hundred images that are responsive to Mr. Begleiter’s request .… The Department of Defense intends to provide these images ….”
  • April 15, 2005: Letter from Department of Defenseadvising that “the Department of Defense has located several hundred photographic images that are responsive to your request. These images are in addition to the 361 images previously provided to you.” CD-ROM with 81 images from Defense Visual Information Center and 11 images from US Air Force in Europe.
  • April 25, 2005: “Final response” from Department of Defenseto April 23, 2004 request for images “released to Russ Kick on April 14, 2004 and for all photographs of caskets containing the remains of U.S. military personnel received at any U.S. military facility between October 7, 2001, the commencement of military action in Afghanistan, and the present.” Enclosing a CD-ROM with “268 unredacted and partially redacted photographic images [from] … the United States Army, the United States Air Force, and the Defense Visual Information Center (DVIC).” No video provided.
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