Montana Model for Assessing Returning Vets for PTSD and TBI

February 18, 2009 – Following the suicide two years ago of a recently deployed combat vet, Montana has become a model for accessing and assisting veterans who show symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and traumatic brain injury (TBI). While the plan doesn’t go nearly far enough, it’s one that I understand the Obama administration is seriously considering for nationwide implementation – and it would be an excellent first step.

    Montana’s reforms started after Chris Dana, a specialist with the 163rd Infantry of the Montana National Guard, returned from combat, began isolating himself from family and friends, and quit attending Guard drills. His commanders told him to get his act together or they’d run him out of the Guard. Dana received a less-than-honorable discharge a few months later and put a bullet through his brain on March 4, 2007. That occurred as I was flying to New York City to help judge the Pulitzer Prizes at Columbia University; after I got back to Montana, I’ve covered this story ever since.

    In a highly patriotic state – Montana has the second-highest ratio of vets in its population, trailing only Alaska – Dana’s suicide was an outrage. His stepbrother Matt Kuntz, a former Army officer and attorney in Helena, stirred the pot with angry guest editorials in Montana’s newspapers.

    “I may sound pretty damn angry and bitter, and I am,” Kuntz told me at the time. “We should have fixed this before. And the clock is ticking. If you think there aren’t people out there right now staring at their guns, you’re wrong.”

    Stung by the public reaction, Gov. Brian Schweitzer and Adjutant General Randy Mosley convened a panel, solicited suggestions for reform, and adopted them all within about 15 months. Many of the reforms broke new ground within the National Guard Bureau because they set a new standard. They also cost more money to implement.

    Probably most important was that soldiers returning from deployment receive a mental health assessment every six months for the first two years after their return. Counselors probe for signs of stress, including anxieties, sleep disorders, family problems and excessive alcohol use. It’s a mandatory requirement, so it reduces the stigma of a soldier reaching out for help with an emotional disorder. And it recognizes that many soldiers don’t begin to experience the symptoms of PTSD or TBI until they’ve been home for six months to a year.

    Second was the creation of crisis response teams made up of unit officers, NCOs, personnel officers and a chaplain. When a soldier quits coming to drill, they’re activated to find out why and provide help. They can also respond to concerns voiced by family members of other soldiers.

    In addition to that, TriWest Healthcare has provided the funding to station counselors with the Army National Guard and the Air National Guard during their drill weekends. They’re on hand to talk with personnel and observe. The theory is that soldiers feel more comfortable talking with counselors in a less formal setting, and it seems to be working because TriWest has recently renewed its one-year pilot program.

    The state adjutant general pledged to quit signing less-than-honorable discharges unless he personally investigated the circumstances and became convinced that they were justified. That’s a big change in the military culture where discipline – rather than help – is the norm. Since only vets with honorable discharges get benefits, this should mean that more of the vets suffering from emotional disorders will get the help they need at the government’s expense.

    The Montana National Guard also got the funding it needed to continue weekend drills for the first 90 days after soldiers returned home. Originally, the idea was to give them a three-month break as soon as they got home. But we learned that soldiers can’t talk with their wives and families about what they went through – they need the support of their fellow soldiers. Since the soldiers don’t really need to hone their fighting skills at that point, the idea now is to bring soldiers and their families together for a weekend drill in which they can all participate. The focus will be on reintegrating soldiers with their families with workshops on interpersonal relationships, anger management, financial planning and the like. But they can talk with their buddies and include their families in those discussions at the same time.

    Finally, the Guard’s family readiness units were strengthened to help families adjust not only during deployment, but after it. Even more important, they’re open to all families, including branches of other services and veterans.

    Capt. Joan Hunter, a US Public Health Service officer who is director of psychological health for the National Guard Bureau in Washington, DC, said: “Montana has gone beyond the level of other states in the country, and I applaud that. They saw an emergency need, studied the problems, and made some significant improvements.”

    It was enough even to melt the anger of Kuntz, Dana’s stepbrother. “The Guard has done an unbelievable job of changing,” he told me. “It takes a lot for a big organization that does a lot of things right to look for what they did wrong and address those flaws. I’m really impressed with what they’ve done.”

    It’s still not enough, however.

    The VA is underfunded, understaffed and overpaperworked. It can take a vet in crisis a month or two or three even to get in for an initial evaluation. Some vets have committed suicide rather than spend the time in a dual agony, wrestling with their own demons and fighting with the bureaucracy. At a time when our economy is tanking and our national debt is skyrocketing, it seems counterintuitive to commit more funding to vet care – but it’s critical.

    And the VA’s treatment is too safe and conservative, mostly talking with counselors and participating in group therapy and swallowing lots of pills. There are some alternative therapies that appear to work in private practice, but former VA Secretary Dr. James Peake told me he didn’t want to experiment with soldiers and that only the therapies that had been clinically proven would be employed by the VA.

    But that’s not enough … not when we have an estimated 500,000 young warriors coming home and needing help for emotional disorders … not when we have vets from a string of conflicts stretching back to Vietnam needing help … not when we have more than 7 million ‘Nam vets, the majority of whom still need the help they were denied four decades ago. Now the ‘Nam vets (my generation) are facing retirement, their bodies are shutting down, and they’re realizing that we’ve needed help for a long time.

    Not acting is not an option because the social cost is enormous:

  # More active-duty soldiers are now taking their own lives than are being killed in combat in Iraq and Afghanistan.
  # One VA study recently found that two-thirds of married vets report family adjustment problems when they come home – more than half with physical or verbal conflict. Infidelity reports jumped from 4 percent in 2004 to 27 percent in 2007.
  # Alcoholism and drug abuse will become more pervasive. A new study of nearly 50,000 military personnel shows combat vets are 63 percent more likely than non-combat vets to abuse alcohol.
  # Joblessness and homelessness will follow, just as they did in the decades after the Vietnam vets came home.

    Last August, Sen. Barack Obama came through Billings to meet with veterans and find out what Montana was doing to help vets and how it was working. Kuntz later told me he gave his copy of my book, “Faces of Combat,” to Obama and told him to read it because it had all the answers to his questions. Now I’m told that the Obama administration is working to make the Montana model the national norm.

    That would be a good first step – but only a first step. We can’t afford to let these young warriors continue to slip through the cracks. They volunteered to go to war for us – now we need to go to war for them.

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VA Won’t Release Records About Spokane Psychiatrist

February 17, 2009, Spokane, WA – The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs will not say whether the psychiatrist who attended to two veterans who killed themselves last year was involved in other cases resulting in suicide in 2008.

Finding that the “employee’s privacy interest prevails over the public interest,” the VA denied a request by The Spokesman-Review under the Freedom of Information Act to release information about Dr. William L. Brown, a psychiatrist at Spokane Veterans Affairs Medical Center.

Brown attended to Lucas Senescall, a 26-year-old Navy veteran with a history of mental illness who sought help at the behavioral health department of the medical center on July 7. Senescall hanged himself within four hours of leaving the medical center.

He was one of six veterans under Spokane VA care to commit suicide last year, a marked increase in such deaths over previous years. The suicides came amid heightened concern for the mental health of soldiers and veterans nationally. Since July, the Spokane medical center has joined other VA medical facilities in strengthening protocols for identifying patients at risk of suicide.

Citing confidentiality rules, the VA would not identify the other veterans who committed suicide in 2008, but the identity of Spc. Timothy Juneman, 25, became public when his family wrote U.S. Sen. Patty Murray about concerns with VA mental health care.

Juneman, a National Guardsman and former Stryker Brigade soldier who had been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury, hanged himself March 5 in Pullman.

Brown attended to Juneman in early January when he was released from inpatient suicide watch at the Spokane VA, and had prescribed Juneman several medications, including antidepressant, anti-anxiety and antipsychotic drugs.

Juneman, whose body was not found until nearly three weeks after his death, had missed several medical appointments, yet there was apparently no effort to contact him.

The parents of both Senescall and Juneman have raised concerns that the Spokane VA could have done more to save their sons.

“I took him to the hospital to get him help,” said Senescall’s father, Steve Senescall, on Tuesday. “My son was rocking back in forth in his chair with his hands over his mouth to keep from screaming. He needed help and instead (Brown) kicked us out and said ‘see you in two weeks.’ “

Brown, who continues to work for the medical center, has declined through superiors to comment. Sharon Helman, the medical center’s director, has declined comment on whether there has been any disciplinary action as a result of any of the 2008 suicides.

In a July 18 letter, the newspaper requested information from Spokane VA, including whether Brown was involved in the care of any of the other veterans who killed themselves in 2008. The request was denied, and the newspaper appealed to the VA office of general counsel on Aug. 14.

This month, the VA acting general counsel John H. Thompson denied the appeal, citing exemptions under the Freedom of Information Act that protect records, “the release of which would lead to a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy.”

The newspaper’s request for information did not include the identities or records of the dead veterans. But Thompson also cited privacy exemptions in denying information about Brown’s involvement in any of the cases, which he said could be “taken out of context” and “could be misleading and inflammatory.”

The office of U.S. Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers did not return calls on Tuesday seeking comment about whether the psychiatrist’s privacy rights outweigh the public’s right to the information.

Murray was unavailable for comment, according to a spokesman.

Reached at Spokane VA Medical Center, Associate Director Perry Danner said, “We will let the (general counsel’s) letter stand as is.”

Kevin Graman can be reached at (509) 459-5433 or kevingr@spokesman.com.

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Former Gitmo Guard Recalls Abuse, Climate of Fear

February 15, 2009, San Juan, Puerto Rico – Army Pvt. Brandon Neely was scared when he took Guantanamo’s first shackled detainees off a bus. Told to expect vicious terrorists, he grabbed a trembling, elderly detainee and ground his face into the cement — the first of a range of humiliations he says he participated in and witnessed as the prison was opening for business.

Watch MSNBC News Interview: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QrdQ6s5zKl4&eurl

Neely has now come forward in this final year of the detention center’s existence, saying he wants to publicly air his feelings of guilt and shame about how some soldiers behaved as the military scrambled to handle the first alleged al-Qaida and Taliban members arriving at the isolated U.S. Navy base.

His account, one of the first by a former guard describing abuses at Guantanamo, describes a chaotic time when soldiers lacked clear rules for dealing with detainees who were denied many basic comforts. He says the circumstances changed quickly once monitors from the International Committee of the Red Cross arrived.

The military says it has gone to great lengths in the seven years since then to ensure the prisoners’ safe treatment. “Our policy is to treat detainees humanely,” said Navy Cmdr. Jeffrey Gordon, a Pentagon spokesman.

After the Sept. 11 attacks and the swift U.S. military response in Afghanistan, the Bush administration had little time to prepare for the hundreds of prisoners being swept up on the battlefield. The U.S. Southern Command was given only a few weeks notice before they began arriving at Guantanamo Bay Naval Base in Cuba — a locale thought to be beyond the reach of U.S. and Cuban law. The first arrivals were housed in cages that had been used for Haitian migrants almost a decade earlier.

Now President Barack Obama is committed to closing the prison and finding new ways of handling the remaining 245 detainees as well as any future terror suspects. Human rights groups say his pledge to adhere to long established laws and treaties governing prisoner treatment is essential if the United States hopes to prevent abuses in the future.

“If Guantanamo has taught us anything, it’s the importance of abiding by the rule of law,” said Jennifer Daskal, senior counterterrorism counsel for Human Rights Watch.

Or as Neely put it in an interview with The Associated Press this week, “The stuff I did and the stuff I saw was just wrong.”

Neely, a burly Texan who served for a year in Iraq after his six months at Guantanamo, received an honorable discharge last year, with the rank of specialist, and now works as a law enforcement officer in the Houston area. He is also president of the local chapter of Iraq Veterans Against the War.

An urge to tell his story led him to the University of California at Davis’ Guantanamo Testimonials Project, an effort to document accounts of prisoner abuse. It includes public statements from three other former guards, but Neely was the first to grant researchers an interview. He also spoke extensively with the AP.

Testimony from the other guards echoes some of Neely’s concerns. One of the other guards, Sean Baker, described in an interview with CBS’ “60 Minutes” how he was beaten and hospitalized by fellow soldiers in a January 2003 training drill in which he wore an orange jumpsuit to play the role of a detainee.

Terry C. Holdbrooks Jr. told the Web site cageprisoners.com in an interview this month that he saw several abuses during his service at Guantanamo in 2003, including detainees subjected to cold temperatures and loud music, and he later converted to Islam.

Neely, 28, describes a litany of cruel treatment by his fellow soldiers, including beatings and humiliations he said were intended only to deliver physical or psychological pain.

A spokeswoman for the detention center, Navy Cmdr. Pauline Storum, said she could not comment on “what one individual may recall” from seven years ago. “Thousands of service members have honorably carried out their duties here in what is an arduous and scrutinized environment,” she said.

Neely’s account sheds new light on the early days of Guantanamo, where guards were hastily deployed in January 2002 and were soon confronted by men stumbling out of planes, shackled and wearing blackout goggles. They were held in chain-link cages and moved to more permanent structures three months later.

The soldiers, many of them still in their teens, had no detailed standard operating procedures and were taught hardly anything about the Geneva Conventions, which provide guidelines for humane treatment of prisoners of war, Neely said, though some learned about them on their own initiative.

“Most of us who had everyday contact with the detainees were really young,” he said in the AP telephone interview.

Army Col. Bill Costello acknowledged that Guantanamo-specific procedures developed over time, but insisted that the guards had strict direction from the start. “This was a professional guard force,” said Costello, who served as a Guantanamo spokesman during its first months and now speaks for the U.S. Southern Command in Miami, which oversees the base.

Only months had passed since the Sept. 11 attacks, and Neely said many of the guards wanted revenge. Especially before the first Red Cross visit, he said guards were seizing on any apparent infractions to “get some” by hurting the detainees. The soldiers’ behavior seemed justified at the time, he said, because they were told “these are the worst terrorists in the world.”

He said one medic punched a handcuffed prisoner in the face for refusing to swallow a liquid nutritional supplement, and another bragged about cruelly stretching a prisoner’s torn muscles during what was supposed to be physical therapy treatments.

He said detainees were forced to submit to take showers and defecate into buckets in full view of female soldiers, against Islamic customs. When a detainee yelled an expletive at a female guard, he said a crew of soldiers beat the man up and held him down so that the woman could repeatedly strike him in the face.

Neely says he feels personally ashamed for how he treated that elderly detainee the first day. As he recalls it, the man made a movement to resist on his way to his cage, and he responded by shoving the shackled man headfirst to the ground, bruising and scraping his face. Other soldiers hog-tied him and left him in the sun for hours.

Only later did Neely learn — from another detainee — that the man had jerked away thinking he was about to be executed.

“I just felt horrible,” Neely recalled.

Neely grew up in a military family in Huntsville, Texas, and said he initially saw the Army as a career. He says his experiences led him to see the treatment of detainees and the Iraq invasion as “morally wrong.” He refused to return to active duty when called up from the Inactive Ready Reserves in 2007 and ignored repeated letters threatening penalties.

Neely acknowledged that by talking about his experiences, he also has broken the nondisclosure pledge he signed before leaving Guantanamo. He also says a lawyer told him the document he signed could not be enforced.

Storum said guards receive “operational security debriefings” on their way out of Guantanamo “so that personnel are mindful of their responsibilities and are made aware of what can be openly discussed in a public forum.”

Interviews with former guards are rare. The military allows journalists visiting Guantanamo to interview active-duty guards at the base, but they are hand-picked by the military and speak in the presence of public affairs officers.

Neely said discussing his experience now has helped put it behind him. “Speaking out is a good way to deal with this,” he said.
On the Net:

    * The Guantanamo Testimonials Project: http://humanrights.ucdavis.edu

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Negligence Suit Blames VA in Man’s Death

February 16, 2009 – The widow of a mentally distressed man who fell to his death from the roof of the Veterans Affairs Medical Center after seeking help there is suing doctors for $4.5 million.

The suit claims that emergency room doctors who saw Jon Jacobsen on Feb. 5 and 6, 2007, failed to give him medication or keep him in a secure room even though he’d had seizures that led him to talk about killing himself.

“Mr. Jacobsen served his country as a veteran, and when he needed us, we weren’t there,” said attorney Richard Rogers, who filed the suit earlier this month in Multnomah County Circuit Court.

Jacobsen, 50 and a father of two young boys, served in the U.S. Army from 1977 to 1979 in the 2nd Infantry Division and in the 2nd Armored Division in Korea as a helicopter crew chief. He had a long-standing seizure disorder and psychosis, stemming from his service to his country, Rogers said.

The suit names as defendants four doctors and Oregon Health & Science University, because although Jacobsen was admitted to the Veterans Affairs Medical Center, doctors work at both hospitals and paperwork listed OHSU, Rogers said.

A spokesman for OHSU declined to comment on the suit because it’s pending litigation. According to Rogers and the suit:

On Feb. 3, 2007, Jacobsen’s wife, Lynette Jacobsen, brought him to Portland Adventist Medical Center where he was given medication, put in a secure room, observed overnight and released the next day when he was feeling better.

But at about 5 p.m. on Feb. 5, 2007, he was again delusional and Jacobsen’s wife brought him to the Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Portland after calling a doctor there. Emergency room doctors saw him but didn’t give him medication and placed him on an unlocked neurology floor.

“He immediately began trying to leave the unit,” Rogers said. He also asked staff to kill him, according to the suit.

Doctors put a mental-health hold on Jacobsen, but still did not lock him up. At about 6 a.m., he was found standing on the edge of the roof. A Portland police officer spent an hour trying to talk him down — a scene caught on surveillance video.

“It’s an awful video to watch,” said Rogers, stating that Jacobsen can be seen repeatedly looking at the officer, then looking away.

“All of a sudden, he falls off the roof,” Rogers said.

Aimee Green:503-294-5119; aimeegreen@news.oregonian.com

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Cohen Seeks Inquiry into Firing of VA Psychologist

February 15, 2009 – Congressman Steve Cohen has requested an investigation of a popular psychologist’s termination from  Memphis Veterans Medical Center for her handling of a phone call from a distraught Iraq war veteran.

The Memphis democrat last week confirmed he sent a letter to Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki, asking for an inquiry.

Cohen compared the popularity of clinical psychologist Sidney Ornduff to that of Florence Nightingale, the 19th-century nurse known for advising and comforting wounded soldiers.

“I want him to investigate and see what happened, to look into that case and, if possible, encourage her to come back because I think she’s a star,” he said, adding that it’s wrong for the administration and veterans to lose Ornduff as a resource.

Cohen’s letter marks the latest development in a nearly two-year ordeal that began in the early-morning hours of April 2, 2007, when veteran Jared Rhine called the Memphis VA and demanded to speak to Ornduff. The clinical psychologist was coordinator of a six-week residential program for veterans suffering combat-related post-traumatic stress disorder.

Rhine, who lives in West Plains, Mo., had completed the program just two days before the call. He told the medical administrative assistant he had a gun and a phone and chose to contact Ornduff instead of hurting himself.

The assistant patched Rhine through to Ornduff’s home phone. After more than two hours, the psychologist convinced Rhine not to hurt himself and go to bed.

Soon after Rhine hung up, local police officers entered his bedroom, used a Taser on him and took him to the hospital. An emergency room doctor allowed Rhine to go home after determining he wasn’t a danger to himself or anyone else.

Ornduff said when her phone rang again that night, the administrative assistant told her a West Plains police officer wanted to speak to her.

The administrative assistant had listened to the entire phone call, she said, and relayed information to police.

In September 2007, after an internal investigation into Ornduff’s handling of the phone call, she was fired. The hospital claimed Ornduff exhibited questionable clinical judgment.

A federal arbitrator’s decision last September called her termination “totally unreasonable,” restored her to the coordinator position and awarded her back pay. Ornduff returned to the VA in October but was given administrative responsibilities and no patient contact. Within weeks, she resigned.

Ornduff said Friday she’s heartened by Cohen’s intervention, adding that his support underscores the impact the case has had on her and the veteran community.

“It feels like there is validation,” she said. “It’s unfortunate that it took someone outside of the VA system to finally acknowledge that what happened to me was wrong,” she said.

Some veterans were surprised to hear about the congressman’s request.

“What I’d like to see happen is Dr. O vindicated in full and have a full apology,” said Ken Fields, a Vietnam veteran from Jonesboro, Ark. “Every one of us would love to have her back.”

Rhine, the veteran who made the early-morning call, said he’s glad someone is seeking an investigation.

“I already know she done the right thing,” he said. “But I still want (an investigation) to happen. That way everybody else will know what I already know.”

Memphis VA spokeswoman Willie Logan released a statement Friday saying the agency wasn’t aware of Cohen’s letter but would respond to any request made by Shinseki.

— Kristina Goetz: 529-2380

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Binyam Mohamed Torture Evidence ‘Hidden from Obama’

February 11, 2009 – US defence officials are preventing Barack Obama from seeing evidence that a former British resident held in Guantánamo Bay has been tortured, the prisoner’s lawyer said last night, as campaigners and the Foreign Office prepared for the man’s release in as little as a week.

Clive Stafford Smith, the director of the legal charity Reprieve, which represents Ethiopian-born Binyam Mohamed, sent Obama evidence of what he called “truly mediaeval” abuse but substantial parts were blanked out so the president could not read it.

In the letter to the president [PDF] , Stafford Smith urges him to order the disclosure of the evidence.

Stafford Smith tells Obama he should be aware of the “bizarre reality” of the situation. “You, as commander in chief, are being denied access to material that would help prove that crimes have been committed by US personnel. This decision is being made by the very people who you command.”

It is understood US defence officials might have censored the evidence to protect the president from criminal liability or political embarrassment.

The letter and its blanked-out attachment were disclosed as two high court judges yesterday agreed to reopen the court case in which Mohamed’s lawyers, the Guardian and other media are seeking disclosure of evidence of alleged torture against him. Mohamed’s lawyers are challenging the judges’ gagging order, claiming that David Miliband, the foreign secretary, changed his evidence.

In a judgment last week, Lord Justice Thomas and Mr Justice Lloyd Jones stated repeatedly that Miliband claimed the US had threatened to stop sharing intelligence with the UK if information relating to Mohamed’s alleged torture was disclosed. Miliband subsequently denied the US had applied such pressure. The case will be reopened next month.

After a meeting with Mohamed’s US-appointed military lawyer, Lieutenant Colonel Yvonne Bradley, Miliband said yesterday that the US had granted permission for Foreign Office officials to visit Mohamed. The Foreign Office said the officials would be joined by a Metropolitan police doctor, who would accompany Mohamed back to the UK if he is released.

Stafford Smith said he believed this trip was to check Mohamed was fit to fly after the hunger strike that he has maintained for over a month. He stressed that no date for his client’s release had been fixed, but “I think we’re talking about a week, I sincerely hope so”.

Millband said the US administration had agreed to treat Mohamed’s case as “a priority”, adding that Britain was working with Washington for “a swift resolution”. Bradley said later: “We haven’t been given any specific date about Mr Mohamed’s release.”

Earlier, she told a press conference that Mohamed’s treatment “would make waterboarding seem like child’s play”.

Bradley and Stafford Smith yesterday met in private with members of the intelligence and security committee, the group of MPs and peers facing mounting criticism in Westminster over claims it failed to effectively scrutinise the activities of MI5. Stafford Smith said he told the committee it would have been “absolutely impossible” for it to have cleared MI5 of involvement in the torture of Mohamed had it seen 42 key documents in the case – as he has – that Miliband says cannot be released for reasons of national security.

Bill Delahunt, a senior Democrat congressman and chairman of the House of Representatives subcommittee on human rights and oversight, said: “We cannot let our governments stonewall … I take offence at the idea that secrecy is being maintained in order to preserve national security.” He told the all-party committee on rendition: “The treatment of detainees has done great harm to the security of both our nations.”

Lieutenant Colonel Nigel Wylde, who worked in intelligence in Northern Ireland, told the committee: “The use of torture is utterly counterproductive because it breeds hatred against us and encourages people to become extremists.”

David Davis, a former shadow home secretary, said torture was wrong morally and legally, ineffective and undermined the safety of British people. “Was the government involved, was it a matter of policy or a matter of freelancing – failure of policy or a failure of control?”

The Liberal Democrat foreign affairs spokesman, Edward Davey, said: “Miliband’s bad judgment in blocking the courts from publishing this evidence of torture is being compounded by his refusal to press the new Obama administration to disclose this evidence freely.”

Read the letter here.

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Defense Dept. Claims of Gitmo Prisoners Returning to Battlefield Debunked

February 3, 2009 – A prominent law professor is charging that the Defense Department is issuing questionable data on the number of Guantanamo detainees who have been released “and then returned to the battlefield” because the government “is now in a position where they have to find some bad guys — even if they have to invent them by naming people who were never there.”
 
Their ultimate aim, Professor Mark Denbeaux of the Seton Hall University law school told us, “is to foment fear among American voters and limit the freedom of the Obama Administration to release any of the detainees still imprisoned.”
 
Denbeaux heads the law school’s Center for Policy and Research. The Center has issued a report which it says “rebuts and debunks” the most recent claim by the Department of Defense (DOD) that 61 “former Guantánamo detainees are confirmed or suspected of returning to the fight.”

The report is one of a series produced by the Center’s faculty and law students. Professor Denbeaux says the Center has determined that “DOD has issued ‘recidivism’ numbers 43 times, and each time they have been wrong –this last time the most egregiously so.”

He told us, “Once again, they’ve failed to identify names, numbers, dates, times, places, or acts upon which their report relies. Every time they have been required to identify the parties, the DOD has been forced to retract their false IDs and their numbers. They have included people who have never even set foot in Guantánamo – much less were they released from there.”
 
He added, “They have counted people as ‘returning to the fight’ for their having written an Op-ed piece in the New York Times and for their having appeared in a documentary exhibited at the Cannes Film Festival. The DOD has revised and retracted their internally conflicting definitions, criteria, and their numbers so often that they have ceased to have any meaning — except as an effort to sway public opinion by painting a false portrait of the supposed dangers of these men.”

Denbeaux charged that the Defense Department has issued numbers 43 times, and said these numbers conflict with each other. He noted that the government’s numbers are “seriously undercut by the DOD statement that ‘they do not track’ former detainees.”
 
“Time and time again, the Department of Defense, the Executive Branch, and other government officials have claimed publicly that Guantánamo Bay detainees who have been released have “returned to the battlefield” where they have then been re-captured or killed,” Denbeaux declared.
 
The Seton Hall report attempts to correct what it characterizes as errors in the latest DOD report, which was issued in mid-January. That report alleged that 61 detainees have returned to the battlefield. 
       
The Seton Hall report notes that in each of its 43 attempts to provide the numbers of the recidivist detainees, the Department of Defense has given different sets of numbers that are contradictory and internally inconsistent with the Department’s own data.
 
It says that DOD’s most recent press statement identifies no names, dates, places nor any conduct by released detainees.  “The raw numbers that are cited are unsupported, inconsistent with all other statements and appear to be presented to support the internal Department of Defense purposes,” the report says.
                                 
Previous DOD reports have said the numbers of recidivist detainees have been “one, several, some, a couple, a few, 5, 7, 10, 12, 15, 12-24, 25, 29, and 30,” the Seton Hall group contends.
 
But it adds that 82{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of DOD’s publicly made claims “contain qualifying language,” including terms such as: “at least”; “somewhere on the order of”; “approximately”; “around”; “just short of”; “we believe”; “estimated”; “roughly”; “more than”; “a couple”; “a few”; “some”; “several”; and “about.”
 
Department of Defense statements about the number of recidivist detainees which do not identify the detainee, the act of recidivism, the place, or the time, are especially unreliable, Seton Hall’s report declares. It claims that in the two instances in which DOD provided written support -July 12 2007 and May 20 2008, their previous oral assertions were repudiated. For instance, the report says, in DOD’s July 12, 2007 press release, “the 30 recidivists reported by DOD in April 2007 is reduced to five.”
 
DOD’s report of July 2007 identified seven prisoners by name, but the Seton Hall group says that “as many as two of those seven named were never in Guantanamo, and two of the remaining five were never killed or captured anywhere. Of the three remaining, one was killed in his apartment in Russia by Russian authorities. None of them is alleged to have left their homeland or attacked Americans on a battlefield or otherwise.”
 
Meanwhile, Newsweek magazine is reporting that The Pentagon “is preparing to declassify portions of a secret report on Guantanamo detainees that could further complicate President Obama’s plans to shut down the detention facility.”
 
The publication says that the report “will provide fresh details about 62 detainees who have been released from Guantanamo and are believed by U.S. intelligence officials to have returned to terrorist activities.”
 
One such example, involving a Saudi detainee named Said Ali Al-Shihri, who was released in 2007, has already received widespread media attention when Pentagon officials publicly asserted that he has recently reemerged as a deputy commander of Al Qaeda in Yemen, Newsweek reports..
 
Previously known publicly as Guantanamo detainee No. 372, Al-Shihri is alleged to have been involved in an unsuccessful attack on the U.S. embassy in Yemen last September.
 
Newsweek says, “The decision to release additional case studies from the report is in effect a warning shot to the new president from officials at the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence agencies who are skeptical about some of his plans. Some Pentagon officials, including ones sympathetic to Obama’s goals, note the political outcry would be deafening should another example like Al-Shihri become public six months from now – and it turns out to be a Guantanamo detainee released under Obama’s watch rather than by the Bush administration.”
 
It adds, “The last thing Obama wants is for one of these guys [at Guantanamo] to get released and return to killing Americans.”
 
According to Newsweek, some counter-terrorism experts have raised questions about the significance of the Pentagon’s figures, noting that the number of so-called “recidivist” detainees represents only a small portion, about 12 per cent, of the approximately 520 detainees who have been released from Guantanamo since the detention facility was opened in January 2002. This compares with recidivism rates of as high as 67 percent in state prisons in the United States, according to Justice Department figures.
 
“There have also been concerns that Bush administration holdovers were deliberately playing up the cases in recent weeks in an effort to undercut Obama. One former senior U.S. counter-terrorism official noted to Newsweek that the Pentagon waited until the day after Obama
signed his executive order mandating the closure of Guantanamo to confirm
Al-Shihri’s renewed Al Qaeda ties,” Newsweek reports.
 
Approximately 240 detainees remain at Guantanamo. Human rights groups and defense lawyers contend there is little or no evidence of terrorist involvement against scores of them. This is also the opinion of some federal judges who in recent weeks have ordered the Pentagon to release some of them.
 
The Obama administration has given itself a year to shut down the facility, and is hoping that European countries including Portugal, Spain and Germany, will agree to take some of these detainees. The Bush Administration was able to  identify only two countries willing to take released detainees – Albania and Sweden.

William Fisher has managed economic development programs in the Middle East and elsewhere for the US State Department and the US Agency for International Development. He served in the international affairs area in the Kennedy Administration and now writes on a wide-range of issues, from human rights to foreign affairs, for numerous newspapers and online journals. He blogs at The World According to Bill Fisher and can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .    

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Blackwater Becomes Xe to Hide from Controversial Mercenary Killings During Iraq War

February 13, 2009 – Blackwater Worldwide is abandoning its tarnished brand name as it tries to shake a reputation battered by oft-criticised work in Iraq, renaming its family of two dozen businesses under the name Xe. The parent company’s new name is pronounced like the letter z. [Note: Blackwater Worldwide was once Blackwater USA.]

Blackwater Lodge & Training Centre — the subsidiary that conducts much of the company’s overseas operations and domestic training — has been renamed US Training Centre Inc., the company said today.

The decision comes as part of an ongoing rebranding effort that grew more urgent following a September 2007 shooting in Iraq that left at least a dozen civilians dead. Blackwater president Gary Jackson said in a memo to employees the new name reflects the change in company focus away from the business of providing private security.

“The volume of changes over the past half-year have taken the company to an exciting place and we are now ready for two of the final, and most obvious changes,” Jackson said in the note.

In his memo, Jackson indicated the company was not interested in actively pursuing new private security contracts. Jackson and other Blackwater executives said last year the company was shifting its focus away from such work to focus on training and providing logistics.

“This company will continue to provide personnel protective services for high-threat environments when needed by the US government, but its primary mission will be operating our training facilities around the world, including the flagship campus in North Carolina,” Jackson said.

The company has operated under the Blackwater name since 1997, when chief executive Erik Prince and some of his former Navy Seal colleagues launched it in north-eastern North Carolina, naming their new endeavour for the area swamp streams that run black with murky water. But the name change underscores how badly the Moyock, North Carolina-based company’s brand was damaged by its work in Iraq.

In 2004, four of its contractors were killed in an insurgent ambush in Fallujuah, with their bodies burned, mutilated and strung from a bridge. The incident triggered a US siege of the restive city.

The September 2007 shooting in Baghdad’s Nisoor Square added to the damage. The incident infuriated politicians both in Baghdad in Washington, triggering congressional hearings and increasing calls that the company be banned from operating in Iraq.

Last month, Iraqi leaders said they would not renew Blackwater’s license to operate there, citing the lingering outrage over the shooting in Nisoor Square, and the US state department said later it will not renew Blackwater’s contract to protect diplomats when it expires in May.

Blackwater spokeswoman Anne Tyrrell said the company made the name change largely because of changes in its focus, but acknowledged the need for the company to shake its past in Iraq.

“It’s not a direct result of a loss of contract, but certainly that is an aspect of our work that we feel we were defined by,” Tyrrell said.

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Feb 17, VCS Torture FOIA Lawsuit Update: Hearing Delayed 30 Days

UPDATE: This Hearing Has Been Cancelled as of 4PM February 17, But Will Be Re-scheduled.

February 17, 2009, New York – February 17 – A federal judge will hold a hearing tomorrow to examine the Obama administration’s request for a 90-day delay of an American Civil Liberties Union/Veterans for Common Sense lawsuit concerning public access to controversial Bush-era legal memos. The memos, written by the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC), supplied the basis for the Bush administration’s torture and rendition programs. The hearing is scheduled for tomorrow, February 18 at 3:00 p.m. in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York.

Among the memos still being withheld are those written by Steven J. Bradbury when he was the acting-head of OLC. They are believed to have authorized the CIA to use extremely harsh interrogation methods, including waterboarding.

In October 2003, the ACLU – along with the Center for Constitutional Rights, Physicians for Human Rights, Veterans for Common Sense and Veterans for Peace – filed a request under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) for records concerning the treatment of prisoners in U.S. custody abroad. To date, more than 100,000 pages of government documents have been released in response to the ACLU’s FOIA lawsuit.

WHAT:
A hearing to examine the Obama administration’s request for a 90-day delay of an ACLU lawsuit seeking Bush administration torture memos

WHO:
Jenny-Brooke Condon of the law firm Gibbons, Del Deo, Dolan, Griffinger & Vecchione, P.C will be arguing before Judge Alvin Hellerstein; ACLU attorneys Jameel Jaffer and Amrit Singh will be present to answer questions

WHEN:
Tomorrow, Wednesday, February 18, 2009
3:00 p.m. EST

WHERE:
U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York
500 Pearl Street
New York, NY 10007-1312

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Why There Must be A ‘Truth Commission’ – Former Army Soldier, Guantanamo Bay Guard, Describes Torture Ordered by Former President Bush

Former Gitmo Guard Tells All

February 15, 2009 – Army Private Brandon Neely served as a prison guard at Guantánamo in the first years the facility was in operation. With the Bush Administration, and thus the threat of retaliation against him, now gone, Neely decided to step forward and tell his story. “The stuff I did and the stuff I saw was just wrong,” he told the Associated Press. Neely describes the arrival of detainees in full sensory-deprivation garb, he details their sexual abuse by medical personnel, torture by other medical personnel, brutal beatings out of frustration, fear, and retribution, the first hunger strike and its causes, torturous shackling, positional torture, interference with religious practices and beliefs, verbal abuse, restriction of recreation, the behavior of mentally ill detainees, an isolation regime that was put in place for child-detainees, and his conversations with prisoners David Hicks and Rhuhel Ahmed. It makes for fascinating reading.

Neely’s comprehensive account runs to roughly 15,000 words. It was compiled by law students at the University of California at Davis and can be accessed here. http://humanrights.ucdavis.edu/projects/the-guantanamo-testimonials-project/testimonies/testimonies-of-military-guards/testimony-of-brandon-neely

Three things struck me in reading through the account.

First, Neely and other guards had been trained to the U.S. military’s traditional application of the Geneva Convention rules. They were put under great pressure to get rough with the prisoners and to violate the standards they learned. This placed the prison guards under unjustifiable mental stress and anxiety, and, as any person familiar with the vast psychological literature in the area (think of the Stanford Prison Experiment, for instance) would have anticipated produced abuses. Neely discusses at some length the notion of IRF (initial reaction force), a technique devised to brutalize or physically beat a detainee under the pretense that he required being physically subdued. The IRF approach was devised to use a perceived legal loophole in the prohibition on torture. Neely’s testimony makes clear that IRF was understood by everyone, including the prison guards who applied it, as a subterfuge for beating and mistreating prisoners—and that it had nothing to do with the need to preserve discipline and order in the prison.

Second, there is a good deal of discussion of displays of contempt for Islam by the camp authorities, and also specific documentation of mistreatment of the Qu’ran. Remember that the Neocon-laden Pentagon Public Affairs office launched a war against Newsweek based on a very brief piece that appeared in the magazine’s Periscope section concerning the mistreatment of a Qu’ran by a prison guard. Not only was the Newsweek report accurate in its essence, it actually understated the gravity and scope of the problem. Moreover, it is clear that the Pentagon Public Affairs office was fully aware, even as it went on the attack against Newsweek, that its claims were false and the weekly’s reporting was accurate.

Third, the Nelly account shows that health professionals are right in the thick of the torture and abuse of the prisoners—suggesting a systematic collapse of professional ethics driven by the Pentagon itself. He describes body searches undertaken for no legitimate security purpose, simply to sexually invade and humiliate the prisoners. This was a standardized Bush Administration tactic–the importance of which became apparent to me when I participated in some Capitol Hill negotiations with White House representatives relating to legislation creating criminal law accountability for contractors. The Bush White House vehemently objected to provisions of the law dealing with rape by instrumentality. When House negotiators pressed to know why, they were met first with silence and then an embarrassed acknowledgement that a key part of the Bush program included invasion of the bodies of prisoners in a way that might be deemed rape by instrumentality under existing federal and state criminal statutes. While these techniques have long been known, the role of health care professionals in implementing them is shocking.

Neely’s account demonstrates once more how much the Bush team kept secret and how little we still know about their comprehensive program of official cruelty and torture.

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