Editorial Column: Will Obama’s War Strategy Produce a Peace Dividend?

December 22, 2008 – When The father of President George W. Bush was in the White House, the end of the cold war in the early 1990s gave him a “peace dividend” – a drop in military spending that opened the door to fund more constructive federal programs.

President-elect Obama probably hopes for the same advantage should he manage to wind down the war in Iraq as promised during the election.

The savings are potentially substantial. A back-of-the-envelope estimate earlier this month by Lawrence Korb and other experts at the Center for American Progress in Washington calculates a total savings of $370 billion through 2013 if operations in Iraq are shrunk dramatically.

But if more troops are sent to Afghanistan, as Mr. Obama has signaled is likely, the extra cost could reach $54 billion. So the net saving for those years would drop to $316 billion.

At a time when the financial crisis has led Washington to spend more than $1 trillion in rescue efforts this year, that $316 billion spread over several years might seem minor. If normality returns to the federal budget, however, that sum could be useful for, say, launching Obama’s plan to improve the nation’s healthcare system.

It remains unclear what the new president will want to do, other than his promise to remove combat troops from Iraq in 16 months – and what he will actually do after consulting with key generals and other advisers.

Any savings are “very uncertain,” cautions Winslow Wheeler, director of the Straus Military Reform Project at the Center for Defense Information, another Washington think tank. He adds that it’s “plausible” there will be no change in costs.

Any savings depend in large degree on how fast Obama can draw down the troop levels in Iraq, says Steven Kosiak of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments in Washington. At present, about 200,000 armed services members are in the Middle East, some 150,000 in Iraq and 35,000 in Afghanistan.

Mr. Korb’s savings estimate is buried in a footnote on page 58 of a long study, “Building a Military for the 21st Century: New Realities, New Priorities,” which looks at defense spending and policies as a whole. Department of Defense spending alone, it notes, is more in inflation-adjusted dollars than at any other time since the end of World War II.

Mr. Kosiak, in a study that came out last week, puts the total cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan through fiscal 2009 at $904 billion in 2008 dollars.

Beyond that, the Korb study speaks of “runaway cost growth” that has “paradoxically failed to create a larger, more ready force.” It also makes budget recommendations that, the analysts reckon, could save $38.6 billion over the next four years.

The footnote on Iraq-Afghanistan spending assumes Obama can actually decrease the number of combat troops in Iraq by about 50,000 by April 2010. That would reduce Iraq spending from approximately $10 billion a month to about $7 billion by mid-2010.

If an equal number of support troops can be withdrawn, the monthly cost shrinks to $4 billion. Then, if all American troops are taken out by the end of 2011 (as called for by the Status of Forces Agreement mandate that has been negotiated by the Iraqi government and the US), the Iraq costs would fall to zero by mid-2012.

In Afghanistan, costs would escalate from about $2 billion a month now to $3.5 billion if another 20,000 troops are moved into that nation, as urged by General David McKiernan.

There are a lot of “ifs” in such calculations. Another more immediate question is the cost of the wars in the current fiscal year, which began in October.

The Defense Department got $66 billion from Congress last summer for the wars. One of the decisions Obama and Congress face in the next several months is how much more money to provide for 2009.

Kosiak estimates another $80 billion will be needed. Depending on what happens with the wars, another $416 billion to $817 billion could be spent through 2018, he notes.

So the total cost of the wars, up to now and beyond, could reach as high as $1.72 trillion.

To get those figure, Kosiak relies, to some extent, on a Congressional Budget Office projection of war costs for the next 10 years and another study by the Congressional Research Office.

Nongovernment analysts, such as economists Joseph Stiglitz of Columbia University and Linda Bilmes of Harvard University, say costs will exceed $2 trillion over time. They include interest on debt resulting from the war and higher veteran costs.

Whatever the assumptions, war is always an expensive proposition, both in dollars and in loss of life.

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Brother: Torture Drove Shoe-Hurler to Apologize

December 22, 2008, Baghdad, Iraq – The apology letter from the Iraqi journalist who threw his shoes at President George W. Bush was written against his will after he was tortured in detention, his brother said Monday.

Muntadhar al-Zeidi was wrestled to the ground moments after throwing his shoes during a Dec. 14 news conference of Bush and Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The investigating judge in the case acknowledged last week that al-Zeidi was beaten around the face and eyes.

But the journalist’s brother Uday told The Associated Press that he visited Muntadhar in jail on Sunday and saw more-severe injuries, including a missing tooth and burns on his ears made by cigarettes.

Uday al-Zeidi said his brother intends to file suit related to the injuries, but did not have details on when it would be filed or who specifically it would name.

The prime minister’s office said last week that al-Zeidi had written a letter of apology and asked al-Maliki to recommend a pardon.

Uday al-Zeidi said his brother told him the letter was written against his will because of torture during detention that included being doused with cold water while naked.

“He told me that he has no regret because of what he did and that he would do it again,” Uday said by telephone.

“The thing that makes you cry and laugh at the same time is that when the prime minister said that that my brother was not tortured and will not be tortured, he was under severe torture by security authorities,” Uday said.

Iraqi authorities could not immediately be reached Monday for comment on Uday al-Zeidi’s allegations.

‘A person provoked him to commit this act’
The prime minister, meanwhile, claimed that al-Zeidi said in the apology letter that a known terrorist had induced him to throw the shoes.

“He revealed … that a person provoked him to commit this act and that person is known to us for slitting throats,” al-Maliki said, according to the prime minister’s Web site. The alleged instigator was not named.

The premier also said that his government remains “committed to protecting the journalist in performing his professional duty” and guarantees him the right to practice his profession “on condition that he does not violate the dignity of others.”

Neither Bush nor al-Maliki have sought charges, but investigating judge Dhia al-Kinani said last week he does not have the legal option to drop the case.

Al-Zeidi is expected to face charges of insulting a foreign leader, for which a conviction could bring two years’ imprisonment. The trial is to begin Dec. 31, Uday al-Zeidi said. Court officials could not be reached for confirmation.

The Iraqi journalist’s shoe-throwing was repeatedly broadcast worldwide and he has become a potent symbol for opponents of the U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq. Thousands of Iraqis have rallied to demand his release.

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‘Lethal Warriors’ in Iraq, Linked to String of Crimes Back Home

December 21, 2008 – Reporting frоm Orange County аnd Colorado Springs — Thеу nicknamed thеmѕеlvеѕ thе Lethal Warriors, аnd durіng twо tours іn Iraq, thе soldiers оf thе Army’s 2nd Battalion, 12th Infantry regiment confronted ѕоmе оf thе war’s cruelest fighting, hunting insurgents thrоugh thе warrens оf Baghdad аnd Tikrit amid roadside bombs, mortar fіrе аnd close-quarters firefights. Bу June 2007, іn whаt оnе field commander called thе “heart оf darkness,” thе unit wаѕ losing a soldier a day іn a bоdу bag оr оn a stretcher. Ovеr twо tours, 33 оf thеm hаd died.

On Nov. 30, 2007, Kenneth Eastridge, a wiry, heavily tattooed survivor оf thе fighting, fоund himself аt a rоugh Colorado Springs bar called thе Rum Bay, nоt far frоm thе unit’s Ft. Carson base. Eastridge, a high school dropout frоm thе projects оf Louisville, Ky., hаd joined thе Army tо escape whаt ѕееmеd thе dead-end prospects оf civilian life, оnlу tо run repeatedly afoul оf Army rules аnd face a court-martial.

Sо оn thаt cold night just twо days аftеr hіѕ discharge, Eastridge wаѕ аt loose ends аgаіn, іn thе company оf twо оthеr war-coarsened vets frоm hіѕ unit, Louis Bressler аnd Bruce Bastien.

Police say thе trio plotted a robbery іn thе company оf аn Army private, leaving Bressler worried thаt thе private wоuld divulge thеіr plot. Later thаt night, police say, Bressler shot thе soldier tо death wіth a .38-caliber revolver.

Nоw Eastridge, 25, sits bеhіnd bars іn a Colorado prison, having agreed tо a 10-year sentence іn exchange fоr hіѕ testimony.

Thе Army wаѕ quick tо downplay аnу link bеtwееn whаt hе аnd thе оthеr soldiers saw іn Iraq аnd thе allegations аgаіnѕt thеm.

“Anybody that does crimes of that nature, it goes deeper and farther back than anything in the U.S. Army,” said Lt. Col. Brian Pearl, the 2-12’s commanding officer. “Nothing here has trained them to do what they are charged with.” After visiting to this page you will get professional criminal defense attorney.

Yеt thеrе іѕ a larger story оf thоѕе whо fought wіth thе 700-soldier unit: a string оf alleged robberies, domestic violence аnd senseless murder.

Sіx оf thе veterans аrе bеhіnd bars, implicated іn fоur separate shooting incidents аnd fіvе slayings ѕіnсе August 2007. Thе killings stretch frоm Colorado tо аn Orange County beach town, whеrе a veteran оf thе company іѕ accused оf beating hіѕ girlfriend tо death.

In October, a soldier whо served іn Iraq wіth аnоthеr Ft. Carson unit wаѕ charged wіth slitting a woman’s throat аnd leaving hеr tо die іn thе foothills near Colorado Springs, prompting U.S. Sen. Ken Salazar (D-Colo.) tо urge a “swift аnd thorough review” оf thе accused soldiers’ records.

Hе asked whеthеr thе Army, іn іtѕ zeal tо meet recruiting numbers, hаd issued thе soldiers waivers fоr felonies, ѕеrіоuѕ misdemeanors оr mental health issues. Thе Army hаѕ launched a task force tо examine thе question.

“This іѕ аn Army-wide issue аnd ѕоmеthіng thаt hаѕ tо bе paid attention tо аt thе highest levels оf government,” Salazar said іn аn interview.

Whаt connects thеѕе killings, іf аnуthіng, remains unclear. But ѕоmе associated wіth thе cases fіnd іt impossible tо dismiss thе common backdrop оf Iraq аѕ coincidence.

“Think аbоut Vietnam,” said Amanda Philipps, оnе оf Eastridge’s public defenders. “This іѕ just thе tip оf thе iceberg.”

Sheilagh McAteer, оnе оf Eastridge’s lawyers, whо serves оn a task force examining crime bу Iraq veterans, said ѕhе hаѕ seen a spike іn drug abuse аnd domestic violence cases.

“It’s аll anecdotal, but іt appears there’s ѕоmе kind оf connection,” ѕhе said. “It’s going tо gеt worse bеfоrе іt gets better. Thеrе аrе nоw guys whо аrе соmіng bасk frоm thеіr thіrd tour.”

Althоugh ѕоmе оf thе accused wеrе diagnosed wіth post-traumatic stress disorder, thе significance remains murky. Bressler wаѕ convicted Nov. 19 оf conspiracy tо commit murder іn thе death оf thе Army private, Kevin Shields. Ed Farry, Bressler’s attorney, said hіѕ client’s diagnosis played nо role іn thе case. “These people aren’t monsters аnd thеу aren’t killers simply bесаuѕе thеу hаvе PTSD,” Farry said.

Whаt wеnt wrong wіth thе soldiers? Did Iraq blow open preexisting psychological fissures оr create them? Wаѕ wаr just a detour іn a life headed fоr trouble anyway?

A troubled life

In September, аѕ hе awaited hіѕ sentencing аnd hіѕ tіmе оn thе witness stand, Eastridge, whоѕе arm bears a tattoo resembling a Nazi SS badge, recalled іn a jailhouse interview thаt trouble fоund hіm early.

Eastridge said hіѕ mother wаѕ a drug addict whо left thе family whеn hе wаѕ 10. Twо years later, hе wаѕ playing wіth hіѕ father’s shotgun whеn іt wеnt оff аnd killed hіѕ best friend. Hе wаѕ convicted оf reckless homicide аnd given probation. Hе quit high school аnd decided tо enlist.

“I didn’t hаvе nоthіng else,” Eastridge said.

Faced wіth hіѕ juvenile record, thе Army gave hіm a waiver. Durіng hіѕ fіrѕt tour іn Iraq, frоm August 2004 tо July 2005, hе suffered a head wound whеn hіѕ Humvee ran оvеr a bomb but wаѕ nеvеr treated bу a neurosurgeon, hіѕ lawyer says.

Aftеr Eastridge’s fіrѕt tour, hе wаѕ accused іn Colorado Springs оf pointing a gun аt a girlfriend’s temple аnd charged wіth felony menacing, but thе Army returned hіm tо Iraq іn October 2006 bеfоrе thе case соuld bе resolved.

Thе fighting wаѕ fierce. Thе mission wаѕ tо calm a sectarian struggle escalating іn Doura, a district іn south Baghdad whеrе Sunnis, Shiites аnd Christians оnсе mixed.

“They wеrе killing uѕ еvеrу day,” Eastridge said. “Everybody wаѕ just breaking down.”

Soldiers faced roadside bombs, mortar attacks аnd small-arms firefights аѕ thеу hunted insurgents door tо door thrоugh thе streets аnd alleys.

“I wаѕ thе guy іn mу platoon whо wаѕ аlwауѕ uр frоnt. Thеу wоuld volunteer mе. I guess thеу thought I wаѕ crazy,” Eastridge said. “I wanted tо kill аll thе bad guys.”

Thе anxiety bесаmе ѕо erosive, Eastridge said, thаt hе аnd a fellow soldier decided tо escape thе battlefield bу shooting еасh оthеr wіth a stolen .32-caliber pistol. Hе wоuld shoot hіѕ friend іn thе arm, аnd hіѕ friend wоuld shoot hіm іn thе leg. But thе gun jammed, hе said.

Durіng hіѕ second tour, medical records ѕhоw, Eastridge wаѕ treated fоr chronic stress, insomnia, depression аnd anxiety. Hе said hе wоuld tаkе thrее tо fіvе Valium pills bеfоrе heading оut оn missions. Hе said thе Army fоund hіm passed оut оn Valium аftеr hе hаd sex wіth hіѕ girlfriend, аn Army truck driver.

Thе incident landed hіm іn аn Army camp іn Kuwait fоr a month, whеrе hе filled sandbags 14 hours a day, hе said.

Army evaluators diagnosed hіm wіth post-traumatic stress аnd anti-social personality disorders аnd noted thаt hе hаd “homicidal ideations.” Thе Army court-martialed hіm аnd discharged hіm іn November оn whаt hіѕ lawyer calls lеѕѕ thаn honorable terms.

Evеn bеfоrе thе Army cut hіm loose, hе said, hе hаd started committing robberies wіth hіѕ buddies frоm thе 2-12, Bastien аnd Bressler, whо hаd bоth recently returned frоm Iraq.

“I wаѕ trying tо gеt еnоugh money tо gеt аn apartment,” Eastridge said. “I wasn’t trying tо bе аll violent. I wаѕ just trying tо gеt оn mу feet.”

On thе night оf Nov. 30 thеrе wаѕ a party аt Rum Bay, a club wіth a reputation fоr late-night fights. Eastridge, оut оf work аnd ѕtіll facing thе unresolved menacing charge, wаѕ thеrе wіth Bressler, Bastien аnd Shields, whо wаѕ іn thе ѕаmе platoon аnd wаѕ celebrating hіѕ 24th birthday. Police say that’s whеn Shields learned оf thеіr plans tо commit аnоthеr robbery.

Bу Eastridge’s account, thеу аll left thе bar drunk. Thеn, according tо police, thеу stopped аt a park, whеrе Shields argued аnd traded punches wіth Bressler bеfоrе Bressler gunned hіm dоwn, worried thаt hе knew tоо muсh аnd wоuld talk. Shields’ bоdу wаѕ fоund thе nеxt day.

Police say Bressler аnd Bastien wеrе аlѕо involved іn thе robbery аnd murder, thrее months earlier, оf a 23-year-old soldier named Robert James. Bastien pleaded guilty tо conspiracy tо commit murder іn thаt case аnd tо accessory tо murder іn thе Shields case. Hе hаѕ bееn sentenced tо 60 years іn prison.

Eastridge pleaded guilty tо accessory tо murder іn Shields’ death аnd agreed tо testify аt Bressler’s trial. Bressler wаѕ acquitted оf first-degree murder but convicted оf a lesser charge оf conspiracy tо commit murder, whісh соuld bring hіm 24 years іn prison. Hе ѕtіll faces a charge оf first-degree murder іn thе James case.

Eastridge wаѕ sentenced іn November tо thе 10 years іn exchange fоr hіѕ testimony.

Bеhіnd bars, Eastridge contemplated whаt life wіll bе like whеn hе hits thе streets аgаіn, possibly іn hіѕ early 30s. Hе wіll hаvе tо fіnd a trade. “Firefighting maybe,” hе said. But hе wаѕ nоt sure. “The оnlу thіng I know hоw tо dо іѕ shoot.”

Deadly shootings

Sіx months аftеr thе Shields killing, twо оthеr soldiers frоm thе 2-12 — wіth nо apparent connection tо thе Colorado Springs robbery crew — wеrе roaming thе city’s streets wіth аn AK-47, according tо police.

On Mау 26, police say, Jomar Falu-Vives аnd Rodolfo Torres-Gandarilla wеrе traveling іn a Chevy Tahoe whеn Falu-Vives shot аn Army captain whо wаѕ standing аt аn intersection. Bоth аrе charged wіth attempted murder.

Police say thаt 11 days later, thе pair wеrе оn thе road аgаіn whеn Falu-Vives gunned dоwn a couple posting garage-sale signs. Falu-Vives faces murder charges. Torres-Gandarilla іѕ charged аѕ аn accessory.

Thrее months аftеr thоѕе slayings, іn ѕtіll аnоthеr unrelated case, sheriff’s deputies іn Orange County say thеу knocked оn thе door оf a San Clemente condo tо fіnd a blond, blue-eyed surfer named John Needham, 25, near hіѕ mortally beaten girlfriend, Jacque Villagomez.

Aftеr fighting wіth thе 2-12 іn Iraq, family аnd friends say, Needham wаѕ discharged lаѕt year suffering frоm shrapnel wounds tо hіѕ legs аnd bасk, beset bу nightmares аnd ѕо jittery hе jumped аt thе sound оf dropped silverware. Aѕ hіѕ brother рut іt, “He’s bееn nо good ѕіnсе hе got back.” Needham wаѕ charged wіth murder аnd іѕ awaiting trial.

In Wonderland

Outside thе gates оf Ft. Carson, thе leafy neighborhoods оf Colorado Springs run tо thе Rocky Mountains, whеrе gold іѕ ѕtіll mined аnd thе staggering view frоm Pikes Peak inspired “America thе Beautiful.”

Thіѕ іѕ a military town, home tо thе U.S. Air Force Academy, twо Air Force bases аnd thе nearly 18,000-strong Army facility. Local officials аrе familiar wіth thе challenges confronting soldiers whо аrе “coming bасk tо Wonderland,” a term used tо explain thе transition frоm wаr tо civilian life.

“We’ve heard оf soldiers аt thе mall just hitting thе floor whеn іt thunders,” said Davida Hoffman, a social worker whо runs a local program fоr returning veterans. At Ft. Carson, thе 2-12 іѕ busy training.

On a sunny morning thіѕ fall, Command Sgt. Maj. Charles Sasser аnd Lt. Col. Brian Pearl, thе officer іn charge оf thе battalion, led thе soldiers thrоugh training exercises аt Camp Rеd Devil, a training camp deep іn thе hilly terrain оf thе expansive base.

Pearl believes thе slayings linked tо thе unit аrе nоt connected tо combat experiences, but rooted іn personal events outside Army life.

“If thоѕе guys wеrе nоt іn 2-12 infantry, thеу wоuld hаvе dоnе thе ѕаmе thing,” Pearl said. “People wіll say, ‘In thе U.S. Army, they’re trained tо kill people.’ But we’re trained tо make ethical decisions.”

Hе said thаt thе battalion led thе Army іn reenlistment аnd thаt hundreds оf soldiers returning frоm combat dо nоt соmе home tо kill аnуоnе. Early nеxt year, thе unit wіll bе fighting аgаіn.

“They bled, sweat аnd cried durіng 15 months іn Iraq,” hе said. “Now they’re preparing tо gо tо Afghanistan. Thеу dо еvеrуthіng wе ask.”

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Editorial Column: Make Sure War is Worth the Price Soldiers Must Pay

December 22, 2008 – In a recent study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association, a panel of U.S. Army psychiatrists reported that one in every five active-duty soldiers has developed mental health problems after coming home from Iraq.

The problems range from post-traumatic stress disorder to depression to substance abuse to angry outbursts that create family conflict. The toll may be even higher than 20 percent, because 42 percent of returning National Guard and reserve troops reported similar problems. The authors speculate that Guard and reserve troops may be more open about their problems because they want to make sure that they continue to get health care coverage once their deployments have ended.

As it happens, I read about this study at the same time I was finishing Rick Atkinson’s “The Day of Battle,” his new history of the war in Italy in 1943 and 1944. It’s the second volume of his history of World War II in North Africa and Europe. Part 1, “An Army at Dawn,” won a Pulitzer Prize in 2003.

 I knew the Italian campaign was controversial (was it necessary?) and horrible (month after month of frontal assault in hostile terrain). But until I read Atkinson’s book, I didn’t know what horrible was.

There were the mountains and the mud and the minefields, the assaults at Salerno and Anzio, the desperate battles for small towns fought time and again. There were epic command failures, fratricide and friendly fire, all in pursuit of a goal with very little strategic value.

As I turned the pages, the same thought kept recurring: Why did the American people put up with this kind of waste and horror, this senseless slaughter? And how did the guys who survived ever get over it? If PTSD and depression affect

20 percent to 42 percent of the troops who fought in Iraq, what must the rates have been for the guys who fought in Italy? I could answer my own questions, of course.

The 64 years between 1943 and 2007 have created a different world, a different America. The country didn’t have instantaneous communication in 1943, no as-it-happens television and radio accounts, no uncensored accounts of the flagrant arrogance of political and military commanders.

And even if America had known what was happening in Italy, it might well have accepted it. We didn’t question authority as much in those days, and the threat posed by Nazi Germany was existential. We had venality and profiteers, but we also had the draft. There was no thought that one segment of the population was being hosed for the benefit of another.

As for the troops, for the most part they suffered and died for the same reason troops always suffer and die: not for some grand, glorious cause, but for their buddies.

They may have known vaguely that they had been sent to Italy only because Churchill and Stalin insisted on it so they would engage dozens of German divisions that Hitler otherwise would have been free to employ in Russia and in France. Americans slogged their way to Rome, in other words, because it bought time.

They finally took Rome on the first weekend in June 1944. The following Tuesday, June 6, was D-Day, and the invasion of Normandy made most Americans forget all about Italy.

By today’s standards, the war in Sicily and Italy was as stupid and senseless as the war in Iraq, albeit with a far higher butcher’s bill.

The Iraq war has claimed 3,865 American lives. In 608 days, the Italian campaign cost 23,501 U.S. dead.

And, of course, the people who came home — even if they were in one piece — were traumatized by it all. The diagnosis of PTSD was unknown then, but its symptoms certainly were not.

In Richard Ben Cramer’s 1992 book, “What it Takes” — perhaps the best book yet written about American politics — he recounts the story of a second lieutenant from Kansas in the 10th Mountain Division who was sent to Italy as a replacement platoon leader in the spring of 1945. It was just weeks before the fall of Berlin and the end of the war in Europe, but the 10th Mountain Division still was slugging it out in Italy.

The lieutenant from Kansas had his right shoulder devastated by machine-gun fire and was left for dead on a mountainside. Somehow, he survived, was evacuated back to the States and suffered severe depression, bouts of anger and bitterness, family troubles and the rest of the PTSD package.

But Bob Dole overcame, got into politics, was elected to five terms in the U.S. Senate and was the Republican presidential candidate in 1996. Today he’s working to make sure Iraq war vets can overcome.

Most of them will, as will the veterans of the next war. The obligation of the rest of us is to make sure the next war is worthy of their sacrifice.

Horrigan is a columnist for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.

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Pentagon Memo: Trying to Redefine Role of U.S. Military in Iraq

December 22, 2008, Washington, DC — It is one of the most troublesome questions right now at the Pentagon, and it has started a semantic dance: What is the definition of a combat soldier? More important, when will all American combat troops withdraw from the major cities of Iraq?

The short answers are that combat troops, defined by the military as those whose primary mission is to engage the enemy with lethal force, will have to be out of Iraqi cities by June 30, 2009, the deadline under a recently approved status-of-forces agreement between the United States and Iraq.

The long answers open up some complicated, sleight-of-hand responses to military and political problems facing President-elect Barack Obama.

Even though the agreement with the Iraqi government calls for all American combat troops to be out of the cities by the end of June, military planners are now quietly acknowledging that many will stay behind as renamed “trainers” and “advisers” in what are effectively combat roles. In other words, they will still be engaged in combat, just called something else.

“Trainers sometimes do get shot at, and they do sometimes have to shoot back,” said John A. Nagl, a retired lieutenant colonel who is one of the authors of the Army’s new counterinsurgency field manual.

The issue is a difficult one for Mr. Obama, whose campaign pledge to “end the war” ignited his supporters and helped catapult him into the White House. But as Mr. Obama has begun meeting with his new military advisers — the top two, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates and Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, are holdovers from the Bush administration — it has become clear that his definition of ending the war means leaving behind many thousands of American troops.

One reason is that Mr. Obama is facing rapidly approaching, and overlapping, withdrawal deadlines, some set by the Bush administration and the Iraqis, and some set by him.

After June 2009 looms May 2010, 16 months after Mr. Obama’s inauguration, the month he set during the campaign to have American combat forces out of Iraq entirely. Next comes December 2011, the deadline in the status-of-forces agreement to have all American troops out of Iraq.

To try to meet those deadlines without risking Iraq’s fragile and relative stability, military planners say they will reassign some combat troops to training and support of the Iraqis, even though the troops would still be armed and go on combat patrols with their Iraqi counterparts. So although their role would be redefined, the dangers would not.

“If you’re in combat, it doesn’t make any difference whether you’re an adviser: you’re risking your life,” said Andrew Krepinevich, a military expert at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, a research group. “The bullets don’t have ‘adviser’ stenciled on some and ‘combat unit’ on another.”

There are 146,000 American troops in Iraq, including service and support personnel. Gen. Ray Odierno, the top commander in Iraq, declined to tell reporters this month how many troops might remain in cities after the June 2009 deadline, and said the exact number still had to be negotiated with the Iraqis.

But some experts, like Michael E. O’Hanlon, a senior fellow in at the Brookings Institution, argue that roughly 10,000 American troops should remain in Baghdad after next June, with thousands more in other cities around the country.

For his part, General Odierno made clear that the Iraqis still needed help — and that the United States would hardly disappear. “What I would say is, we’ll still maintain our very close partnership with the Iraqi security forces throughout Iraq, even after the summer,” he told reporters.

Military officials say they can accomplish that by “repurposing” whatever combat troops remain. Officially, a combat soldier is anyone trained in what are called combat-coded military occupation specialties — among them infantry, artillery and Special Forces — to engage the enemy. But combat troops can be given different missions. From the military’s point of view, a combat soldier is not so much what he is called but what he does.

For example, in an area south of Baghdad that was once called the “triangle of death” because of the Sunni insurgents there, a combat brigade of 4,000 to 5,000 soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division has been replaced with what the Army calls a transition task force of 800 to 1,200 troops with the mission of training and advising the Iraqi Army.

“It’s no longer Americans providing the muscle,” Colonel Nagl said. “Now it’s Iraqi patrols with a small group of American advisers tucked inside.”

Either way, no one expects the American presence to end soon, clearly not Defense Secretary Gates. When asked by Charlie Rose in a PBS interview last week how big the American “residual” force would be in Iraq after 2011, Mr. Gates replied that although the mission would change, “my guess is that you’re looking at perhaps several tens of thousands of American troops.”

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Up to 30,000 New U.S. Troops in Afghanistan by Summer

December 20, 2008, Kabul, Afghanistan – The United States is aiming to send 20,000 to 30,000 extra troops to Afghanistan by the beginning of next summer, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff said on Saturday.

Washington is already sending some 3,000 extra troops in January and another 2,800 by spring, but officials previously have said the number would be made up to 20,000 in the next 12 to 18 months, once approved by the U.S. administration.

“Some 20 to 30,000 is the window of overall increase from where we are right now. I don’t have an exact number,” Admiral Mike Mullen told reporters in Kabul.

“We’ve agreed on the requirement and so it’s really clear to me we’re going to fill that requirement so it’s not a matter of if, but when,” he said.

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“We’re looking to get them here in the spring, but certainly by the beginning of summer at the latest.”

U.S. Army General David McKiernan, the commander of international forces in Afghanistan, has asked for the extra troops to combat a growing Taliban insurgency in the east and south of Afghanistan.

U.S. President-elect Barack Obama has pledged a renewed focus on Afghanistan, where U.S.-led forces toppled the Taliban government in late 2001 after the September 11 attacks.

The United States now has some 31,000 troops in Afghanistan.

After the January deployment, most of the reinforcements are to be sent to southern Afghanistan to bolster mainly British, Canadian and Dutch troops who have suffered heavy casualties in the last two years fighting in the Taliban heartland.

“That’s where the toughest fight is,” Mullen said. “When we get additional troops here, I think the violence level is going to go up. The fight will be tougher.”

He said beefing up U.S. forces in Afghanistan was linked to winding down in Iraq.

“Available forces are directly tied to forces in Iraq. As we look to the possibility of reducing forces in Iraq over the course of the next year, the availability of forces to come here in Afghanistan will increase,” Mullen said.

INDIA-PAKISTAN

Mullen said the attacks by Islamist militants in Mumbai last month showed the need to reduce Indian tensions with Pakistan and that would help bring stability to Afghanistan.

“That’s another big piece of the strategy, what I would call regional focus to include Pakistan, Afghanistan and India … leadership in all three of those countries to figure out a way to decrease tensions, not increase tensions,” Mullen said.

He said the late arrival of winter this year had meant there were still significant flows of militants from the tribal belt along the Pakistani side of the border, but better cooperation with the Pakistani military was nevertheless helping.

“We’re not there, we still have a long way to go but we’ve actually made a lot of progress,” Mullen said.

Mullen said the Afghan government was not as strong as he had anticipated and engaging with tribal areas in remote parts of Afghanistan could be central to future operations.

“We may have overstated the focus on the ability of the central government to have the kind of impact that we wanted given the history here in Afghanistan,” Mullen said.

Mullen also said at the same time, more must be done to boost economic development in Afghanistan, one of the world’s poorest countries, and to make the Afghan government more effective.

“No amount of troops, no amount of time will provide a solution here without development,” he said.

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Editorial Column: Deterring Torture Through the Law

December 21, 2008 – “First, let’s kill all the lawyers” may have made sense in that Shakespearian scene, but there is a far simpler solution to the legal ambiguities regarding what to do now about the torture approved by President George W. Bush. We suggest this variant: First, let’s have the lawyers review their notes from Criminal Justice 101.

The professor whom Coleen Rowley had for that course at the University of Iowa was the consummate curmudgeon. He kept repeating himself. It is now clear why. The old fellow hammered home the basic purposes of the criminal justice system and the various kinds and degrees of criminal intent. For Rowley, 24 years as a FBI special agent and attorney helped make it all real.

Eight years of the Bush/Cheney administration have served to make the matter of criminal intent the first essay question on the final exam for Criminal Justice 101, so to speak. But obfuscation (much of it deliberate) reigns; worst of all, it impedes the important task of seeking accountability for those responsible for torture.

Criminal intent comes in essentially three kinds:

No one needs much help understanding the “deliberate-premeditated-cold blooded” first-degree intent, because that’s the stuff of the movies – the perfect murder scheme or elaborate plot to pull off the heist of the century.

“Second-degree intent” is also easy to grasp. It is the usual label for what prompts people to commit unplanned crimes in the heat of passion, for example.

It was to that third type of guilty intent — “recklessness” — that the old law professor devoted most emphasis, using his favorite “Russian Roulette” hypothetical to distinguish it from the first two types and from mere negligence.

His words still ring:  “One cannot simply put a gun on a table knowing there is a bullet in the cylinder, spin the cylinder, point it at a person, pull the trigger and then say (when it goes off), ‘It’s not my fault, because I was hoping it would spin to one of the empty chambers.’”

The First and Third Degrees

The evidence on the Bush administration’s torture decisions, which is becoming more abundant and damning as the weeks go by, rules out second-degree intent; i. e., unplanned crimes in the heat of passion.

These decisions were much more deliberate. As the saying goes, after 9/11 “everything changed.” With virtually no opposition, the President was allowed to declare the country in a “war on terror” and consider himself above the law.

Indeed, after his address to the nation on the very evening of 9/11, Bush assembled his top aides in the White House bunker and set a lawless path from the start.

One of the aides present, Richard Clarke, has written in his memoir, Against All Enemies, that the President insisted: “[W]e are at war…Nothing else matters…Any barriers in your way, they’re gone…I don’t care what the international lawyers say, we are going to kick some ass.”

A bipartisan report, released on Dec. 11 and entitled Senate Armed Services Committee Inquiry Into the Treatment of Detainees in U.S. Custody, highlights in its “First Conclusion” the fact that on Feb. 7, 2002, the President issued a written determination that the Geneva protections for POWs did not apply to al-Qaeda or Taliban detainees; and that following that determination, techniques like waterboarding were authorized for use in interrogation. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bush.”]

It would take more than four years for the U.S. Supreme Court to rule in June 2006 that such detainees could not be exempted from the protections of Geneva, despite efforts to “redefine the law to create the appearance of legality” for aggressive techniques, as the recent Senate report puts it.

Sounds Premeditated, No?

All that might sound to most people as if the Bush administration operated with clear premeditation. Bush even had senior officials on his Principals Committee – the likes of Vice President Dick Cheney, then-national security adviser Condoleezza Rice, Attorney General John Ashcroft and CIA Director George Tenet – sit around a White House table and discuss precise methods of torture to be applied to which detainees.

But administration apologists, from Rush Limbaugh to Attorney General Michael Mukasey, claim that none of those who approved or conducted torture had guilty intent; they were only trying to protect national security and thus are guilty of nothing.

On Dec. 3, during a roundtable discussion with reporters, Mukasey said, “There is absolutely no evidence that anybody who rendered a legal opinion, either with respect to surveillance or with respect to interrogation policies, did so for any reason other than to protect the security in the country and in the belief that he or she was doing something lawful.”

The core of this line of defense boils down to Richard Nixon’s famous formulation that “when the President does it, that means that it is not illegal.”

To add another layer of legal protection for Bush and his subordinates, Mukasey also has professed not to know whether waterboarding is torture.

Mukasey’s sophistry fits with the disingenuous argument of other administration lawyers – that one could apply harsh interrogation techniques to a detainee, as long as your intent is not to inflict pain but rather to obtain information. Not to mention the pithy hint provided by a CIA attorney: “If the detainee dies, you’re doing it wrong.”

Add to this mix the remarkable guidance of Justice Department counsel, Jay Bybee (now a federal judge), quoted in the Senate report:

“Violent acts aren’t necessarily torture; if you do torture, you probably have a defense; and even if you don’t have a defense, the torture law doesn’t apply if you act under the color of presidential authority.”

Clearly, in the case of the Bush administration policy of abusing detainees, the so-called “rotten apples” sat atop the proverbial barrel, as the Senate report demonstrates time and time again.

If you’d like still more proof of premeditation and you missed Vice President Cheney on Monday bragging on ABC-TV about his role in facilitating waterboarding, please read the transcript.

Cheney’s was the familiar above-the-law attitude, a reprise on his contemptuous “So?” — in this case meaning, “So what are you going to do about it?”

With Cheney admitting to his key role in waterboarding, Mukasey is no doubt relieved that during his confirmation hearing he obeyed White House instructions to stonewall all attempts to get him to concede what the whole world knows — that waterboarding is torture.

Indeed, the law is not in question. Waterboarding was wrong during the Spanish Inquisition and during the Spanish-American war in the Philippines. It was illegal during WW-II. Americans as well as Japanese have been convicted and severely punished for it.

Recklessness

For those, who despite the above prefer to give President Bush the benefit of the doubt regarding first-degree intent, should know that the third type of guilty intent, recklessness, also applies — in spades.

For example, Cheney’s lawyer, David Addington, and then-White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales dissed the hapless former Gen. Colin Powell, who as Secretary of State wrote to the White House in January 2002:

“A determination that Geneva does not apply could undermine U.S. military culture which emphasizes maintaining the highest standards of conduct in combat, and could introduce an element of uncertainty in the status of adversaries.”

A pity Powell did not have the courage of his convictions, for he now has reason to be concerned about an eventual conviction of a different kind. Powell also served on Bush’s Principals Committee.

Beneath the circumlocution quoted above is his clear appreciation that, if he did not fight against what was clearly in the cards, torture was likely to sully the Army and the nation to both of which he owed so much.

“Could introduce an element of uncertainty in the status of adversaries,” writes Powell. Could introduce, say, reckless Russian roulette. In his interview with ABC News, Cheney put the old law professor’s hypothetical smoking gun right out there on the table.

Deterrence

A widespread lack of understanding regarding the purposes served by the criminal justice system — and the penal system — is a major obstacle to even entertaining the thought of prosecuting administration officials for torture.

All too many pundits are claiming that the country should simply move on and just close the book on this painful chapter — and that to do otherwise would simply be to try to extract vengeance.

But it is not about vengeance. The key goal here is deterrence — the final and most important goal of our criminal justice and penal systems in such circumstances.

At this point, priority must be given to determining how our country ended up torturing people. Just as Cheney has termed waterboarding a “no brainer,” it is equally a “no brainer” that we must focus now on his self-admitted role, as well as the revelations in the Senate report and other evidence that has come to light.

An independent prosecutor like Patrick Fitzgerald would not need a lot of time to establish the facts. Then, the emphasis can turn to the appropriate punishment.

Our country’s values and the immorality of torture are important considerations. And the law, of course, is also key — or should be.

Seldom have we seen it more cynically twisted and abused. But here is something else that must be thrust into public consciousness — the reality that, TV hero Jack Bauer’s mythical exploits aside, torture never can be counted upon to yield reliable information.

THAT is the quintessential “no brainer.” For, as the head of U.S. Army intelligence, Lt. Gen. John Kimmons, asserted on Sept. 6, 2006: “No good intelligence is going to come from abusive practices. I think history tells us that. I think the empirical evidence of the last five years, hard years, tells us that.”

Stop Torture Now

Let us have no backsliding. Barack Obama must order an abrupt halt to torture, as he has promised — and preferably on Jan. 20, right after he is sworn in as President. A timely report from an independent prosecutor would surely be helpful in buttressing and justifying that order.

Before the Senate Armed Services Committee’s released its report on Dec. 11, and before Cheney threw down the gauntlet four days later, what seemed to make the most sense was the more gradual approach proposed by the insightful lawyer/writer, Scott Horton (see December issue of Harper’s).

Horton called for the appointment of a commission peopled by men and women of unimpeachable integrity, in order to “provide a comprehensive narrative, setting out in detail how U.S. torture policy came to be formed and identifying the key actors and the decisions they made.”

An excellent approach. And this, of course, is where the penal factors and deterrence would come very much to the fore.

It is important to point out that the independent prosecutor and the commission approaches are in no way mutually exclusive. If both can be done expeditiously, both should be approved.

What Horton may not have anticipated is that, in releasing the shatteringly candid results of their Senate committee’s two-year investigation, Senators Carl Levin and John McCain have named names, jump-starting — and hopefully shortening — deeper investigation.

It may be a hopeful sign of the times that on Dec. 18, even the editors of the New York Times lifted their heads out of the sand long enough to endorse the importance of doing what is necessary to deter crimes like torture:

“Unless the nation and its leaders know precisely what went wrong in the last seven years, it will be impossible to fix it and make sure those terrible mistakes are not repeated.”

Coleen Rowley, a FBI special agent for almost 24 years, was legal counsel to the FBI Field Office in Minneapolis from 1990 to 2003.  She came to national attention in June 2002, when she testified before Congress about serious lapses before 9/11 that helped account for the failure to prevent the attacks.  She now writes and speaks on ethical decision-making and on balancing civil liberties with the need for effective investigation.

Ray McGovern, a former Army infantry/intelligence officer, and then a CIA analyst for 27 years, now works with Tell the Word, the publishing arm of the ecumenical Church of the Saviour in inner-city Washington.  Both authors are members of the Steering Group of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS).

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Mystery Illness Still Plagues 210,000 Gulf War Veterans

A scientific panel chartered by Congress released a report in November acknowledging the Gulf War Syndrome for the first time in 17 years. Gulf War. 

December 21, 2008, Lawton, Oklahoma — Recollections are increasingly harder for Gulf War veteran Gary Secor to corral. His memory loss trips him often and is matched with diminishing muscles, nagging joint aches, chronic fatigue and slurred speech.

But one image is entrenched in his mind as clearly as it was more than 17 years ago when he served with the U.S. Army’s 299th Combat Engineers in southern Iraq. The image is from the day he believes he and his comrades were exposed to nuclear, biological, and chemical nerve agents.

On March 10, 1991, Secor and other demolition experts were ordered to blow up Iraq’s massive ordnance stash at Khamisiyah.  Secor, now 55, vividly remembers watching the plumes of smoke rise from the demolition site less than a mile away.

“I knew right away something was wrong,” said Secor, blinking his eyes as he slowly forced words from his mouth. “There were enough weapons in that pit that it should have rocked us. Instead, it was like a fart. Then I saw the smoke. It should have been black, black; but it was a grayish-white. I knew right then we had just sent chemicals into the open air.

“I thought, ‘What have we done?’”

The answer is now clear to Secor. He has Gulf War syndrome — an illness reported by 1990-91 Persian Gulf War vets plagued with immune system disorders, but not recognized by the U.S. government until now. A congressionally mandated medical panel concluded in a 450-page report released Nov. 17 that the “Gulf War syndrome” is indeed real.

More than 25 percent of the 700,000 U.S. troops who served in the 1990-91 conflict were exposed to toxic chemicals.

“I’m relieved they have finally recognized this as a problem,” Secor said. “But I really have my doubts they will do anything about this … . Look, the government has never wanted to admit there was a problem. Why? Too much money.”

Bouncing from one Veterans Affairs doctor to the next for 17 years, Secor has spent thousands of dollars and had countless tests.

“One VA doctor basically called me a liar,” Secor said. “He essentially said I was exaggerating my ailments.” Secor paused for a moment, adding, “Eight people have committed suicide from my battalion.”

Dr. Larry Goss of Walters empathizes with Gulf War veterans. He recognized the Gulf War syndrome long ago, and has treated dozens of veterans for various ailments.

Secor claims Goss saved his life with his approach. Goss calls the Gulf War syndrome “complex” and “layered,” and subscribes to the theory that thousands of American troops were also used as experimental guinea pigs during the war through classified immunizations.

Goss even claims he and his wife were stricken by an “infectious component” of the illness while treating Gulf War vets at Ardmore and Clinton clinics. He published his findings in a 1998 article that appeared in the International Journal of Medicine.

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Harvard University Sends Basic Necessities to Marines in Iraq

A contact drawn by a Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) faculty member’s research has led to the filling of an unmet need for U.S. Marines in Iraq: Harvard-insignia gear.

Linda Bilmes, an expert on government budgeting and public finance and co-author of the 2008 book “The Trillion Dollar War,” was contacted in September by Cpl. Blake Lynch, posted near Ar Ramadi, Iraq. Lynch e-mailed Bilmes, a lecturer in public policy, to ask her about her research into the costs and economic ramifications of the war.

In response, Bilmes asked Lynch about the availability of basic necessities for the troops and what they might need. Lynch responded that, though they have learned to do without — they’re faithful to the slogan “Marines do more with less,” Lynch told Bilmes — they’d love some Harvard-insignia clothes to augment their government-issued wardrobe.

“During my research on the costs of the Iraq War, I discovered that despite spending $12 billion every month on contractors and combat, the military does not provide most troops in the field with basic items like soap and toothpaste,” Bilmes said. “Many service members rely on their families and friends to send them these items.”

Lynch sent Bilmes a short list of 10 items, and Bilmes and her assistant, Tammy Sopp, contacted the Harvard Coop, which agreed to donate the hooded sweatshirts, T-shirts, and shorts Lynch requested for himself and members of his squad.

“I applaud the Harvard Coop for its generous donation of clothing to our Marines,” Bilmes said. “This is a small way in which we in the Harvard community can show how much we appreciate the sacrifice of our troops stationed in Iraq.”

Lynch, reached via e-mail, said the heavier gear is needed this time of year because — despite searing heat in summer — it can get quite cold in Iraq. When he arrived in Baghdad last January, the city had just received its first snowfall in many years.

Lynch, of Oceanside, Calif., said the squad was excited to receive the gear last month and joked they wouldn’t have time to wash it because they were going to wear it to bed, train, and go to work.

“I guess it’s true because when we received enemy fire the other night they mustered up just wearing their Harvard gear and weapons, even though that’s not the required response,” Lynch said.

Other members of the squad include Lance Cpl. Stephen Geib of Climax, Mich., Sgt. Evan Lewis of Sacramento, Calif., and Sgt. Larry Trampel of Virginia.

Bilmes said the experience of Lynch and other soldiers in his squad reflects what she’s found more broadly in her research, which has highlighted the often-unseen costs of the war.

“The academic root of this effort is to understand the ‘social costs’ of the war. These are costs that are borne by the troops and families, but not paid by government,” Bilmes said. “For example, the families of veterans who are wounded must often give up their jobs in order to care for a returning loved one. It turns out that personal items are also a social cost: we send young people overseas for 12 months to fight for their country, but they still have to buy their own sheets and towels.”

alvin_powell@harvard.edu

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Editorial Column: 8 Years on the Dark Side

December 20, 2008 – Vice President Dick Cheney said this week that he directly approved waterboarding to torture terror suspects. “I was aware of the program, certainly, and involved in helping get the process cleared,” Cheney told “ABC News.” Asked if he believes the simulating of drowning is an appropriate technique, he said, “I do.”

Last week, a bipartisan Senate Armed Services Committee report concluded that the 2003 Abu Ghraib detainee abuse was not just the result of a few rogue soldiers. It said: “Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld’s authorization of aggressive interrogation techniques and subsequent interrogation policies and plans approved by senior military and civilian officials conveyed the message that physical pressures and degradation were appropriate treatment for detainees in US military custody. What followed was an erosion in standards dictating that detainees be treated humanely.”

Those items help cement this White House as among the most cancerous in American history. Cheney told us after 9/11 that the administration would protect us by working on “the dark side . . . in the shadows in the intelligence world.” Cheney, Rumsfeld, and President Bush turned the dark side into a blind eye, the shadows into a shroud, and obliterated intelligent discourse on terrorism with raw fear. That was only the warm-up for twisting intelligence to invade Iraq for weapons of mass destruction that did not exist.

For eight years the administration never feared trampling truth and justice, even as Rumsfeld told the Senate Armed Services Committee in 2004 about Abu Ghraib, “Anyone who recommended that kind of behavior that I have seen depicted in those photos needs to be brought to justice.” At the moment, the administration faces no serious repercussions for decisions that resulted in many times more deaths in Iraq than here on Sept. 11, 2001. Rumsfeld went from disgrace to a visiting fellowship at the Hoover Institution. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz went from miscalculating the need for hundreds of thousands of troops in Iraq as “wildly off the mark” to counting the planet’s dollars at the World Bank – until corruption ended his presidency there.

Bush is sure to regale us about compassionate conservatism in his sugar-coated presidential library and Cheney will mumble from some undisclosed bunker about being the great liberator. All they currently face is the judgment of history.

It was something of a consolation for history that President-elect Barack Obama named Eric Shinseki to be the next secretary of Veterans Affairs. Shinseki was the general who made the Iraq troop estimate that Wolfowitz criticized.

And at least we have some facts to go with the fiction. The Senate report released jointly by Democrat Carl Levin of Michigan and John McCain of Arizona said Rumsfeld’s authorization of techniques “was a direct cause of detainee abuse.” It also said that Bush’s presidential order saying the Geneva Convention for humane treatment of prisoners of war did not apply to al Qaeda “impacted the treatment of detainees.”

Cheney and the report give us fresh clarity on their obfuscations. For instance, two years ago, Cheney was asked on a conservative radio talk show, “Would you agree a dunk in water is a no-brainer if it can save lives?” Cheney responded, “Well it’s a no-brainer for me.” The White House immediately trotted out the late White House spokesman Tony Snow and vice-presidential spokeswoman Lee Anne McBride to convince the press that Cheney was not referring to waterboarding.

McBride said, “The vice president does not discuss any techniques or methods that may or may not have been used in questioning.” Snow was challenged by reporters that it defied common sense to deny that a “dunk in water” was waterboarding. Snow still asserted, “he wasn’t referring to waterboarding. He was referring to using a program of questioning, not talking about waterboarding.” Pummeled by the press over this parsing, an exasperated Snow said, “I’m telling you what the vice president’s view is, which is it wasn’t about waterboarding. Period.”

The not-so-funny thing is that Cheney’s “no-brainer” remark was an honest window into his brain. True to the eight years of this administration, even the truth must be covered with a lie.

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