Editorial Column: No One Should Have to Stand in Line for 10 Hours to Vote

August 25, 2008 – Everyone complains that young people don’t vote, but consider the experience of students at Kenyon College in Ohio in the 2004 election. Officials in Knox County, Ohio, provided just two voting machines for the school’s 1,300 voters. Some students waited in line for 10 hours, and the last bleary-eyed voter did not cast a ballot until nearly 4 a.m.

That same day in Columbus, voters in black neighborhoods waited as long as four hours, often in the rain. Many voters there and in other urban areas – including Toledo and Youngstown – left their overcrowded polling places in disgust, or because they could not wait any longer, without casting a ballot. In many of Ohio’s white-majority suburbs, the lines were far shorter.

Troubles in Ohio drew the greatest attention in 2004, but that state was hardly alone. There were complaints of long lines in other states, including Colorado, Michigan and Florida, where elderly voters endured waits in blistering heat.

I was in Ohio on Election Day 2004. The night before the voting, rumors spread that there would be a major effort by Republican operatives to challenge the registrations of voters in majority-black precincts. Those large-scale challenges did not materialize. But tens of thousands of votes were suppressed by something so mundane that no one thought to focus on it: long lines.

In Columbus, as many as 15,000 people left the polls without voting, many because of long lines. At a postelection hearing, a Youngstown pastor estimated that 8,000 black voters there did not cast ballots because of a machine shortage.

(President Bush carried Ohio by fewer than 120,000 votes.)

Most of the logistical questions about voting are generally left up to local officials. Too often they don’t want to spend the money to provide enough machines, and fail to hire or properly train enough poll workers for a smooth process.

There is also a lot of poor planning. In 2004, Ohio officials used old registration numbers to estimate their need for voting machines – failing to anticipate the large number of new voters added by registration drives that blanketed the state. It is hard, however, to rule out various forms of bias.

There have long been reports of elections administrators in college towns trying to suppress the “out of town” student vote. There is a long, painful history of obstacles to black voting. In Ohio in 2004, it seems clear that the majority of people trapped on long lines were trying to vote Democratic.

The Washington Post reported that six of the seven wards with the fewest voting machines per registered voter backed John Kerry, while 27 of the 30 wards with the most machines per registered voter went for President Bush.

Long lines are likely to be an even bigger problem this year, with the Obama campaign and various nonpartisan groups working all over the country to register millions of new voters. Without proper planning, these new voters may overwhelm polling sites.

For the sake of the legitimacy of our elections, more voting disasters – long lines, confusing ballots or unreliable electronic voting machines – must be avoided. Congress should take the lead, but it has failed even to set standards for numbers of voting machines. This year, it failed to pass a good bill that would have made funds available to states to buy backup paper ballots.

That puts more of a burden on state election officials, usually the secretaries of state, to promote fair elections.

Ohio’s dynamic new secretary of state, Jennifer Brunner – who says she is “hyperfocused on long lines” – is taking laudable steps to avoid a rerun of 2004. She has been pushing reluctant local election officials to have at least one voting machine for every 175 voters – nearly four times as many as there were at Kenyon College in 2004. She is also directing counties that use electronic voting machines to have backup paper ballots on hand equal to 25 percent of the 2004 turnout – which can also be used if lines get out of control.

In Missouri, Secretary of State Robin Carnahan has also been pushing local election officials to have backup paper ballots available, and she is providing funds for the hiring of more, and better trained, poll workers.

In the majority of states, however, too little is being done to make sure that polling places can accommodate all of the voters who show up. That is a mistake. An election in which people have to wait 10 hours to vote, or in which black voters wait in the rain for hours, while white voters zip through polling places, is unworthy of the world’s leading democracy.

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Former Ranger Sharing His Story of Physical and Mental Injuries from Afghanistan War

August 26, 2008 – “I feel like I’m about to vomit,” Nate Self wrote.

He and 13 men from a Quick Reaction Force were in a helicopter in March 2002, searching a snowy mountain, crawling with al-Qaida fighters, for a missing Navy SEAL.

“Right now, there’s no place on earth more hostile to U.S. soldiers – and no place my team would rather be,” Self wrote. “We’re here because we’re Rangers, and we have a creed to uphold: Never leave a fallen comrade …”

A gunner spots a man aiming a rocket-propelled grenade launcher at the helicopter.

“‘I’ve got an RPG-two o’clock!’ The door gunner leans into his minigun’s trigger,” Self wrote.

“The M-134 Gatling gun belches, accompanied by three rounds from the aircraft’s M-60 machine gun in the rear. Their tandem fury jolts me. The machine guns riddle the Arab’s body, pinning him against a boulder, but not before he launches the RPG. Our gunners are too late.

“I hear the air tearing as the rocket-propelled grenade screams toward us. The detonating shaped charge rips into the aircraft’s right engine, jolting the helicopter. A second RPG pierces the windshield glass, detonating inside and spraying hot metal throughout the cockpit. The helicopter falls with a queasy rush. In an instant, nearly 50,000 pounds of rubber, steel, and American flesh crashes to the earth.”

Self, a West Point graduate and former Army captain, writes about the experiences that follow in his book, “Two Wars: One Hero’s Fight on Two Fronts – Abroad and Within.” The author, who now lives near Temple, is set to sign copies of his book from 6-9 p.m. today at the new Market Heights Barnes & Noble in Harker Heights. The store is hosting a preview party before its grand opening Wednesday.

The battle Self wrote about was the highest-altitude battle ever fought by U.S. troops and several of the first 10 men to die in the War on Terror were lost in that fight, called “Rescue on Roberts Ridge,” according to information from Phenix & Phenix Literary Publicists.

Self was awarded a Silver Star for valor, Bronze Star and Purple Heart for his actions in that battle, but he wasn’t prepared for the fight that was to come.

Self writes extensively about his battle with post-traumatic stress disorder in “Two Wars.”

An April 2008 study conducted by the Rand Corporation found that one in five Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans suffer from depression or stress disorders. It also found that less than half of the 300,000 veterans in that study receive care for depression or PTSD.

Self wants people to read his book and understand what it is like to be a soldier at war and the effects of that on them and their families.

In an interview with Stone Phillips on “Dateline” in June 2005, and in the throes of PTSD, Self said he dreamt every night that he always had a gun in his hands.

“There’s always something that has to be done, there’s always somebody shooting at me,” he said. “And, you know – I kill people every night.”

Writing “Two Wars” was therapy, Self said last week. The physical act of writing helped him because he had difficulties talking about his experiences, especially to his family. Talking about the deaths of his friends in combat bothered him, and he found it easier to talk to strangers.

Putting the words down on paper “declared it,” Self said. He gave drafts to his parents and wife, Julie, and for the first time they could talk about the events that happened years before.

Self encourages soldiers who come back home to similar experiences to start writing.

“(Writing) is a mechanism to share those experiences that I was scared to share,” he said.

Self, who left the Army in 2004, has gotten overwhelming reaction from veterans – of wars past and present – who read his book or heard his story. Publishing the book has given him a new connection with those who enjoy the modern story of war and who can identify with his loss and struggle.

“It comforts me to hear this is a normal reaction to war,” he said.

He’s glad that his experiences weren’t wasted, but being used to help heal and serve others. It was a difficult decision to put himself out there as a face for a problem that has long come with a stigma. The easiest thing to do is close up, Self said, but it’s a message people need to hear.

Awareness and funding to treat PTSD is rising, Self said, and it is up to those who are suffering to seek out help. He recognizes that the biggest challenge is for those people to say they actually need help. Self admitted he didn’t seek help for his PTSD until it was a problem.

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Aug 26, VCS Fights for Veterans’ Voting Rights: Time Running Out to Reverse VA’s Ban on Voting Assistance for Hospitalized and Homeless Veterans

“Private nursing homes conduct registration drives,” noted Paul Sullivan of the group Veterans for Common Sense, but “we are not aware of any efforts VA has taken to assist veterans with registering and voting. The goal of President George W. Bush, Karl Rove, and VA Secretary James Peake is to run out the clock so that no voter assistance is provided to our hundreds of thousands of hospitalized and homeless veterans,” Sullivan argued. “If President Bush and Karl Rove run out the clock, then our veterans and our democracy lose. Shame on Bush, Rove, and Peake for undermining the voting rights of our disabled veterans during a time of war.”

August 26, 2008, San Francisco, CA – As citizens across the United States gear up for a historic and highly competitive set of national, state, and local elections this November, a federal government policy is keeping voter registration groups away from thousands of elderly and disabled military veterans.

When Silicon Valley labor organizer Steve Preminger went over his precinct maps in 2004, he couldn’t believe what he saw. Of the 400 veterans who lived at the nearby Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) Menlo Park nursing home, only one had voted in the year 2000. So Preminger, who also heads a local chapter of the Democratic Party, gathered together a stack of voter registration cards, and he and a friend began walking the halls looking for veterans who were interested in registering to vote.

“We thought registering people to vote is as American as apple pie,” he said. “Who better to reach out to than those who have sacrificed so much for this country?”

Almost immediately, VA officials threw him out. “We got summarily evicted by a supervisor who was re-enforced by security.”

The VA has since explained that its decision to evict Preminger was part of a Bush Administration policy that bars outside groups from registering voters who live in VA nursing homes, hospitals, and transitional housing for homeless veterans.

In an e-mailed response to questions for this story, VA press secretary Alison Aikele said that “designating a VA hospital as a voter registration site” would make it harder for the government to care for wounded veterans. It “would be disruptive to the quality care we provide our veterans,” she said.

Veterans groups have expressed outrage over the policy, which they say is disenfranchising as many as 400,000 veterans who often do not know they need to re-register to vote when they move into a VA facility and it becomes their official, state-sanctioned address. The VA has even barred local elections officials from carrying out voter registration drives.

In June, the VA barred Connecticut Secretary of State Susan Bysiewicz and Attorney General Richard Blumenthal from entering its West Haven facility to help register voters.

Preminger has gone to court to get the policy overturned and has been joined in his complaint by elections officials in 22 states. “During visiting hours anyone can come into a VA facility and talk to veterans about the weather or sports,” attorney Scott Rafferty said. “We should be able to come in and talk to these same Americans and ask them if they want to register to vote and who they want to vote for.”

But the wheels of American justice can be slow, and with another presidential election just two months away, Preminger’s case is still working its way through the courts.

Meanwhile, the VA has refused to soften its position. On May 5, the Department of Veterans Affairs issued a new rule, VHA DIRECTIVE 2008-025, which states succinctly: “to avoid disruptions to facility operations, voter registration drives are not permitted.”

Veterans’ advocates are now looking toward Congress to overrule the VA policy. They’re hoping the House and Senate will speed through the “Veteran Voting Support Act” as soon as lawmakers return from major party political conventions in September. They say the bill, which would overturn the VA’s policy and allow voter registration drives, must be passed immediately if veteran voters are to be reached — and in many cases re-enfranchised — ahead of November’s election.

In the meantime, non-partisan veterans organizations wait for the chance to register their fellow veterans to vote.

“Private nursing homes conduct registration drives,” noted Paul Sullivan of the group Veterans for Common Sense, but “we are not aware of any efforts VA has taken to assist veterans with registering and voting.”

“The goal of President George W. Bush, Karl Rove, and VA Secretary James Peake is to run out the clock so that no voter assistance is provided to our hundreds of thousands of hospitalized and homeless veterans,” Sullivan argued. “If President Bush and Karl Rove run out the clock, then our veterans and our democracy lose. Shame on Bush, Rove, and Peake for undermining the voting rights of our disabled veterans during a time of war.”

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Dallas VA Medical Center Praised for Swift Upgrades After Suicides

August 26, 2008 –  The U.S. secretary of Veterans Affairs and Sen. John Cornyn on Monday praised administrators at the Dallas VA Medical Center for what they called an “aggressive response” to four suicides by mentally ill patients earlier this year.

Hospital administrators closed the psychiatric ward for 45 days, solicited input from two panels of experts and retrofitted the 68-year-old wing to increase patient safety.

“The most important thing is what you do when you realize you have a problem,” said Veterans Affairs Secretary James Peake. “The lessons learned here will be translated throughout the [Veterans Affairs] system.”

The VA Office of Medical Inspector and a team from the VA Office of Mental Health Services evaluated the psychiatric unit less than a month after it was closed in April. Their reports included a recommendation to remove some suicide risks – such as metal trash cans, linen hampers and geriatric chairs in the showers – but did not criticize the care veterans received.

 Veterans Chris Demopolis and Pat Ahrens committed suicide in January, days after being released from the government hospital on Lancaster Road in southeast Oak Cliff. A few months later, two other patients hanged themselves in the 51-bed unit.

Within days, administrators stopped accepting new patients, transferring veterans to government and private hospitals in Dallas.

Doctors’ quick response and candor earned kudos from Mr. Cornyn, R-Texas, a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee.

“It is a testimony to the responsiveness of the VA that they have taken this seriously and they have been open with the press and public,” said Mr. Cornyn, who added, “The staff at the Dallas VA has demonstrated they are committed to making significant improvements to the facility and the level of care provided. I was pleased to see progress under way and will continue to closely monitor these enhancements.”

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Aug 26, Denver Post Part Two: Soldiering on in Pain, Deploying Unfit Soldiers to the Iraq War

August 25, 2008 – Strain of duty surfaces

Military officials say there is no way to track how much pain and behavioral medication is being consumed by soldiers at war in Iraq and Afghanistan, in part because soldiers and military doctors often bring medication from home when they’re sent overseas.

Annual surveys by a military mental- health advisory team, however, have asked soldiers whether they have taken medicine for mental health, combat stress or sleep problems. The number who said yes jumped from 8 percent in 2004 to 14 percent in 2005, then dipped to 12 percent in 2006. Last year, one in eight soldiers surveyed in Iraq and one in seven in Afghanistan said they had taken sleeping pills or antidepressants.

If those surveys are accurate, nearly 20,000 soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan took mental-health or sleep medication last year. According to Ritchie, about half of those soldiers took antidepressants.

By comparison, roughly one in 20 American men and one in 10 American women reported taking an antidepressant in the most recent survey by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

For three straight years, the mental- health advisory team has reported that multiple deployments are affecting the Army’s mental health. This year it reported that 27 percent of noncommissioned officers with three or more deployments had mental-health problems, compared with 12 percent on their first tour.

Alcohol use increased with second deployments, and soldiers deploying for the third or fourth time were “significantly more likely” to report they had stress or emotional problems that worried their supervisors and limited their ability to do their jobs.

The mental-health surveys do not ask how many soldiers go to war with physical pain or are regularly taking narcotics.

A prescription overload?

Some soldiers deployed from Fort Carson in December with injuries or recent surgeries took pain and anxiety medicines as well — Imitrex, morphine, Demerol, Klonopin.

Waltz’s medication profile shows he was taking a prescription painkiller — the generic equivalent of Percocet — during his second combat tour in Iraq.

When he came back to Fort Carson in November 2006, “he was really sick,” his widow, Renea, said.

She said he was diagnosed with PTSD and a TBI, and after 10 years of marching with heavy gear, “he had degenerative disc disease, so they were giving him pain medication for that.”

In his last month of treatment, he filled 10 different prescriptions from the Army for narcotic painkillers and other drugs. He was given Topamax, the antidepressant Effexor, and generic versions of Vicodin, Percocet and Dilaudid.

Finally, on Friday, April 27, 2007, “he was prescribed methadone and rapid-release morphine,” his wife said, and “he wasn’t monitored” during the weekend.

Her husband acted odd that weekend, and she asked whether he wanted to go to an emergency room. He didn’t want to. Sunday night, she went downstairs to watch a movie with her husband and found him already sleeping on a couch. At 4 a.m. one of their children got up and heard him snoring there. When she awoke at 7:30, he was dead.

The coroner’s report cited the mixture of methadone and morphine as the cause of death but did not list all the medication Waltz had been taking. It did note that five others were detected in his urine.

Robert Valuck, an associate professor of clinical pharmacy at the University of Colorado Denver, reviewed Waltz’s autopsy and medication list for The Post.

He said the pattern of prescriptions was “not reckless” but a “stepped, phased progressive treatment” that tried nearly every nonsteroidal pain medicine on the market.

Valuck also said it would be difficult to prove whether morphine and methadone alone, or those drugs in combination with other painkillers, caused a fatal reaction.

“Those are the last two on board, and they’re the most powerful,” he said. Unfortunately, he said, deaths are “not unheard of with these medicines.”

Some soldiers say they are frustrated that the Army plies them with medicine but does not treat the underlying cause of the pain.

Robey Covel, 33, a soldier from the 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division who was training to become a Green Beret, was prescribed 1,110 Percocets over the course of six months, medical records he provided show.

Covel said an Army physician’s assistant prescribed the painkillers for broken ribs, and knee, neck and back injuries. In August 2007, an initial MRI showed he had a bulging disc in his spine, yet it wasn’t until February that Covel saw a medical doctor for the injury. The doctor found that Covel’s condition had worsened. While taking Percocet, Covel worked as a safety officer on a range with live machine-gun fire.

“They tell you, ‘Don’t drive a motor vehicle,’ but you can go shoot a machine gun on Percocet,” Covel said.

Sgt. 1st Class Chuck Clamon also is frustrated by the number of drugs he has been prescribed since he was injured March 29 during his third tour in Iraq.

An improvised explosive device hit a truck filled with ammunition a few feet ahead of Clamon’s truck. When the ammunition blew, his head smacked into the windshield. His spine slammed into the radios behind him. His shoulder dislocated.

Now he is one of more than 16,000 people who have entered new Warrior Transition Units, where injured soldiers are transferred to recover. At 33, he walks with a cane and occasionally falls on the floor when his legs give out. Pounding headaches form behind his eyes. His short-term memory is gone. His hands shake uncontrollably.

“They think I’ve developed a seizure disorder in my left hand where it does what it wants to when it wants to, from my fingertips all the way up to my shoulder. It bounces all over the place,” he said.

He takes Seroquel and Ambien to sleep; Vicodin, Migranal, Naproxen and Neurontin for pain; plus an antidepressant and a muscle relaxer.

He said the Army’s drugs are helping — but haven’t gotten to the root of his medical issues.

His wife walks the dogs, mows the lawn, takes out the trash. “I feel helpless,” he said. “I don’t feel like an active person. I could care less about actually leaving the house now.”

Soldier goes “over the edge”

Other families are asking whether the cocktails of medication prescribed for combat stress, head injuries and body pains are lethal.

Chad Oligschlaeger “was completely different” when he returned from his first tour in Ramadi, Iraq, in 2006, his mother, Julie, said. He was 19, but “he looked older. He was drinking. At night he told me horrific stories. Then he’d go to bed, and I’d just sit there and cry.”

On a rescue mission, the young Marine had seen his mentor, “Fitz” — 2nd Lt. Almar Fitzgerald — fatally wounded by a roadside bomb. “I think that was the catalyst that threw Chad over the edge. Body parts of friends, the women and the kids he killed, that got him,” his mother said.

In March 2007, Oligschlaeger told a substance-abuse counselor he was drinking a liter of whiskey in two to three hours every day. His mother said he also divulged his mental-health problems to a sergeant, who accused him of faking illness to avoid his next tour.

Oligschlaeger was sent back to Ramadi the next month. When he left Iraq in November, the nightmares and hallucinations were getting worse. Sometimes he would awaken and see Fitz sitting beside him.

He entered a substance-abuse program in April, then was referred to a PTSD-treatment facility. But it had a waiting list, and “they kept pushing the date out,” his mother said.

In the meantime, he was ordered back to the Twentynine Palms base in the Southern California desert. He was given an assortment of medication: a sleeping pill, a sedative, an antidepressant and Seroquel. He also began taking Chantix, an anti-smoking drug the Federal Aviation Administration recently forbade pilots to use because it had been linked to seizures, loss of consciousness and other serious side effects.

Oligschlaeger’s roommate had moved off base, so he was alone. When he returned home for a visit on Mother’s Day, May 11, his family noticed he seemed confused about how many pills he was taking and when he had taken them.

Back at the base, he made his last phone call at 12:48 a.m. May 17. Two days later, his fiancee, Adrianna Avena, called to tell him her wedding dress had arrived, but she got his voice mail. She called the next day and again got his voice mail. Finally, at 5:30 p.m. May 20, after frantic calls and text messages from Chad’s fiancee and others, two Marines went to check his room. They found him alone — and dead — on the floor.

His mother suspects her son accidentally took too many pills. She also found a receipt for a six-pack of beer he had bought on the base.

“I believe he had been lying there for three days,” she said. “The barracks are supposed to be checked daily.”

Three months later, she is waiting for a formal report on her son’s death.

Pill combinations can be fatal

In West Virginia, 23-year-old Andrew White, a Marine reservist, died suddenly this year while taking the antidepressant Paxil along with Klonopin, an anti-anxiety medicine, and massive doses of Seroquel.

His father, Stan, said Andrew’s mental health deteriorated after his brother was killed in Afghanistan, and the Marines subsequently told him he would be going for a second round of combat in Iraq.

“He started having nightmares. Everything went downhill from there,” Stan White said.

Seroquel, an antipsychotic drug, is dispensed in doses as small as 25 milligrams for anxiety and insomnia. A doctor with the Department of Veterans Affairs and then a private psychiatrist both prescribed much larger doses to Andrew White — up to 1,600 milligrams a day. When his mother came home from work Feb. 12 and found her son unresponsive, he was also taking Paxil and Klonopin.

Stan White said the state medical examiner ruled that his son’s death was accidental due to intoxication from Paxil and Seroquel.

Ritchie said she did not want to comment on an individual case.

But in general, 1,600 milligrams of Seroquel would be “an enormous dose,” she said. “The normal maximum dose would be about 800 milligrams a day.”

She said the Army maintains an electronic medical record that can “put up red flags” when a soldier is taking a combination of drugs that can have dangerous side effects.

But that safeguard gets complicated by the reality that soldiers sometimes seek to avoid the stigma of taking behavioral medication by getting them from civilian doctors. And the Army counts on its soldiers to take medicines as prescribed.

“The soldier is an adult,” Ritchie said. “We don’t want to be Big Brothers.”

Andrew White was one of four young veterans in West Virginia who died this year while taking similar combinations of medicine for PTSD.

Eric Layne was another. “He was taking a lot of medicines,” his wife, Janette, said. “Paxil and Seroquel. He had been taking Klonopin. He was taking pain medicines. You should not die from taking pain medicine with PTSD.”

His symptoms had worsened gradually after he came home from Iraq in 2005. As a young West Virginia National Guardsman, “he was physically fit. He had a clear head. He was calm. He was easygoing. He was funny. Everyone wanted to be around him,” his wife said. Postwar, he had grown angry and withdrawn even from his best friends. “It got to the point where he wouldn’t even pick up the phone when they called.”

Finally he began going to a VA hospital for intensive PTSD treatment. The medication and camaraderie with other veterans helped him mentally, “but physically he was deteriorating,” his wife said. “Everything from slurred speech to excessive weight gain, inability to urinate. He would shake, developed tremors in his hands. Every weekend he came home, it was something more noticeable.”

In January, 29-year-old Layne came home from the hospital for the last time. He died in his sleep that night.

His wife said the death certificate listed a combination of four drugs as the cause: paroxetine (generic Paxil), morphine, Seroquel and the painkiller Tramadol.

VA, Army investigate deaths

This month, the VA’s inspector general issued a report on the deaths of White and Layne, referring to them as Patient A and Patient B. It said both had taken medication besides those prescribed to them, reflecting “a tendency of young, returning veterans to self-medicate using nonprescribed prescription medication obtained from friends, family members and co-workers.”

The report found “no apparent signal to indicate increased mortality” among other patients taking the generic equivalents of Seroquel, Paxil and Klonopin, and noted the daily Seroquel dose for Patient A (White) had been reduced before he died.

Stan White said he believed his son’s doctors advised he could take extra Seroquel if he “was having a bad day and it’s not working.”

The inspector general’s report did question why a residential PTSD program in West Virginia had refused to accept White and other veterans who were prescribed the class of drugs that includes Klonopin. It recommended re-examining that policy.

In the Army, Ritchie said all soldier deaths are reviewed by the armed forces medical examiner, and her office also watches for any emerging patterns of problems associated with medicine use.

“There is no question that overdoses of the combination of multiple medications, often combined with narcotics, alcohol or illegal drugs, can result in death,” she said. “Some of the deaths have been ruled suicides and others accidental overdoses. We are not aware of deaths that have occurred when soldiers were taking their medicines as prescribed.”

Renea Waltz disagrees.

After her husband’s first combat tour, he told a sergeant he felt sick and was having nightmares, and he was advised to “just keep it under wraps,” she said. “I felt like they treated him like he was a malingerer, that there was nothing wrong with him, that he was just a pain in their ass, to be honest with you.”

After his second combat tour, he took the drugs prescribed to him, she said, and he died.

The Army is “100 percent” responsible for his death, she said.

“He’d still be alive had they not given him that crap, and he would have been medically retired, and he probably would have lived a comfortable life,” she said. “It really upsets me that nothing’s been done about it.”

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Aug 24, Denver Post Part One: DoD Deploys Unfit Soldiers to Iraq War, The Battle Within in a Combat Zone – Updated 9-12-2008

August 24, 2008 – In the weeks before Christmas last year, a brigade of battle-bruised soldiers left Colorado’s Fort Carson for its third round of war in Iraq.

Sgt. Colin Barton was getting Botox shots in his forehead to kill the relentless pain from a brain injury. Army doctors said he should not wear a helmet – a safety requirement for the flight to Iraq. The Army sent him anyway.

Sgt. Joshua Rackley, recovering from his eighth knee surgery, was classified as permanently injured. The Army sent him anyway.

Master Sgt. Denny Nelson and Sgt. Joseph Smith didn’t have time to recover from predeployment surgeries. Nelson hobbled with crutches; Smith wore a post-surgical boot. Sgt. Tim Graham brought a sleep-apnea machine. Sgt. 1st Class Walter Overton had a shoulder injury and couldn’t lift his gear. Spec. Joseph Leon was popping morphine pills to dull the nerve damage to his groin.

The Army sent them too.

Five years into the war in Iraq and six years after the invasion of Afghanistan, the Army is sending soldiers with physical and mental injuries back to war, at times overruling physicians’ classifications of soldiers as “nondeployable.”

Facing demands unprecedented in the history of the all-volunteer force, the Army has deployed soldiers with slings and crutches and some who need machines to help keep them alive through the night. Thousands are taking pain, sleep or antidepressant medication, with sometimes deadly consequences.

The pressure to send marginal soldiers grew with the “surge” of troops to Iraq in January 2007, an effort that Army leaders say has succeeded in stabilizing the nation’s government and reducing sectarian violence.

Yet from the onset of the Iraq war, deployment pressures have been evident. An Armed Forces Health Surveillance Center analysis shows that 43,000 service members – two-thirds of them in the Army or Army Reserve – were classified as nondeployable for medical reasons three months before they deployed anyway.

Army spokesman Paul Boyce said many had minor medical needs that could be resolved in a day.

“Our medical personnel know from experience that service members are ruled medically nondeployable for reasons such as requisitioning a second pair of eyeglasses, bringing dental records up to date and filling dental cavities,” he said. A Denver Post examination of deployment records, internal e-mails and medical files provided by soldiers from one Army brigade – Fort Carson’s 3rd Brigade Combat Team of the 4th Infantry Division – shows that more than 130 soldiers were sent to Iraq last fall despite being classified with medical limitations just before deployment.

In many cases, those limitations went well beyond cavities or missing eyeglasses.

At least 25 of the brigade’s soldiers – including Barton, Nelson, Rackley and Smith – were still suffering from serious and unresolved medical problems as they boarded transport planes bound for Kuwait and then Iraq.

In interviews, soldiers or their relatives described how they worked in constant pain, sought physical therapy in vain and were ordered to perform tasks that violated duty restrictions in what are known as their “medical profiles.”

Army commanders have final authority to decide who goes to war and who doesn’t. The commander considers doctors’ opinions but can take a soldier to a war zone even if a doctor says the soldier should not be deployed.

Army officials say those with medical conditions are assigned to jobs in the war zone suited to their physical limitations. They also say many of the problems that caused soldiers to be classified medically as “no-go” were minor.

“Were there some mistakes made? Yes. Some soldiers should not have gone and did,” said Maj. Gen. Mark Graham, who became the commanding general of Fort Carson just before the 3rd Brigade departed. “My understanding is the majority of the soldiers, not all of them, once they got over there and realized they couldn’t give them the care they needed, they were sent home.”

Multiple tours take their toll

Some soldiers who discussed their cases with The Post requested anonymity, fearing retribution, but their accounts were corroborated through Army records, interviews, observations or medical records that they or their families provided.

One soldier said he walked with a cane to relieve the relentless knee pain that kept him awake at night. Another said he isn’t supposed to stand more than 15 minutes a day, but stands 12 hours at a time as a gunner. Another left his medication at home – Zoloft and Klonopin for combat stress, and Tramadol for degenerative disc pain in his back – because, his wife said, he feared they would interfere with his job as a sniper who must lie still for hours at a time.

“I have a herniated disc in my neck, and the Army docs said I was fine,” wrote one Fort Carson soldier, who said he was sent to Iraq with two buddies who had broken bones in their hands and couldn’t fire their weapons. “I know they sent us over here hurt so they could keep the numbers up.”

Of the 1.6 million active-duty service members, reservists and National Guard members sent to Iraq and Afghanistan, 34 percent have served at least two tours. With each deployment, the chances of injury increase. With multiple deployments and shortened downtime, the chances of being sent back while still nursing physical or psychological injuries also increase, veterans advocates argue.

“We’ll have some units, entire units, that have served four tours over there,” said Tom Berger, senior analyst for veterans’ benefits and mental-health issues for Vietnam Veterans of America. “Those are the kinds of things that at least scare me, and they should be scaring mental-health professionals and the (Department of Veterans Affairs) and the (Department of Defense). And it should be scaring the American public because we don’t know what’s going to happen. We really don’t know the impacts of multiple deployments.

“We do know, at least from the research that has been done, the more a person is exposed to those traumatic events and for longer periods of time, there are real problems. But we don’t really know. . . .

“This is the first time we’ve really had to deal with that.”

In Vietnam, soldiers served 12-month tours and Marines served 13-month tours. Those who wanted to go back for a second tour signed up. Those who didn’t left. When the Army needed soldiers, it drafted more. From 1965 to 1973, 3.4 million Americans were sent to war in Southeast Asia, 2.6 million within Vietnam.

In the current conflicts, the Army, which is doing most of the fighting, has relied on a relatively small core of soldiers.

Through May, about 206,000 soldiers, plus about 63,000 in the Army National Guard and Reserve, had gone to Iraq or Afghanistan at least twice, Army data show.

At the same time, 174,241 active-duty soldiers in the Army as of Feb. 29 had never been deployed overseas. Some are ineligible because they are in basic training, they are physically disabled or they hold jobs – such as recruiters, drill sergeants and some medical occupations – that tend to exclude them from overseas combat. But the Army has identified 37,000 eligible soldiers who were not deployed once while others were ordered to return to war with injuries.

The Army also is examining the cumulative length of soldiers’ deployments in an effort to make calls to combat more equitable. Recently, it reduced future deployments from 15 months to 12 months.

“(Equitability) is so keen and essential to making sure we’re taking care of our force,” said Louis Henkel, deputy director of the Army’s enlisted personnel management directorate.

In June, after complaints from soldiers and Congress, the U.S. Government Accountability Office reviewed Army records and reported that “the increasing need for able warfighters has meant longer and multiple deployments for its soldiers.”

In a survey of 685 soldiers at Fort Benning and Fort Stewart in Georgia and Fort Drum in New York, the GAO estimated that 14 percent had “medical conditions that could require duty limitations,” including herniated discs, back pain, chronic knee pain, Type 2 diabetes and asthma. About two-thirds of them were deployed anyway. The agency could not determine how carefully those limitations were respected once soldiers arrived in a war zone.

But dozens of family members and soldiers who were deployed with medical issues said in interviews with The Post that once in Iraq, commanders sometimes ignored medical limitations set by doctors.

Five minutes of helmet too much

After too many blasts from nearby explosive devices in two deployments to Iraq, Barton had incurable headaches. Sometimes they left him dizzy; sometimes he flew into a rage.

An Air Force doctor had begun an experimental treatment, injecting Botox into Barton’s forehead to relieve pressure before his third deployment. He was scheduled for a follow-up treatment in January, but he was deployed in December with a medical profile instructing him not to wear a helmet.

“In any military plane, you’re supposed to be wearing your Kevlar (helmet). They told me, they’re like, ‘Oh, we got a waiver, you can just wear it when you get on the plane,’ ” he said. “I had it on once for like five minutes and I took it off. I started to feel the pressure building up and having the headaches.”

Sgt. Jason Knierim was diagnosed with delayed post-traumatic stress disorder and chronic depression in July 2007 and was given an antidepressant but had no therapy between August 2007 and Nov. 30, when he was ordered to a third tour in Iraq.

At the soldier-readiness processing site, his mental illness was flagged, but a major cleared him for combat duty anyway. “I went into her office, she said, ‘You’re good to go.’ She stamped the paperwork,” he said.

Since his first deployment, Knierim had been haunted by memories of killing a 7-year-old boy who pointed a toy gun at him. When he arrived in Kuwait to prepare for his third tour of duty, he had a mental breakdown. His superiors took his gun away and put him on a 24-hour suicide watch.

Even after that, “the chain of command wanted to send me to Iraq to get my treatment there. They thought I could get enough treatment in theater,” he said. “They told me to get ready to go – they were getting ready to give my weapon back to me.”

He said soldiers such as him become a burden to other soldiers.

“We’re unstable,” he said. “We can’t be relied upon to do our job. We’re taking up someone else’s time, watching us, to make sure we’re OK. Someone has to do that when they could be doing something else.”

Rackley had a long history of knee troubles. He had to go through basic training twice just to get into the Army. At 25, he had undergone eight knee surgeries and was listed as nondeployable last year.

When his brigade deployed, Fort Carson’s soldier-readiness processing center insisted, “Look, this soldier’s not going to Iraq. There’s no way,” he said.

Yet two days before Christmas, he was asked whether he could leave Christmas Day for Iraq. He was told the rear detachment at Fort Carson had received an urgent call for more soldiers.

“They need people, is what was told to rear detachment. ‘Send me people…’,” he said. “They needed numbers.”

In Iraq, Rackley tried not to violate his medical profile, which instructed him not to carry more than 50 pounds. When he needed to wear armor, “I had to take out all my plates but two,” he said. “No ammunition, no water. I had other people carrying my gear for me. Soldiers, we help each other out.”

Even carrying a machine gun posed a weight problem. “My first sergeant gave up his own 9mm (pistol) so I wouldn’t be breaking a profile,” he said.

Rackley said others in Iraq are in worse shape. “I know of five other people deployed right now” with more painful injuries, he said. “Mostly back injuries. One with a shoulder injury.”

Eight months after Fort Carson deployed the 3rd Brigade, Knierim has been discharged from the Army and is seeking disability benefits from the VA. Leon returned to Fort Carson after doctors decided his groin injury couldn’t be treated in a war zone. Barton came back to Colorado to help his wife cope with multiple sclerosis. Rackley went to South Carolina to train for a noncombat job.

Stories repeat across the country

Fort Carson is not the only base that has deployed soldiers with serious health problems.

Recently, the Army flew Sgt. 1st Class Jason Dene, the nephew of actress Mia Farrow, from Iraq to Dover Air Force Base in Delaware for surgery.

“He was released from the hospital into the loving arms of the government, who sent him directly back to Iraq,” his uncle Patrick Farrow wrote in a letter to the Rutland (Vt.) Herald. “He was put on active duty while he was still on a liquid diet, unable to eat solid food because of a throat hemorrhage due to a botched surgery at a military hospital.”

Dene, 37, of Castleton, Vt., died of a drug overdose in his bunk in Iraq on May 25.

** Would you be so kind as to add the following explanation to the article on your website. The Battle Within, written by Erin Emery. Thanks so much! Judith L. Dene [widow of Jason Dene]. Clarification: An autopsy determined that the death of Army Sgt. 1st Class Jason Dene was an accident. His body contained elevated levels of an Army prescribed anti-depressant drug, called an SSRI, which his father said was being used to treat post-traumatic stress disorder. A story published Aug. 25 on page 1A contained an incomplete description of how authorities believe he died.  **

At Fort Hood in Texas, a doctor recently recommended deploying a soldier with eosinophilic granuloma, a rare disease that causes growths in his lungs.

The soldier, Cameron Atkin, declined to comment publicly. But his wife, Britney, and a soldiers’ advocate, Carissa Picard, questioned why the Army would deploy any soldier who struggles to breathe whenever he tries to wear body armor.

“Basically the only gear he can wear out of his combat gear is his helmet,” his wife said. If he puts on a flak vest, “after a couple of minutes it feels like a 100-pound weight on his chest. He can’t breathe.”

She said her husband passed out twice doing push-ups and was unable to train for deployment or even fire a gun because he was being treated for the newly diagnosed lung disease.

Among her husband’s friends already in Afghanistan, she said, one failed his last four hearing tests, one has a worsening case of glaucoma, one rarely wears body armor because of a slipped back disc, and one has undergone three surgeries on the same ankle.

“They’re trying to fill their quotas. They don’t care about lives; they care about bodies,” she said.

This month, she said, a second Army doctor examined her husband and found him undeployable. There is still a chance his commander could overrule that recommendation.

Scrambling to grow the ranks

Five years into the Iraq war, the Army has established Warrior Transition Units to help manage a growing number of soldiers with physical and mental-health problems.

But for every soldier assigned to a WTU brigade, another must be sent to Iraq in his or her place.

The Army is managing to enlist about 80,000 new soldiers each year. But to do so, it raised enlistment bonuses by an average of 37 percent last year. In three years, it nearly doubled the number of waivers for recruits with criminal-arrest records, a history of drug or alcohol abuse, or medical problems such as poor hearing or eyesight, asthma and high blood pressure.

And it is taking fewer high school graduates – down to 79 percent last year from 94 percent in 2003 – despite Defense Department and Army standards that say “no less than 90 percent” of soldiers must have high school degrees.

Fort Carson’s 3rd Brigade was originally set to deploy in March. But last fall, with the 30,000-soldier surge showing some signs of success, the date was moved up, “to the left” in Army parlance, to get the brigade into the fight.

When that order came, Fort Carson had transferred 225 brigade soldiers to its WTU, where injured soldiers go to concentrate on recovery, and 368 others were deemed nondeployable.

“So when they got moved to the left, were there problems getting them? Yes, there were, because the system never caught up,” said Maj. Harvinder Singh, the rear-detachment commander for the brigade.

Singh said that every unit has a goal to send a certain percentage of the brigade, usually about 3,500 soldiers at full strength. “Our goal was 95 percent; we went through with 87,” he said.

Singh said that once in Iraq, the brigade slowly added soldiers sent from other units.

“As the Army starts backfilling everyone else, over the last six months, we have received over 500 soldiers. Again, it’s just a goal that commanders have. If you don’t reach it, you don’t reach it,” Singh said.

Changes to clearing a “no-go”

E-mails from Capt. Scot Tebo, the brigade surgeon, written Jan. 3 just after the brigade deployed, show the brigade was struggling to find enough healthy soldiers.

“We have been having issues with reaching deployable strength and thus have been taking along some borderline soldiers who we would otherwise have left behind for continued treatment,” Tebo wrote to Maj. Thomas Schymanski.

One of those soldiers he evaluated was Nelson, a 19-year Army veteran who is a Bronze Star recipient.

Nelson had fractured a foot while jumping on his daughter’s trampoline. He was sent to Kuwait on crutches.

“They’re sending units so rapidly, they’re having trouble getting them healthy,” Nelson said.

After The Post in January reported on the deployment of some injured soldiers with the brigade, Maj. Gen. Graham ordered the post’s inspector general to investigate.

The inspector general found “no initial indication that the units deliberately deployed medically unfit soldiers against explicit medical advice,” nor that the unit systematically changed medical profiles to deploy more soldiers.

The inspector general did find the brigade sent 36 soldiers “who were rendered nondeployable” by a “medical no-go” and recommended a more rigorous reporting system to ensure that unfit soldiers are not sent to war.

The inspector general’s report also suggested limiting the use of “no-go” to describe soldiers with “potential deployability constraints” that a commander must consider. “The term ‘medical no-go’ is unclear and, as witnessed by recent public media interest, can easily be misunderstood,” it reported.

Graham said the Army has “very good, competent commanders that I think are doing a tremendous job, and they work closely with the medical care providers. And I’ll tell you, I don’t think there is any evil here. These are America’s sons and daughters, and we don’t put people in command who don’t take that responsibility quite seriously.”

Still, after the inspector general’s report, Graham ordered brigade commanders not to send no-go soldiers until he had reviewed their cases and signed off on them personally. Another brigade is due to deploy from Fort Carson in the coming weeks, the first test of Graham’s new policy.

And he acknowledges the hardships that come with multiple deployments.

“This is hard, this is hard,” Graham said. “War is hard. And there is no doubt you can see the Army is working hard to get back to 12-month deployments from 15 months because we know this is tough on our soldiers and families too. It is very hard.”

They just need the numbers”

For Michelle Graham, the wife of Sgt. Tim Graham, a mechanic serving in Iraq, the level of desperation in the Army is no more apparent than in her husband’s case.

Graham – no relation to Maj. Gen. Graham – has a permanent profile for severe sleep apnea.

“With his profile, he was not supposed to go. He stops breathing,” Michelle Graham said. “He has a machine that goes over his face to help him breathe at night. If his machine breaks down, they have to send it back to the States to fix it. He does have a backup, but how long is that going to last?”

She said she does not sleep at night because she worries about her husband. The Army recently changed its regulations, deciding soldiers on sleep machines could deploy safely.

“Tim has a profile that says he’s not supposed to go, but his first sergeant and his commander said, ‘You’re going anyway.’ It’s numbers, that’s all it is. They don’t care who goes out there; they don’t care what’s wrong with them. They just need the numbers. It’s really frustrating.”

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Veterans Home Resident Dies from Assault Injuries

August 25, 2008 – Richard Lynn Jackson, 54, who sustained severe head injuries in an Aug. 4 assault at the Minnesota Veterans Home, Hastings, has died. He died Sunday, Aug. 24, at Regions Hospital, St. Paul, where he had been hospitalized since the assault.

Randall Sears, the Minnesota Veterans Home resident charged in connection with the assault, could face additional charges. He has been charged with attempted first-degree murder (with premeditation and intent to kill) and one count of attempted murder in the second degree (intentional), and first-degree assault. He has been lodged in the Dakota County Jail on $750,000 since the assault.

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The Book They Can’t Stop – A Review

August 22, 2008 – A Review of Bugliosi’s — The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder

The Prosecutor and the President

Vincent Bugliosi wants George W. Bush prosecuted for murder. There are others who are complicit in the crime, namely the Vice President and Condoleezza Rice, but Bush is the target of this famed former Los Angeles prosecutor (the Charles Manson case) and best selling author (Helter Skelter and The Betrayal of America as two examples). He is undeterred by the virtual major media blackout on interviews and advertising. He’s taking his case directly to the people through alternate media and the internet.

Bugliosi constructs a devastating case in The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder. As I write this review, it is still difficult to grasp my sense of shock at this title with this author’s name below it. A legendary prosecutor with a near perfect record in big cases, Bugliosi articulates one of the most revolutionary ideas imaginable in a mix of today’s otherwise vapid and obtuse political thinking. But first, the book and how the prosecutor makes his case.

He wastes no time in following up on the shock generated by the title. In the first sentence, we’re told:

“The book you are about to read deals with what I believe to be the most serious crime ever committed in American history – – the president of the nation, George W. Bush, knowingly and deliberately taking this country to war in Iraq under false presences, a war that condemned over 100,000 human beings, including 4,000 American soldiers, to horrific, violent deaths.” (V. Bugliosi, p. 3)

The president “knowingly and deliberately” caused the deaths of U.S. soldiers and Iraqi civilians and that’s called murder, plain and simple. This is not a hypothetical case that could happen under special legal interpretations. When the president leaves office, he is subject to the same law as the rest of us. Bugliosi explains the ability to prosecute the case against George W. Bush by a district attorney or states attorney in any local jurisdiction where a life was lost in the Iraq war. Federal prosecutors also have that option. Bugliosi’s detailed analysis of this phenomenon offers some of the best analysis in the book and the detailed end notes.

In the first chapter, “Opening up One’s Eyes,” Bugliosi explains how he was able to reach this conclusion and then encourages the reader to do the same. He attributes his huge success as a prosecutor and author to his willingness` to “see what’s in front of me completely uninfluenced by the clothing (reputation, hoopla, conventional wisdom, etc.) put on it by others” (p. 5).

After the stage is set for an open minded look at recent history, we’re offered a series of incriminating quotations from Bush, Cheney, Rice, and others. Before the invasion, these statements had the power to shift public opinion in favor of the war. How could we tolerate a dictator, Bush asked, who “threaten(ed) the world with horrible poisons and diseases, and gasses and atomic weapons”? Iraq had “unmanned aerial vehicles” and was “exploring ways of using these to target the United States” (p. 22). These and other inflammatory claims by Bush and his crew were not only wildly off target, he knew that they were when he made them, without any doubt.

By the end of the carefully constructed first two chapters, the prosecutor, known to devote several hundred hours to a closing statement for a jury, has the reader prepared to accept his charges. He pauses before beginning his core case to let us know the cost of these lies. Over a hundred thousand died in a war predicated on lies which were deliberately fabricated by the president.

These aren’t just any deaths, we are told. We are dealing with the murder of young, impressionable, patriotic Americans who joined the service for a variety of honorable reasons. They all shared one bond, loyalty to their country and a willingness to die for it in war. While Bugliosi shows highly appropriate concern for the dead Iraqi civilians as a result of the civil chaos caused by the Bush invasion, he notes that he could find no domestic law allowing a prosecution for those losses.

After the first three chapters we know the tragedy that requires a legal remedy and we are clear about the author’s motivation to seek justice on behalf of the fallen. He is righteously angry that this crime has taken place and determined to provide the means for justice. Bugliosi is indifferent to a virtual media blackout as a result of the comatose state of the political and corporate elite, manifested through the calculated denial of their network news readers and the Bush administration stenographers at the New York Times and Washington Post.

There are three dates that define the guilt of Bugliosi’s defendant:

On October 1, 2002, Bush received a National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) representing all federal intelligence sources. Iraq’s imminent danger to the Unites States was described in this sentence: There’s no reference to poison dispensing unmanned aircraft, weapons sales to al Qaeda which would be turned against us, or other immediate dangers.

Baghdad for now appears to be drawing a line short of conducting terrorist attacks with conventional or CBW against the United States, fearing that exposure of Iraqi involvement would provide Washington a stronger cause for making war.

“Iraq probably would attempt clandestine attacks against the U.S. Homeland if Baghdad feared an attack that threatened the survival of the regime were imminent or unavoidable, or possibly for revenge. Such attacks–more likely with biological than chemical agents–probably would be carried out by special forces or intelligence operatives.” NIE, 10/2002 and (V. Bugliosi, pp. 104-105)

On October 4, 2002, Bush released a doctored summary of the NEI to Congress referred to as a White Paper. He left out the critical information – Iraq was deemed an imminent danger only if the survival of the regime were threatened by a U.S. attack. “Judgments” and other qualifying language in the NIE were converted to simple assertions of fact in the White Paper giving the case for war a seemingly unambiguous authority from the intelligence community.

In fact, the White Paper provided to Congress was diametrically opposed to the NIE which the White House received from the intelligence agencies on Oct. 1, 2002 and withheld from Congress. The critical trigger for an Iraqi threat to the U.S. was said to be just what Bush had proposed –.an attack that threatened the survival of Hussein’s regime. Rather than securing the nation’s safety, by the logic and advice of his own intelligence community, Bush put the nation at risk while concealing vital intelligence. White Paper – Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Program and (V. Bugliosi, pp. 112-116)

On October 7, 2002, Bush spoke to an audience in Cincinnati, Ohio and claimed that Saddam Hussein was a danger to the United states with his “unmanned aerial vehicles” with WMD “for missions targeting the United States” (p. 105).

This is the critical evidence. It is unambiguous. Bush knew that Iraq was not an imminent threat to the nation, yet portrayed just that to gain approval for his war. It represents only a part of the detailed and overwhelming case presented in a determined, thorough, and totally engaging narrative that Vincent Bugliosi sets out to do what he promised.

He builds an overwhelming case against George W. Bush, lays out the jurisdictional and other legal issues that make this a viable case for prosecution, and argues that presidential accountability is a fundamental requirement to restore the status of “great nation” to the United States, so damaged over the past eight years.

But there’s a much broader significance to the prosecution, should it take place.

The Birth of the Public Servant

While a trial and conviction of George W Bush for murder would be an event of momentous proportions, it would pale in comparison to enduring impact due to the precedent established. Presidents could no longer offer up the lives of soldiers and civilians sent to a war that was stated for anything other than national defense or imminent danger to the country.

Although the president had rotating rationales for the invasion, that act and occupation had little to do with protecting the United States. As Bugliosi said in a recent interview with this author, over 4,000 soldiers have died “not your war or my war or America’s war, but George Bush’s war.” The explanations offered by Bush have been discarded by all but the perpetrators and none of the financial or political motives suggested by others are acceptable justifications for the death and destruction caused.

Were there a prosecution and conviction, any future president would need to think long and hard before serving his political interests or necessities by filling the trough of financial backers and other chosen few no matter what they gave or promised. The president and his top aids would be accountable for a fundamental individual right that is obvious to us but not them: the right of each citizen to be free from death due to a president’s egotistical, political, or financial desires. Presidents would no longer be able to conceal the sin of premeditated murder by draping it in the fiction of necessary losses in the service of a larger national interest. The real basis for presidential decision making would be opened up to the scrutiny of communities through their local prosecutors.

The long standing conflict between individual rights versus collective rights would be resolved as well. By having to serve each member of the public by refraining from unnecessary war making, the chief executive would need to show restraint thus eliminating the requirement for an oversized military establishment designed as an imperial presence throughout the world. The tools of diplomacy would devolve to shared interests rather than coerced solutions forced on weaker states. And this would not just be for major wars.

The United States has engaged in over 40 military incursions since World War II. Unless a president could be assured that no one soldier died, he or she would be wise to have a solid justification for defense of the nation for any military action in order to avoid an indictment carrying a hefty sentence. The president would also have the example of a convicted and sentenced ex president who was vulnerable ddue to nonstop lying about the rationale for war.

The national defense was sorely lacking during the 9/11 attacks, despite an awesome world wide military potential. Similarly, the administrations successful efforts to exempt themselves from the consequences of international war crimes tribunals since 2003 occurred while the potential existed for domestic prosecutions as Bugliosi outlines in this book. It poses a much more serious and final threat to willful leaders who casually use their citizens as fodder in their wars to benefit the narrow interests of financial interests who fear real competition on an even playing field.

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Aug 24: Fort Lee May Get Statue of U.S. Founding Father Thomas Paine

You won’t find Thomas Paine’s face on a coin. You won’t find his monument in Washington, D.C. In fact, there are only five real statues to this important founding father – the most important, some would say – in the world.  Fort Lee is hoping to become the home of the sixth.

The seven-foot bronze statue of a pensive Paine penning “These are the times that try men’s souls …” by Beacon, N.Y., sculptor David Frech would be unveiled in Monument Park, on Palisade Avenue, in November 2009 if representatives of Fort Lee’s Common Sense Society manage to raise the balance of the sculpture’s $128,000 price tag. So far, between a $50,000 contribution from the city and another $25,000 they’ve raised on their own, they’re more than halfway there.

“We will accept donations from anybody, anywhere,” says Fort Lee’s James Viola, chairman of the society.

Today, the fund-raising begins with an “old-fashioned barbecue and dance” at the Alpine Boat Basin Pavilion, noon to sunset, sponsored by the Fort Lee Office of Cultural and Historic Affairs ($25, children $5).

Upcoming Paine fund-raisers include a “Colonial Punch & Pie Night” at Alpine’s Kearney House Museum, 7 p.m. Nov. 14 ($50), and a holiday crafts fair at the Fort Lee Community Center, 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. Nov. 29 and 30 (free).

“I have depicted Paine as he was, resolute and determined,” says Frech, who has also sculpted public monuments of Lincoln, Matthew Vassar (founder of Vassar College) and other key American figures.

The sculpture, he says, will depict Paine looking into the oncoming wind while steadying himself to write the notes that would become his famous “The American Crisis.” The statue’s glance, incidentally, will fall on another, already-existing statue group to the immediate west – a pair of anonymous Revolutionary War soldiers, the very people Paine was trying to stir with his writings.

“I find Paine and all the revolutionaries inspiring,” Frech says. “They were willing to sacrifice everything for their freedom.”

In claiming Paine as a native son, the Common Sense Society, founded a year ago, is not just whistling “Yankee Doodle.”

In the fall of 1776, Paine was pretty much where his statue will be – in Monument Park, about a block and a half from Main Street. Only then, it was an encampment for Washington’s army.

“He was actually on the spot where the statue is going,” says society Vice Chairman Kay Nest. “That to me says it all.”

Without doubt, Paine (1737-1809) remains the most radical and controversial of the founding fathers – and probably the least known. Washington, Adams and Jefferson get movies and TV miniseries made about them. Paine’s sole impact on the pop culture world is a couple of memorable lines in the Oscar-winning 1950 hit “Born Yesterday.” “He was quite a fella,” coos Judy Holliday, the dumb blonde who has been reading up on American history. “He was born in London or England – something like that.”

Paine (he was actually born in Thetford, Norfolk) made his mark on the War for Independence at two key points. The first was in January 1776, when his sensational pamphlet “Common Sense” became the spark that transformed a series of Colonial uprisings into a full-scale revolution.

“He really offered a vision of an independent America,” says Paramus native Harvey J. Kaye, author of “Thomas Paine and the Promise of America.” “There would never have been an American Revolution if it had not been for Thomas Paine.”

The second time was later that same year, when Paine, by then an embedded reporter with Washington’s army, witnessed its ignominious retreat from New York in November.

The first of the 13 dispatches he called “The American Crisis,” which began with the line “These are the times that try men’s souls,” became a key recruitment tool for Washington, who had it read to his assembled troops and thus convinced the disheartened men to re-enlist. Again, no Paine, no revolution.

“It’s one of the most quoted lines in American history,” says Kaye, who teaches history at the University of Wisconsin-Green Bay. “If you do a [Web] search, you’ll probably find some high school football coach saying, ‘Boys, these are the times that try men’s souls.’ It’s just a phenomenon.”

So how did Thomas Paine get banished from the front ranks of history?

For one thing, Kaye says, he was an outspoken deist – a religious radical. This didn’t make him popular.

For another, he became mixed up in the French Revolution, was imprisoned by the French (for not being radical enough) and eventually circulated vitriolic letters about then-President Washington, whom he accused of not doing anything to free him. This didn’t make him popular either.

But most of all, Kaye says, he was a genuine democrat, who believed in freedom and equal opportunity for all – the working man as well as the landowner. This made him anathema to conservatives, who began a Swift-Boating campaign to vilify him in the press.

“They tried to accuse him of being an alcoholic, of abusing his wife, really terrible stuff,” Kaye says.

Some of that controversy lingers to this day.

Viola, a commander of the Fort Lee VFW (he’s a veteran of Iwo Jima) who describes himself as “more conservative, more old-school,” has his own reservations about Thomas Paine. But he’s all for giving the man his due.

“He was the right man at the right time,” Viola says of Paine.

On the Web: www.commonsensesociety.org

E-mail: beckerman@northjersey.com

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PTSD Vet Gets Help from Service Dog

August 23, 2008, Billings, MT – Post Traumatic Stress Disorder can cause life-long struggles with depression and flash-backs. Christina Avey was unsure when someone recommended she get a service dog. Making a mistake many do by thinking the animals only assist people with physical disabilities. But Christina is now very emotional about the way her new dog Zeus has changed her life.

Christina Avey is an army veteran. She served from 19-80 to 1986 and again in 1997. Christina no longer talks about the trauma that caused her Post Traumatic stress Disorder, but she lives with the consequences every day. She says since her diagnosis 11 years ago life has changed dramatically. “It’s destroyed my life.” says Avey. She says because of PTSD, she has trouble dealing with society in general and suffers from depression, nightmares and flashbacks. Now, 11 years later, Avey finally feels like she has hope. “I met another person who had a therapy animal, and for me I needed it more because I knew where I was heading. Deeper inside where I might not come out of my house anymore.”

Soon after Avey got in touch with Deb Bouwkamp, an instructor with Service Canines of Montana. Deb has trained service dogs for 13 years; but Zeus is the first animal she trained to help a PTSD patient. “It’s a very new concept. it’s not fully accepted around the U.S.” But Bouwkamp says medical professionals are recommending it.
And Avey is getting the word out with a web-site because she thinks this can help other veterans. “He is a bridge to a life that I had been missing. There’s people talking to me, there’s people talking to me that I had pushed away and didn’t want to talk to before. You lose trust with PTSD. He’s what I call a bridge to life.” says Avey. Bouwkamp says she sees a huge change in Avey since getting Zeus. “She called me and I had to ask who it was because it wasn’t the same sown voice, her voice has lifted.” It’s still a daily struggle for Avey, but she says she now feels something she hasn’t in a long time, safe. To see Avey’s web-site, click on connections on the Kule-8 website.

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