Goodbye Jim Hinde

June 26, 2008 – Jim Hinde was the real deal. He was born and raised in Ohio. He was a Vietnam Vet who rambled homeless and broke in the early ’70s, lived in the skid road missions, and rode the freights. He settled in Seattle as a father and musician, and wrote a whole bunch of songs. He became such a solid force in the Seattle busking scene that when he died unexpectedly the morning of June 9, the whole city gasped and half of the Pike Place Market went home early.

The wind blew real hard all that day. Jim didn’t like the hard winds because they reminded him of the typhoons when he was in the Navy. That was a time that haunted him. It kept him from sleeping and woke him up with night sweats–Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), the shadow partner that Uncle Sam gives to his military veterans. Jim would spend the last years of his life pursuing his claim for service-related disability benefits from the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). Not just for himself but for all vets. Maybe it wore him out.

Jim was one of the founders of the Pike Market Performers Guild, an organizing body of Seattle street performers. With his work ethic and background, he was an enormous asset for getting all the nuts and bolts in place to create and produce the annual Pike Market Busker Festival. Organized collectively, the Guild seeks to raise the profile and legitimacy of street performers, who by nature are a little outside the social norm. Jim could bridge that gap. The festival has now become an established part of the city’s culture, and busking a celebrated art form.

Jim Hinde loved the Pike Place Market and he spent a great deal of time there. One of his favorite sayings was, “If you’re going to milk the cow, you have to feed the cow,” meaning that if he was going to make his living there he was also going to support it. And he did. He won an Emmy for his work on the PBS documentary “Pike Place Market, Soul Of A City.” In his voice-over you can hear the love and connectedness. In many ways he was the voice of the soul of the city.

When the Iraq War kicked in, all the vets got a jolt of emergency adrenalin and Jim began his final campaign–countering the national jingo fever with songs of peace and social justice written from the perspective of experience. He knew because he’d been there. Songs like “Marching To the Border” where the singer says “no” to America’s war and heads for Canada, taking half the inductees with him; “Frank Dennis and Me,” about his old shipmates in Vietnam, and how marching to someone else’s gun kills the soul of a person; “The Perp Walk,” about the arrest of Bush and company for war crimes; and the great anthem “Shout Down the Wind,” a call for all of us to take to the streets and stop the machine in its tracks. Jim was a frequent presence at anti-war rallies and demonstrations in Seattle. As a member of both Veterans For Peace and Vietnam Veterans Of America he became a driving force for change. Before he died he was working as one of the main organizers for the national VVA convention. He never did anything he couldn’t give a hundred percent to.

When Jim began to work seriously on his PTSD claim he went to the VA hospital and was diagnosed with high levels of cortisol, a hormone in the blood which is a responder to stress. In combat situations this is the stuff that makes a person hyper-alert and helps them to survive. But over time it eats at the tissues of the heart, and in a PTSD veteran that hyper-alertness does not go away and the cortisol is always there. Jim died of a heart attack. A case can be made that Jim’s combat experience killed him 35 years later, like a real slow bullet.

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Angelina Jolie and Brad Pitt Make $1M Donation to Iraqi Children

June 26, 2008 – The Hollywood couple made the donation via their charity, the Jolie-Pitt Foundation.

The money will go to the Education Partnership for Children of Conflict and will help 8,000 children who have lost parents, homes or the opportunity to go to school.

Jolie is known for her charity work and is a goodwill ambassador for the UN’s Refugee Agency. She has visited Iraq twice in the past year.

The actress said in a statement: “These education support programmes for children of conflict are the best way to help them heal.”

The couple hope other Hollywood celebrities will follow their lead and donate a portion of their earnings.

“We hope to encourage others to give to these great organisations,” said Pitt.

During her last trip to Iraq in February, Jolie spoke of the urgent need for aid in the war-torn region.

“There are over two million displaced people and there never seems to be a real coherent plan to help them. There’s lots of goodwill and lots of discussion but there seems to be a lot of talk at the moment and a lot of pieces that need to be put together,” she said.

The 32-year-old Tomb Raider star is currently in France awaiting the birth of twins.

Their arrival will take the couple’s brood to six – they are already parents to Maddox, six, Pax, four, Zahara, three, and Shiloh, two.

Earlier this month it was reported that Jolie had given birth, sparking a worldwide media frenzy, but the story turned out to be a hoax.

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High-Tech Testing for War Veterans with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

June 25, 2008 – An Elk Grove Village hospital plans to use brain-imaging technology to determine whether combat veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder also might suffer from undiagnosed traumatic brain injuries.

A “magnetic stethoscope” primarily used to study epilepsy and autism will help determine how brain function is altered by PTSD, officials at Alexian Brothers Medical Center said Wednesday.

The MEG technology—short for magnetoencephalography—allows doctors to read magnetic signals produced by the brain when exposed to visual or auditory stimuli, said Jeffrey Lewine, director of the Alexian Center for Brain Research. There are other highly sophisticated tvs diode enabled medical equipment required for testing & diagnosing trauma related studies being used for ascertaining signals that help draw much detailed inference. Those signals appear to differ in a veteran who only has PTSD compared with one who has PTSD and traumatic brain injury, Lewine said.

The combination can be hard to diagnose but critically affect proper treatment, according to Lewine. “You have to know what you’re treating to get the right treatment,” Lewine said. “Behavioral testing doesn’t always distinguish the different components. We need to look at the biology.”
He hopes to develop diagnostic techniques that will lead to faster treatment.

Almost 20 percent of soldiers who have returned from Iraq and Afghanistan—nearly 300,000—have reported symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder or major depression, according to a recent study by the RAND Corp., a non-profit that researches issues associated with policy problems.

About 19 percent said they thought they might have suffered a traumatic brain injury while deployed, according to the study.

The Elk Grove hospital’s veterans imaging program will be part of an expanded support system aimed at serving veterans in the northwest suburbs suffering from duty-related neurological and psychiatric problems, officials said.

Participating in the hospital’s effort are the Illinois Department of Veterans Affairs, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) and the Northwest Suburban Veterans Advisory Council.

State funding approved last year targets veterans with PTSD, officials said.

“Isn’t it about time we do this in the United States of America?” said state Sen. Dan Kotowski (D-Park Ridge), who sponsored the legislation.

“This is the one thing we can agree on.”

Lt. James McCormick, 36, experienced symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder after suffering combat injuries in Afghanistan, said his father, Daniel McCormick, a lay member of the Alexian Brothers, a Catholic religious order. His son returned to the United States four months ago.

Daniel McCormick, director of vocations for the Alexian Brothers, said PTSD-related difficulties that soldiers face range from being jumpy or nervous to the inability to hold a job.

“As long as there are people, men and women will have to go to war,” he said. “And when they come home, we have to take care of them.”

Researchers will use MEG with magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and electroencephalography (EEG), Lewine said. Together, the technologies will allow clinicians to generate sophisticated 3-D images of brain activity.

It’s important to know which medical issues a soldier is dealing with because treatments differ. Those suffering from both afflictions would be oversensitive to medications usually prescribed for someone with only PTSD.

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Veterans Share Concerns With Top VA Official

June 24, 2008 – Air Guard members often do short tours of duty overseas, but still may experience the stress and brutality of war, said Cathy Cook, a retired member of the Vermont Air National Guard.

Because of their short tours, Cook said, the U.S. Air Force doesn’t give them a critical document — DD form 214 — which would recognize their service as active duty and make them eligible for the full array of veterans services.

Cook explained this problem to Dr. James Peake, new secretary of the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, during a 90-minute meeting Monday that Peake had with 150 Vermont veterans and their advocates at the Holiday Inn in South Burlington.

“That’s the first I’ve heard of it,” Peake told Cook. He directed her to provide details to his staff.

Peake, a Vietnam veteran and a surgeon, took over the top job at the Department of Veterans Affairs six months ago. In introducing him, Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., praised Peake for crisscrossing the country to listen to veterans. Sanders scheduled Peake for a full day of meetings in Vermont.

“Promises were made to veterans in our country, but these promises weren’t always kept,” Sanders said. “Taking care of veterans must be considered a cost of war.”

Sanders, who serves on the Senate’s veterans affairs committee, urged the crowd in South Burlington to speak up. “If we don’t know what the failures are, we can’t do our job.”

A World War II veteran in a garrison cap asked Peake about the practice of “tranquilizing” people to help them cope with bad memories. He said he knew all about bad memories since he’d fought in Okinawa and killed three enemy soldiers.

“For the next 17 years, I nearly drank myself to death,” he said. He asked Peake, “Are we setting people up for substance abuse by giving people tranquilizers to numb their feelings?”

Peake said the VA is working hard to find the best ways to use medication to treat post traumatic stress disorder. He said medications often are intended “to give somebody a good night’s sleep without dreams.”

Jon Turner of Burlington, who did two tours of duty in Iraq, told Peake he believed there was a tendency to over-medicate veterans. When he sought help, he said he was given six prescriptions.

Nick Palmier, a U.S. Marine who served in Iraq, said the military overreacts when people seek help, seeming to view everyone in counseling as potentially unstable.

He said after he saw a buddy die, he saw a mental health counselor. Subsequently, when home on leave, he had to check in daily with his sergeant. Now that he’s a civilian, he worries his mental health record could prevent him from getting jobs.

Peake agreed that “just because you need a little help doesn’t mean you have long-term problems.” He recounted how two years after his tour in Vietnam, he was walking down a corridor in medical school when a jackhammer started up. He reacted by dropping to the ground.

“You bring up the question of how do we do what is right by people,” Peake told Palmier.

Constance Quintin’s story made clear the answer to that question wasn’t simple. The Richmond woman recounted how her husband received too little service when he needed it most. He committed suicide. She said her husband served in the U.S. Coast Guard and the National Guard for more than 20 years, including war deployments.

He had lived with bipolar disease for years, she said, but developed side effects that led to medication changes. Doctors couldn’t get his disease back under control.

“He was calling almost daily with concerns about suicide,” Quintin said. In his final days, she learned later, he rehearsed hanging himself, but again sought help. He needed to be hospitalized, “but there was no bed available.”

“It was a series of ‘oops’ that led to his death,” Quintin said. “I want families not to have to go through what I went through,” she told Peake.

“I’m so sorry for your loss,” Peake said. His department is beefing up efforts to manage high-risk cases, he said, “but I’m afraid we will never prevent every suicide.”

Peake fielded a question about what more his department could do to help homeless veterans.

“Homelessness in veterans is down 20 percent over the past year,” Peake answered. Still, he said, “Any single veteran that is homeless is one too many.”

The Committee on Temporary Shelter in Burlington has applied to Peake’s department for funding to establish a transitional housing program for veterans. Ellen Kane, grants manager, said the agency was cautiously optimistic about its application for capital funding to provide 15 to 18 veterans a place to live and wrap-around case management services for up to two years. The agency expects to hear in the fall.

“Put in a good word for us,” Kevin Maloney, homeless veterans’ chairman for the Veterans of Foreign Wars, told Peake.

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Anti-War Soldier Jonathan Hutto: People, Not Politicians, Will End the War in Iraq

June 25, 2008 – Active-duty sailor Jonathan Hutto signed up to join the Navy in December 2003, at the age of 26. Previously a college activist fighting police brutality in Washington, D.C., and later an organizer with the ACLU, he was not the sort of recruit one usually imagines enlisting in the U.S. military. But his experience as an activist would serve him well as he began to protest unjust practices within the armed forces, where almost from the start, he battled institutional racism and the unwillingness of the chain of command to punish it, while also fighting oppressive and arbitrary disciplinary practices by his commanding officers. In 2006, he co-founded Appeal for Redress, one of the only active-duty anti-war groups since Vietnam, devoted to ending the war in Iraq.

The appeal itself is three sentences long:

As a patriotic American proud to serve the nation in uniform, I respectfully urge my political leaders in Congress to support the prompt withdrawal of all American military forces and bases from Iraq. Staying in Iraq will not work and is not worth the price. It is time for U.S. troops to come home.

According to Hutto, more than 2,000 military personnel, 60 percent of whom have served in Iraq, have signed the appeal.

This month, Nation Books published Hutto’s book, Antiwar Soldier: How to Dissent Within the Ranks of the Military. Part military memoir, part training manual, it lays out crucial things a soldier needs to know before resisting. The preface was written by David Cortright, whose 1975 book, Soldiers in Revolt, is considered the definitive chronicle of the Vietnam GI movement. With the Iraq occupation in its sixth year and no real end in sight, Antiwar Soldier comes at a critical time, and a moment where, increasingly, veterans and soldiers are revitalizing the anti-war movement.

AlterNet staff writer Liliana Segura recently exchanged e-mails with Hutto, who discussed, among other topics, why he joined the military; why he does not support a candidate for president; and what comes next for the anti-war movement.

Liliana Segura: You were raised in a left-leaning, politically conscious household and were an activist in college. Plus, in the book you describe how your mother used to chase away military recruiters from the house. Did you ever think you’d join the military?

Jonathan Hutto: No not at all. Nothing in my background or history would have supported me making such a move. The military was not represented as a proud tradition in my community, given the military was segregated until the early 1950s, with blacks still experiencing severe racism and repression throughout the Vietnam conflict. Both of my parents were born in a segregated/apartheid South, which shaped and informed my world view.

LS: Why did you choose the Navy?

JH: My mom was the primary reason for my decision. I was looking at the military at the age of 26, purely for economic and social adjustment reasons. One of the primary motivators was paying off a substantial portion of my student loan debt, which was $48,000, in the fall of 2003. Today, my loans stand at $24,000. I’ve always envisioned myself working toward advanced higher education, so the GI Bill was also seen as an incentive. My mom lobbied for me to look at the Navy, given the risk associated with service in the Army and Marines — plus I had two uncles that were veterans of the Air Force, one during the Korean conflict. The Iraq War was barely a year old when I decided to enlist.

LS: What surprised you the most about the Navy?

JH: I guess the word is “shocking” and not so much “surprising.” Nothing really surprised me; however, it was shock treatment to be exposed to the depths of internalized racism and imperialism. I vividly remember an instructor at boot camp speaking on the virtues of Barry Goldwater, the Republican nominee in 1964 that ran on an anti-Civil Rights platform. I remember seeing the Confederate flag as one of the many flags we marched under. Although I have seen that flag many times in my life, this is the first time I had to endure it from an institutionalized setting. Then I remember battle stations, the last phase of boot camp. This is when you stay up 24 hours completing different battle scenarios on a ship, in combat, in water, etc. I can remember the instructors giving these heroic war stories, many of these stories coming directly from the Vietnam conflict. Much of this ran counter to my core belief system. You can imagine how deep the shock treatment was, given that one of my first experiences leaving home in 1995 was standing in front of Frederick Douglass Memorial Hall, named in honor of the late great abolitionist on Howard University’s campus, for a student rally.

LS: You describe racism as one of your central grievances regarding the culture of the military. Can you elaborate on this? How much do you think it informs U.S. military policy on a larger scale?

JH: The major motivation for the U.S. ruling class missions abroad is hegemony, power and leverage over its rivals such as Russia, Japan, China, Iran and countries in Latin America such as Venezuela. The Iraq War is based on the Carter doctrine, named for former U.S. President Jimmy Carter. In his 1980 State of the Union address, Carter stated that any attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region would be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault would be repelled by any means necessary, including military force. This global imperial ideology requires racism, religious intolerance and xenophobia to justify the mission to the masses of the people, especially those within the working class and margins of society needed to bleed and die in these missions. Hence anti-Arab racism is used as a justifying ideology, along with an anti-Islamic ideology, both in terms of religion and culture.

The military needs racism, both formally and informally, as an inherent part of the indoctrination process, especially in boot camp, because dehumanizing the “enemy” is necessary for GIs to be fighters for the mission. To be an effective killer, you must see the other side as less than human. During Vietnam, soldiers, sailors and Marines were taught to see Vietnamese as gooks. During this current conflict, soldiers are taught to see Iraqis as Hajjis.

Although the military has made great strides to eradicate institutionalized racism organizationally, with more people of color and women within the senior enlisted ranks and officer ranks, the ideology of white racism is still prevalent within the culture. My first experience with white racism came at apprentice school, post-boot camp, for using the term “affirmative action” in my introduction to the class. All of us were asked why we joined the military by our instructors. I basically stated that I viewed the military as the best affirmative action employer in the country. Post my giving this statement, I was targeted severely by these instructors. I was told later it was due to my use of the phrase “affirmative action.” My worst experience with white racism would be having a noose paraded before my face by three noncommissioned white male officers. The noose incident was the culmination of other incidents such as some white male non-commissioned officers making mockery of Dr. King’s holiday.

LS: Your book — and your movement — is very historically rooted. Is the average soldier as conscious of U.S. military history, including the GI resistance movement?

JH: Unfortunately, no — although many in the ranks do receive the stories from their relatives that fought in Vietnam. The public educational institutions in this country, coupled with boot camp, are not designed to give the rank-and-file soldier the proper U.S. military history or any notion that there was ever a movement of GIs within the enlisted ranks. The purpose of boot camp is to break you down and build you back up as a loyal servant with less capacity to think for yourself. However, the Appeal for Redress and Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW) are demonstrating another kind of education taking place. Like Ron Kovic a generation ago, the Vietnam veteran turned peace activist and author of Born on the Fourth of July, these Iraq veterans are receiving an education on the ground in Iraq and within the complex that is changing hearts and minds every day. The movement will continue to grow.

LS: In a recent interview, you said the biggest challenge confronting the anti-war movement as a whole “is to build a culture of operational unity,” and you mentioned the National Assembly to End the Iraq War in Cleveland, Ohio, next weekend. What is the assembly, who will be there, and what are the goals?

JH: The National Assembly to End the Iraq War, gathering in Cleveland, Ohio, from June 27 to 29, is a strong attempt to bring together all elements of the anti-war movement from every constituency within the country. The major mass organizations including United for Peace and Justice (UPFJ), the Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER) coalition and the Troops Out Now Coalition will all be present in Cleveland. The mission is to build an open … anti-war conference with the capacity and unity to build the largest mass mobilization against the war since 2003. This conference will also include proposals for local mobilizations before and after the November election. The conference is based on five principles, which are: 1. immediate withdrawal of all troops and bases from Iraq, 2. mass demonstrations as the central strategy, 3. unity of the movement in the streets, 4. democratic decision-making and 5. independence of the movement from all political parties.

LS: Do you support a particular candidate in the 2008 election?

JH:I do not support a particular candidate for president. I was unprincipled in flirting with the idea of Ron Paul, being that he was the only anti-war candidate within the Republican Party, which I felt was strategic, only to be propelled back to my progressive roots based on his “Ron Paul Letters,” which confirmed him as a staunch racist and anti-Semite.

I do not support a particular candidate and party because I believe the power resides within the people, not the politicians, toward ending this war in Iraq, curtailing other imperialist wars of aggression and building a better, just world. John McCain and Barack Obama are both committed to continuing the Iraq War, with potential future military missions in Pakistan and Iran. Obama is the greatest threat to our movement since JFK and arguably since FDR. He can do what John McCain cannot do, which is motivate our young to serve as cannon fodder for U.S. wars abroad while motivating working people in general to sacrifice for the preservation of corporate power at their own expense. Obama does not seek to end the Iraq occupation. His current plan would leave up to 200,000 troops in Iraq with no call at all for U.S. corporate interests to leave. The anti-war movement a generation ago could not depend on the likes of Johnson and Nixon to end the Vietnam conflict; the masses had to bring pressure. This is our challenge today.

LS: Your book is very much a how-to guide to dissenting within the ranks. How have people responded to this inside and outside the armed forces? What did you risk by writing it — and by forming Appeal for Redress as an active-duty member?

JH: The response from my colleagues within the Navy has been enormous. I am asked off base consistently for copies of the book, which I respond to consistently. The Appeal for Redress has sent out a little over 100 copies to active duty across the U.S., including some stationed in Iraq and Afghanistan. Amazon has been my only consistent indicator for how we are doing outside the military. We have consistently been in the top 100 in areas dealing with Iraq, human rights and race issues.

In terms of risk, one would think I risked being marginalized further within the ranks. I mentioned earlier the noose incident, which took place prior to us forming the Appeal for Redress. I certainly endured minor reprisals during that struggle against the noose in my shop, which I document in Antiwar Soldier. However, once we went public with the appeal, the chain of command has been hands-off, with the exception of the public affairs officer of my ship informing me of my First Amendment rights as a sailor occasionally. This hands-off approach is a validation of Frederick Douglass’ pronouncement 150 years ago when he stated, “The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those they oppress.” It means that oftentimes, oppressive conditions persist due to the endurance of the victim. Only consistent agitation and a demand for basic dignity can help to change an oppressive environment and situation.

LS: What has been your biggest victory thus far with Appeal for Redress?

JH: First, demonstrating there is a base within the armed forces opposed to this war. It helps to dispel the myth that everyone within the military is monolithic and supports the mission 100 percent. Simply because one takes an oath to defend the Constitution does not mean they have sacrificed their rights embodied within that document.

Second, the appeal being a conduit through which active-duty (troops) get involved within the broader anti-war struggle such as Iraq Veterans Against the War. Liam Madden, co-founder of the appeal, currently serves on IVAW’s board of directors.

LS: What are you doing next?

We’re going to continue to push the Appeal for Redress and Antiwar Soldier to all active-duty, reserve and guard troops. I’ll continue to work within the mass movement through the National Assembly to End the Iraq War. The National Assembly speaks directly to my core beliefs and gives me the opportunity to work with everyone laboring to bring the troops home. I’ll probably remain within the complex for at least another three to four years at minimum, although I keep all my options open. No matter where I am, whether that is within the complex or teaching in a high school or college classroom, I’ll remain steadfast and committed to bringing about social justice and transforming this society from being thing-oriented to being people-based. Kwame Ture (aka Stokley Carmichael) taught us at Howard that the struggle is eternal and our people, those on the margins, are going to need us to do until we die. Therefore, we are committed to eternal struggle.

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Editorial Column: A Victory for Justice

June 25, 2008 – The right of a prisoner to challenge his confinement is central to the American way of justice, and to our reputation as a fair and compassionate nation.

So it is a relief to have those values reaffirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court, although by a scarily narrow 5-4 margin. The justices’ majority ruling this month is the latest to criticize the Bush administration’s treatment of so-called enemy combatants detained at Guantanamo Bay. It says the detainees rounded up after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks have a constitutional right to challenge their confinement in civil court under the principle of habeas corpus.

Dissenters have decried this Supreme Court ruling as a dangerous, even disastrous, decision. Justice Antonin Scalia went so far as to say it would “certainly cause more Americans to be killed” by terrorists. But this is the rhetoric of fear that has given the Bush administration permission to trample on the Constitution in the name of national security. Fear rather than reason has permitted abuse of prisoners that most reasonable people would view as torture, and it has denied prisoners due process for years.

This behavior has shown the world a side of the United States at odds with the human rights standards to which we hold other nations.

The 270 detainees remaining at Guantanamo are not all innocent. Many are bad guys no doubt guilty of criminal acts. But they are not being set free — they are merely being given the chance to plead their cases through legal channels.

This ruling is the third rebuff from the high court of the administration’s attempt to end-run the Constitution on this issue. Instead of trying again to deny detainees basic rights, it should concentrate on preparing evidence to justify holding them.

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‘Who Do They Talk To?’ Executive Director of SVAS to Head National Initiative for Wounded Soldiers

June 25, 2008 – A consortium of high-ranking officials from all four military branches has asked Tom Iselin, executive director of Sun Valley Adaptive Sports (SVAS), to help create a comprehensive national program for reintegrating wounded war veterans into society. SVAS has been at the forefront of serving wounded service members from Iraq and Afghanistan.

“After serving all these service members in our community, I really feel compelled to use my gifts and skills to serve as many as I can,” Iselin said.

Iselin cites three main components for the health of wounded service members: recovery, rehabilitation, and reintegration. Recovery involves the initial stages of stabilization, when the wounded service member is brought from the field to a major medical center for treatment. Rehabilitation occurs when the patient receives physical therapy, occupational therapy, mental therapy and recreational therapy. Reintegration, the final step, is achieved when the wounded soldier leaves the hospital and returns to military duty or civilian life.

Iselin’s contribution focuses on the final step of reintegration.

The national reintegration plan calls for the coordination of national, state and local organizations to direct resources, from mental health to vocational training to job placement, to the service members’ communities.

“We will need the community to be a part of that transition and reintegration,” Iselin said. “So what I am doing is making a visual model that will show how these organizations are working together and connected with the circle,” providing education, training, vocation, health, family support, faith and recreation.

“I’m answering this question: ‘When they get home, who do they talk to?'” Iselin said. “Because in the end these young men and women are going to come back home, and when they do they need to get into this circle of care in order to thrive and to have long-term sustainable health and wellness.”

The idea is to get a local organization to be the liaison between the wounded warrior and the community. The organization will then fold in locals like a business owner who offers a job, a mental health provider that offers family therapy, or a nonprofit like SVAS that offers recreational recovery.

“It would be like a clearing house,” Iselin said. “Someone will have to take the initiative and have the passion to help manage this stuff, because it cannot be done in Washington. To me, the most logical organization that exists in each city would be Rotary Club or American Legion.”

The goal of the program is to create a dependable, long-term holistic approach to restore wounded warriors and their families to the highest possible level of functioning.

“We want them not just to live, but to thrive,” Iselin said. “This is the goal that is coming from Washington. Historically, the government has provided health, education and training, but now they want people to do more, to give them the tools and opportunities they need to be the people they have always wanted to be.”

“Of all the people I have ever worked with, Tom [Iselin] is just really fabulous,” said George Schaefer, a 40-year veteran of the federal government who retired from the office of the Under Secretary of Defense in December 2007 and now sits on the SVAS board.

“He has the niche of SVAS, which is excellent, but he also sees the bigger view, the bigger picture of what is really needed. The DoD has recognized this, that the DoD alone cannot solve the problem. It needs a total American support system that is not just VA, but includes the states and the local communities, because when [the veterans] go back to their communities, that is when they really need the help. We’ve learned of the consequences of not taking care of our people who come back from fighting regardless of why we went in there.”

Since October 2001, about 1.6 million U.S. troops have been deployed to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. According to a report from the Department of Defense, as of June 24, 2008, 4,105 American soldiers have died in Operation Iraqi Freedom and 30,275 have been wounded.

But a recent study jointly conducted by RAND Health and the RAND National Security Research Division, titled “Invisible Wounds of War: Psychological and Cognitive Injuries, Their Consequences, and Services to Assist Recovery” believes those numbers will only grow exponentially over time.

The study sited two particular types of injury that are becoming more and more common: Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and Traumatic Brain Injuries (TBI). PTSD is a psychological trauma that if untreated can lead to depression, substance abuse and even suicide. TBI is a term used to describe a range of injuries from mild concussions to severe head wounds.

The RAND report estimates that 300,000 service members may suffer some form of PTSD while 19 percent or 320,000 service members may have experienced TBI during deployment. Original estimates for TBI were between 50,000-70,000.

TBI are the most common injuries of the current war. SVAS will focus its programs solely on service members who have suffered TBI or visual impairment, which according to Iselin and Tom Zampieri of the Blind Veterans Association, is another fairly common but overlooked injury associated with TBI.

Iselin’s work with the federal government and its reintegration plan, however, will not be limited to just TBI and visual impairment.

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Iraq Vet Driven by Friend’s Death

June 25, 2008 – On the eve of last month’s Senate vote on Sen. Jim Webb’s GI Bill, Patrick Campbell clicked “send” on one last lobbying e-mail to staffers. Then he broke down and cried.

Campbell, the legislative director for Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America, had started his message by laying out all of the latest developments on Webb’s bill.

In the final paragraphs, the Iraq war veteran shared the news that was foremost in his mind, news that he hadn’t shared with anyone outside his unit.

“Yesterday,” he wrote, “one of my buddies from Iraq committed suicide.”

It should have been a heady week for Campbell, a week in which the former staffer for Sen. Barbara Boxer (Calif.) and other Democrats shared a rally stage with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-­Calif.), saw the Senate vote overwhelmingly in favor of Webb’s bill and graduated from law school at Catholic University.

But Campbell and the other soldiers in his unit had recently received notice that they’d be headed back to Iraq early next year. And then, in the midst of all that was happening in Washington, Campbell got word about his friend, a sergeant who had taken him under his wing during his tour of duty in Iraq.

Saturday afternoon, Campbell walked off the stage at the Catholic University graduation, handed his diploma to his parents and headed straight to the airport to fly to the sergeant’s funeral.

In 2007, at least 115 active-duty soldiers and National Guard and Reserve troops committed suicide, the highest rate since the Army began keeping records in 1980. IAVA estimates that between 30 percent and 40 percent of returning war veterans will face “serious mental health injury” — especially post-traumatic stress disorder — and that those numbers are exacerbated by long tours and frequent redeployments.

Campbell says the memory of his friend motivates him to fight for better care.

A former student body president at the University of California at Berkeley, Campbell was on the Capitol Hill fast track by the time he hit his mid-20s. But sitting with co-workers at a Capitol Hill apartment on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, Campbell had a feeling of helplessness that he couldn’t shake.

So he walked to the still-smoldering Pentagon and asked if he could help search for bodies. He was turned away, and in that moment, he vowed that he’d become a medic himself. After a few twists and turns on and off Capitol Hill, Campbell joined the National Guard in 2003, squeezing basic training into his first year of law school.

He spent almost a year patrolling the streets of Baghdad with his unit, dodging the constant dangers that accompanied every neighborhood patrol. Although he admits that his unit was “very lucky” and he did not have to treat any major traumatic injuries, Campbell treated many Iraqi civilians.

It wasn’t always easy being a former congressional aide from California assigned to a tight-knit unit from the Louisiana bayou, but Campbell said “the sergeant” — that’s what he calls his late friend, out of respect for the privacy of the man’s family — was the one person who would always include him.

“When we would raid a house, we would have to split up into teams,” Campbell remembered. “I could tell a lot of the younger guys weren’t too excited about kicking in the door with a medic by their side. But he would always take me. … I trusted him, and he trusted me.”

After their tour of duty ended in October 2005, Campbell and the sergeant went their separate ways. Campbell returned to Washington, where he eventually signed on with IAVA. The sergeant went back home to Louisiana, where Campbell said the transition to civilian life took its toll.

“When these guys go [into battle], they learn to shut down their emotions,” said Campbell. “What helps you in Iraq is now hurting you at home.”

During a particularly rough patch earlier this year, Campbell said, the sergeant received a letter notifying him that his unit would be going back to Iraq.

“It was just too much,” said Campbell. “[The sergeant] sent a text message to someone at the armory, and they sent the police to go find him. They found him in a boat a couple days later. He had shot himself.”

Campbell said the funeral was “wonderful and horrible” all at once. It was the first time the unit had been back together since leaving Iraq. But only the sergeant’s body was there, laid out in an open casket, despite a gunshot wound to the face.

Campbell said that the transition from military to civilian life often hits Guard and Reserve troops particularly hard. He experienced it firsthand. After returning from Iraq, he said, it took a full year of his own reckless behavior and an ultimatum from his best friend before he admitted that he needed counseling for combat stress.

Even then, Campbell said he didn’t fully break down until days later, when a preview for an Iraq war film sent him over the edge. He said he spent hours in the theater, crying.

At IAVA, Campbell is helping to push for legislation that would provide returning soldiers with mandatory one-on-one screenings with mental health professionals within six months of returning from combat. He is also working toward increased access to mental health services in rural areas, a particular problem for some of the soldiers in his unit from remote parts of Louisiana.

Campbell wants Congress to lead the charge for a holistic approach to veterans’ mental health, including help for family members and targeted advertising campaigns to reduce the stigma that soldiers attach to counseling. He has also fought hard for the passage of the educational benefits in Webb’s GI Bill, which is expected to win Senate approval this week. He says the benefits would give returning soldiers a sense of purpose and “a reason to get up in the morning.”

Campbell said he’s “still on the hook” for another tour of duty in Iraq, although he does have the option of deferring it. If he does have to go back, he said he wants to go back with his old unit, even if it is a man down.

Until then, Campbell said, he thinks of the sergeant every day as he prepares for work.

At the funeral in Louisiana, Campbell promised his fallen friend that every lawmaker on Capitol Hill would someday know his story. “The last thing I said to him as I stood over his casket was, ‘I am never going to let them forget you.’”

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Admiral Mike Mullen, Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff, Calls Homeless Veterans ‘Hugely Important Issue’

June 23, 2008, Washington, DC – Calling the issue “hugely important,” the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff today said the nation must fully integrate efforts to help homeless veterans.

“How do we reach out to them, and how do we create opportunities?” Navy Adm. Mike Mullen asked an audience of about 200 members of various organizations that make up the National Coalition for Homeless Veterans in a speech at the Grand Hyatt Washington Hotel here.

“I consider [homeless veterans] to be a hugely important issue,” Mullen said. “We need to do everything we can, as a country, to fully integrate our efforts to understand and help those – our veterans – who have given so much.”

The coalition, which is holding its annual convention this week, is dedicated to strengthening and increasing funding for homeless veteran assistance programs, ranging from employment to housing issues. It provides information about program development and administration, as well as governance and funding guidance to all of the nation’s homeless veteran service providers, according to the organization’s Web site.

Mullen shared his appreciation for the coalition and its work.

“I am incredibly grateful for what you do and keeping [homeless veteran] issues bubbling; not just based on homeless veterans of [the war on terror], but of the entire population and past wars,” he said.

Mullen spoke about his generation of servicemembers and serving during the Vietnam War era. Vietnam veterans make up a large percentage of the homeless veterans in the country, said Mullen, who received his commission in 1968.

He expressed his sympathy for the many homeless Vietnam veterans who weren’t aware of post-traumatic stress syndrome and who have battled unemployment for years because of the disability. He also revealed his concern for veterans of more recent and current conflicts.

“One of the things I said when [operations in Iraq] started in 2003, ‘As we go back to war and put so many people in harm’s way, I would do all I can not to generate another generation of homeless veterans as we did when I was growing up with Vietnam,’” he said. “I had no clue in 2003 that I would eventually be in the position I am in now, but now that I am, I’m anxious to help.”

Mullen reiterated his point that tackling the homeless veterans issue has to be a collective and integrated effort at the local and national levels among the government, society and nonprofit organizations, such as the coalition.

“The vision isn’t anything without execution,” Mullen said. “It has to be a team effort, and I’m truly grateful for what [the coalition] is doing.”

The coalition’s convention features workshops about issues such as public policy and current legislation pertaining to homeless veteran issues, reporting and regulation requirements for federal grants, and legal issues veterans may face.

The convention also will provide training groups focused on issues including employment resources for veterans, women veterans, early intervention and prevention of homelessness for Iraq and Afghanistan veterans, incarcerated veterans.

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How Boris Johnson Became a War Criminal

June 24, 2008 – Well, I suppose we should be grateful for one thing. It seems that a Western politician is finally going to pay the price for his involvement in the Iraq war. After five years of disaster and bungling, I am told that justice is about to be done, and I expect many readers will be delighted.

Think of what we did to the place. We blitzed Iraq with our bunker-buster bombs. We flattened their housing blocks, we crippled their infrastructure. We sparked a murderous civil war in which hundreds of thousands have died – and all for the sake of a lie, or a series of lies.

We were told that Saddam had lethal long-range weapons with which to threaten his neighbours, and perhaps even British bases in Cyprus. We were told that the Pentagon had a plan for his speedy and efficient removal. We were going to usher in a new era of peace, democracy and human rights.

Things did not, to put it mildly, turn out that way, and the worst of it is that no one has so far been arrested. Despite all the manifold acts of deception and incompetence, there is not a single politician, on either side of the Atlantic, who has been put on trial or even had his collar felt. Until now.

This week, I am reliably informed, the police will act – and whom do you think they have in their sights? Is it Bush or Rumsfeld or Cheney? Have they found a member of the American administration to take the rap for the disgusting scenes in Abu Ghraib?

Is it Blair, brought to book after the Commons failed to impeach him? Is it Alastair Campbell, unrepentant sexer-up of the dodgy dossier? No, my friends, we are not so lucky. None of the major players is going to be arraigned for the Iraq disaster, and the long arm of the law is instead reaching out – incredibly – for me.

I am informed by my friends in the Metropolitan Police that I am shortly to become the one and only Western politician to be brought to justice for crimes committed in Iraq. My transgression? I have somewhere in my possession a cigar case that once belonged to Tariq Aziz.

As veterans of this column may dimly recall, the circumstances in which I came by this object were so morally ambiguous that I cannot quite think of it as theft. It was a few days after the Americans had captured Baghdad, and the city was a scene of lawlessness and chaos.

Grinning looters were hacking up the roads and carting off the copper wiring, and I was taken to see what the mob had done to the villas of Saddam’s regime.

We came to the riverside house of Tariq Aziz, the white-haired Chaldean Christian who served as Saddam’s deputy and foreign minister, a man so intimate with the tyrant that he inspired one of the only jokes of the war: When does Saddam have his dinner? When Tariq Aziz.

As I stared at the remains of his home, I saw utter destruction. Surely the looters had left nothing of value.

Such was their lust for metal piping that the very bidets had been ripped out and smashed. A blackened safe lay on its side, and everywhere was rubbish and filth. And there, just by my toe, protruding from beneath a piece of dusty plywood, was the cigar case.

Actually, it was only the bottom half of a cigar case, in thick red leather and coarsely stitched. But I immediately saw its importance. If this was the cigar case of Tariq Aziz, think of the scenes it had witnessed.

When Aziz flew to Geneva for the ill-fated talks that preceded the first Gulf war, this cigar case was in his breast pocket. When the Baathist elite met for their late-night whisky-fuelled sessions, this was the cigar case that had lain mute on the table as the air was filled with smoke and the bloodthirsty ravings of the dictator.

I reached down instinctively, and placed it for safekeeping in my pocket. Amid such wholesale larceny and devastation, who was going to quibble about a cigar case?

The British Government had just assisted in the destruction of billions of pounds of Iraqi property; Western forces had allowed thieves to carry off 99 per cent of the valuables of Tariq Aziz, not to mention the priceless Sumerian artefacts of the Iraqi National Museum.

Would there be anyone so petty, so time-wastingly idiotic, as to complain? Alas, I forgot about the Labour Party. Five years after I found this memento, Labour stooges were recently combing my articles for anything discreditable to a Conservative mayoral candidate.

They found the article, and with bulging eyes they went to the Metropolitan Police and demanded that I be prosecuted. I am accused by my political opponents of removing a cultural artefact from Iraq. As it happens, I also have in my possession a letter from the lawyers of Tariq Aziz, informing me that Mr Aziz wishes me to regard the cigar case as a gift.

But never mind. The file has been opened at Scotland Yard; the proceedings have begun. The poor police have no choice but to investigate this ludicrous affair, and in the interim I am told I must hand the cigar case into police custody – or else be led in manacles from City Hall.

I briefly toyed with making a fuss, and pointing out how utterly selfish and stupid it was of Labour to waste police time on this kind of thing. Just when the police are trying to focus on beating knife crime and making the streets safe, they are told they must lavish money and manpower on a preposterous investigation that will do nothing for the security of the public.

And yet, of course, there is something magnificent in the very absurdity of the case. It may seem vexatious and trivial, but the law is the law, and no one can count himself exempt even from its weirder ramifications. This principle is the foundation of freedom.

It is, after all, what we were fighting for in Iraq, and it is with a glad heart that I now propose to hand the cigar case over – though it would be nice, I have to admit, if they arrested Blair and the real culprits instead.

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