U.S. Military Blocks Popular Web Sites, Cutting Ties to Home

May 15, 2007 – The Defense Department began blocking access on its computers to YouTube, MySpace and 11 other Web sites yesterday, severing some of the most popular ties linking U.S. troops in combat areas to their far-flung relatives and friends, and depriving soldiers of a favorite diversion from the boredom of overseas duty.

The banned Web sites include some of the Internet’s most popular destinations for social networking and sharing photographs, videos and audio recordings. Soldiers and their families frequent the sites to exchange notes, swap pictures and share recorded messages — a form of digital communication that, along with e-mail, has largely replaced the much-anticipated mail call of previous wars.

Senior officers said they enacted the worldwide ban out of concern that the rapidly increasing use of these sites threatened to overwhelm the military’s private Internet network and risk the disclosure of combat-sensitive material.

“The idea behind it is to have the bandwidth available to mission-critical areas,” said Navy Lt. Denver Applehans, a spokesman for U.S. Strategic Command, which oversees the task force that designed the restrictions.

In a memorandum to troops dated Friday, Gen. B.B. Bell, commander of U.S. forces in South Korea, said the task force had noted “a significant increase in the use of DoD network resources tied up by individuals visiting certain recreational Internet sites,” he said. Bell added that the traffic poses “a significant operational security challenge.”

In computer rooms on bases in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, soldiers crowd around rows of monitors, lining up for a chance to glimpse the latest news from home or leave their distinctive boot print in cyberspace. Some postings on YouTube are grainy battle videos shot with small cameras recording the brilliant flare of roadside explosions and crackle of gunfire set to rock music. Others are more melancholy depictions of loss, showing struggling medics and fallen comrades. Entries on MySpace pages are often more personal, running from reflective to vulgar.

Mitchell Millican of Trafford, Ala., said he had relied on MySpace, a popular social networking site, to stay in touch with his son Pfc. Jonathan M. Millican until he was killed Jan. 20 in an attack on his compound in Karbala, Iraq. “If it wasn’t for the Internet, I wouldn’t have been able to talk to him three days before he died,” Millican said.

Under the policy, troops will still be allowed to access the sites from non-military computers. But few soldiers in combat areas carry private computers. They will continue to have access to the sites through Internet cafes that are not on the military computer network, officers said.

Though soldiers are already barred from posting classified material on public Web sites, these sites also offer an uncensored venue for airing homesickness, frustration with the war in Iraq and anger at the military. But a mid-level Army infantry officer who is headed back to Iraq stressed, “It’s a practical matter, not a civil rights matter.”

He explained he might have trouble if the network is dragged down by soldiers watching YouTube videos. But the officer, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media, added that access to the Web sites could be important for morale.

“I am pretty sure the point of MySpace is to hook up with chicks, and the Joes probably get a lot of mileage off being deployed, so I would be more hesitant to take that away,” he said.

Lewis Maltby, president of the National Workrights Institute, acknowledged that the military has legitimate concerns about broadband availability but said that the Pentagon could have rationed Web access rather than cut it off entirely.

“It is an unnecessary hardship on people who already have more hardships than they should have to deal with,” said Maltby, an Army veteran.

Julie Supan, a YouTube spokeswoman, said executives at her Web site wanted to meet Defense officials to discuss the restrictions.

“We certainly don’t want YouTube to be used to share sensitive security information or put anyone in harm’s way,” she said in a statement. “The vast majority of videos on YouTube posted by soldiers, their families and friends are personal messages, original songs, tributes and video letters.”

Executives at several of the affected Web sites said they had not been notified of the restrictions by Defense officials.

“It was definitely a surprise to us,” said Benjamin Sun, chief executive of BlackPlanet, a social networking site popular with African Americans. He said he plans to contact the Pentagon to learn more about the reasons behind the decision and address any concerns.

N. Mark Lam, chief executive of the radio-streaming site Live365, said he, too, had not been notified by Defense officials and planned to ask them why they chose to curtail access to some sites and not to dozens of others providing similar services. He acknowledged that his site requires a large amount of bandwidth.

The Defense Department barred access to the Web sites even as the military has stepped up its campaign to upload official videos to the Web, including on YouTube, to help portray U.S. combat efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan in a favorable light. In the past two months, for instance, the military has posted YouTube videos showing troops engaged in a gun battle in Baghdad, destroying chemical factories, attacking insurgent mortar positions and rescuing a kidnap victim.

Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, a U.S. military spokesman in Baghdad, said these offerings would not be affected by the restrictions because they aren’t posted through the military’s network. Though many U.S. forces would no longer be able to view these videos, Garver added, “They don’t need to. They live them every day.”

The Defense Department Web site policy comes one month after the Army issued a regulation barring soldiers from posting entries on blogs, participating in online discussion groups or sending personal e-mail unless the content is cleared by an superior officer. Within days of Wired magazine reporting that regulation, the Army issued a fact sheet clarifying that soldiers’ postings would not be subjected to review. But military bloggers continued to warn that the regulation could have a chilling effect on their writing.

Staff writers Ann Scott Tyson and Terissa Schor contributed to this report.

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PTSD Meeeting a Success at Fort Carson

May 16, 2007 – After two days of closed-door meetings to investigate whether Fort Carson is adequately caring for soldiers with post-traumatic stress disorder, commanders and their critics walked away satisfied Tuesday.

Army leaders said they picked up valuable tips and were able to showcase their good works during the congressional fact-finding trip. Veterans advocates said they’re satisfied now that the Army is listening to their concerns.

The panel of Senate staffers spent most of its time in meetings with soldiers and family members who have complained their mental-health issues were mishandled or ignored by the Army.

The staffers will report back to their bosses, including three top Democrats who were represented, John Kerry, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.

Steve Robinson of Veterans For America said he had a private meeting with Maj. Gen. Jeffery W. Hammond, the 4th Infantry Division commander, and said things appear to be headed in the right direction.

The 4th ID headquarters will move to Fort Carson by 2010.

Lt. Col. David Johnson, a post spokesman, said he’s satisfied that top leaders got to showcase Fort Carson’s successes to the congressional crowd.

Johnson said Fort Carson commanders learned that more education of soldiers on the impacts of PTSD is necessary. Most of the complaints at the post stem from insensitivity from sergeants or junior officers toward troops with PTSD.

The post launched an education campaign this year, and Johnson said those efforts will be redoubled.

Robinson said he got assurances from Hammond that his group will have input into what soldiers are taught about the stress disorder.

Johnson said commanders also learned that they need to more closely track the medical conditions of their soldiers.

“By all means we’re not perfect,” Johnson said. “We have challenges ahead of us.”

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Editorial Column – Of Actions and Consequences, Torture and Troops

The most painful thing for the inmates there were the cries of the people being tortured. One day, they brought sheets to cover the cell in order for no one to see anything. They began torturing one of them, and we could hear what was happening. We listened as his soul cracked.
– Former inmate of Abu Ghraib
   
May 15, 2007 – There was an ambush outside Baghdad a few days ago, yet another accent in Iraq’s ceaseless symphony of carnage. Little about it was distinctive at first, until word got out that three American soldiers attached to the attacked convoy were missing. The Islamic State of Iraq, described in American media reports as an “al Qaeda front group,” subsequently claimed to be holding these missing soldiers as hostages. Pentagon officials confirmed their claim, and some 4,000 troops have since fanned out to search for the abducted troops.

    Recall, for context, our national debate over torture, renditions, and the rights of prisoners captured in the “War on Terror.” Recall the secret memos, endorsed by then-White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales, that slapped aside Geneva Convention prohibitions against the torture of prisoners. Recall Abu Ghraib, and the shameful photos documenting the absence of those prohibitions in living, bleeding color.

    It was theoretical at the time, that debate, an exercise in nationalist rhetoric and sound-bite showmanship. Those who voiced warnings, who tried to remind us that actions have consequences, hardly made a dent. Abu Ghraib was exposed, and we were outraged, and then we forgot. The mangled morality of state-sanctioned brutality continued as mere fodder for this theoretical argument, and the horrors within those faraway prison walls simply got folded into the main.

    It isn’t theoretical anymore. Three American soldiers are hostages today, and God help them if their captors decide to play by our rules.

    Will these three soldiers be taken by their captors to another country, to some faraway facility filled with the infrastructure of applied agony? Will they be handed over to men who know precisely how to make a nerve ending shriek, who extract screams from flesh like miners of misery? There is precedent if this happens; our government has been doing it for years. Bush’s people send prisoners to far-flung nations, where they are tortured without mercy, because that theoretical debate made this an acceptable practice.

    Will these three soldiers be beaten, raped, electrocuted and murdered? Will their religious faith be used as a weapon of humiliation against them? There is precedent if this happens; our government cleared a path for the atrocities of Abu Ghraib, for the murder and rape and torture and humiliation which took place there, and it was that theoretical debate which made this an acceptable practice.

    Those who tried to warn the Bush administration about the inherent dangers of mistreating prisoners used images just like these to make their point. If prisoners are allowed to be tortured, if their faith is humiliated and their bodies savaged, a terrible price will be paid. It won’t be paid by comfortable politicians who blithely red-line the strictures of our common morality while sending troops off to war. It will be paid by those troops, American soldiers struggling to survive the application of wretched policy. To allow torture is to accept torture completely, especially torture as retaliation.

    If the enshrinement of torture as a legitimate tactic had been inspired solely by fear, anger, desperation or a desire to defend the country at all costs, one might be able to understand. That wasn’t the case here. The decision to make torture an acceptable policy was born, first and foremost, from the mercenary priorities of a few powerful Bush administration officials. Blowing up Geneva, ripping up rights, defying all the rules, all this was just another necessary step along the path towards the establishment of the Supreme Executive, the termination of oversight, and the wilting of any separation of powers.

    Put more bluntly, three American soldiers may be suffering the torments of Hell because some of Bush’s people made a power play. They pushed the limits, and then dismissed those limits out of hand, in order to show that they could, and because nobody stopped them. Now, three soldiers who played no part in crafting those decisions face the grim results of those decisions. Those three troops do not in any way whatsoever deserve this fate, nor even the mere possibility of this fate.

    In exactly 616 days, the oath of office will be solemnly sworn by a new president, bringing a final conclusion to the gruesome phenomenon that is this administration. If we, as a nation, learn but one lesson from what we have seen and endured these last years, it must be this: actions have consequences. If the foundations of basic decency are allowed to be razed, if the rights and protections which define us are allowed to be erased, prepare to reap the whirlwind.

    Light a candle, lift a prayer, make a vow, do whatever suits you best sometime today. Do so in the hope that this nation, this world, and those three soldiers, may survive the consequences of the inexcusable and deadly actions which have delivered us to this place.

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Carjacker Beats 91-Year Old World War II Veteran in Detroit

Detroit police tell WXYZ they have arrested a suspect in the carjacking and beating a 91-year-old World War II veteran outside a store on Detroit’s west side. The news comes just hours after WXYZ aired shocking video of the attack.

ON CAM:

This story will make you mad and want to cry. We just hope someone out there can give this elderly victim some justice

REPORT:

This video may be hard to watch, but it’s even harder to believe that someone could beat a 91-year-old man, punching this World War II veteran 21 times.

(Mr. Sims) “He come up, he want a light for a cigarette. Just as I … he threw a punch at me.”

Days after the assault, 91-year-old Mr. Sims says the swelling has gone down quite a bit but the black and blue marks are clearly visible. Now he and his family hope Detroit police can catch the man who beat him.

It was last Friday at about 8:30 in the evening outside this west side party store.

The young stranger approached Mr. Sims, asked for a light and then began to beat him over and over again – and Mr. Sims couldn’t go anywhere. He was pinned in between his car door and another car.

(Mr. Sims) “I think we kinda’ wrestled around there. He punched again and again.”

What the man wanted from 91-year-old Sims was his car, a 2005 Chevy Malibu.

(Mr. Sims) “He grabbed my keys out of my hand and hopped in the car.”

A woman who appears to have been with the carjacker tries to get in the car and while a small crowd of people just stand by. The carjacker calmly drives away, leaving Mr. Sims beaten, battered and helpless.

(Mr. Sims) “They give me some painkiller, pills and I’ve been taking them.”

Sources say these are the two people Detroit police want to question. They were caught on store surveillance video minutes before the attack.

Witnesses say the male suspect stands about 5’ 9” tall with a slim build. He had braids in his hair and an earring in his left ear. He wore expensive Cartier glasses that we’re told were recovered by police.

(Mr. Sims) “Somewhere I grabbed him because I knocked his glasses off.”

Now the Sims family is hoping someone can help Detroit police find his attacker.

(Mr. Sims) “I think they should be put in jail and kept there for a number of years.”

ON CAM:

And the suspect could still be driving Mr. Sims 2005 Chevy Malibu. It’s a silver-gray four-door with a handicapped license plate and an Air Force sticker in the front window. Call Detroit police if you have any information.

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Editorial Column: See You in September, Whatever That Means

May 13, 2007 – Progress by September.

That, in three words, is the latest mandate from some nervous Republicans to President Bush over the war in Iraq. As the Democratic-controlled House passed yet another war spending bill last week, and Mr. Bush promised yet another veto, some members of his own party went to the White House with a blunt warning: We’re with you now, but if there is no progress by September, all bets are off.

There’s just one problem. Nobody in Washington seems to agree on what progress actually means — or how, precisely, it might be measured.

After his surprise trip to Iraq last week, Vice President Dick Cheney was asked by Fox News if he saw signs of “decisive progress.” He responded by talking about Anbar Province, where Sunni tribal sheiks are turning against Al Qaeda, he said. Mr. Bush, speaking to the party faithful last week in Washington, offered his own evidence that things are looking better, even before all five brigades of his troop buildup are in place.

“Sectarian murders are down,” the president declared, though he neglected to mention that car bombings and deaths of American soldiers are up.

That is not enough for lawmakers, especially Republicans who are uneasy about how they can go back home and justify their support for an increasingly unpopular war. Congress is grappling with legislation that would prod the Iraqi government into meeting so-called political benchmarks, like passing an oil-revenue-sharing law and holding provincial elections. But some in Washington are grasping for a more complete and accurate way to quantify progress.

“No one knows how to define progress in such a mixed-up situation,” said Representative Jack Kingston, Republican of Georgia and a member of the subcommittee that overseas military spending. “We’re having trouble measuring it. Imagine building a house without a ruler.”

Mr. Kingston, who holds weekly breakfast meetings with the Republican “theme team,” a group of about 30 lawmakers, is trying. The star of last week’s session, held in the basement of the Capitol, was the deputy prime minister of Iraq, Barham Salih, a Kurd. But equally important to Mr. Kingston was the other guest: Jason Campbell, a scholar at the Brookings Institution who is a co-author of something called the Iraq Index.

The Iraq Index is a huge compilation of data tracking life in Iraq — everything from the monthly car-bomb rate to how many foreign nationals are kidnapped to how many Iraqis have electricity and Internet access. It is long on numbers and short on analysis, though the latest report, dated April 30, includes a brief, and somewhat gloomy, summation in which the authors write that “on balance, the picture in Iraq has some signs of hope, but continues to present more grounds for worry than for confidence.”

Mr. Kingston has been circulating the index on both sides of the aisle and has asked its authors to winnow down the indicators to a manageable number — say, fewer than a dozen — that could serve as a standard bipartisan metric. Given that Brookings is a left-leaning institution, he said, he hoped Democrats might sign on.

“It would be like the Dow Jones,” he said. “Nobody accuses the Dow Jones of being biased. It would be good information for all of us. And then you could say who’s winning and losing.”

So far, Republicans like Mr. Kingston are hanging with the president on the spending bill. They voted overwhelmingly against a measure, vetoed by Mr. Bush earlier this month, to set a timeline for troop withdrawal. But they must also worry about re-election in 2008 — a worry the president no longer has. Having already lost control of Congress, they can ill afford another election in which Iraq is the dominant issue. A standardized metric might give them a useful exit strategy.

But Michael O’Hanlon, the lead author of the Iraq Index, is skeptical. He says metrics are “important grist for a fact-based debate,” but history shows it is dangerous to rely on too few of them.

“Metrics were used in Vietnam, and we had the wrong ones, and in my opinion they did net harm to the debate,” Mr. O’Hanlon said, adding, “I’m afraid that Congressman Kingston is going to continue to be frustrated, because we can’t be exactly precise about which indicators are the conclusive ones.”

In any event, such an index would be politically unpalatable to the White House, which does not want to back itself into a corner by agreeing to someone else’s standard for progress. The White House says the only progress report that counts is the one from Gen. David H. Petraeus, the new top commander in Iraq, and Ryan Crocker, the new ambassador, who are expected to testify on Capitol Hill in September.

The two are apparently trying to prepare. They have spent the last month in Iraq consulting with a team of independent advisers who have been asked to “think through the question of, Is the current strategy for waging war going well or not?” said Stephen Biddle, a defense policy expert at the Council on Foreign Relations and member of the team. Mr. Biddle could not talk about his work, he said, but he did fault the White House for not being more open with the public about its own idea of what constitutes progress.

“By being unbelievably vague about everything,” he said, “they’re making it very hard for congressmen and senators to go to their constituents and say, ‘Look, here’s why things are going better than you might imagine.’ ”

Some say measuring progress is simple: you will know it when you see it.

“I want to see life starting to come back,” said Senator Robert Bennett, Republican of Utah, who has been generally supportive of the president. “I want to see people in markets. I want to see couples strolling down the street, folks sitting at outdoor cafes.”

Others, like Senator Susan Collins, the Maine Republican who is facing a strong Democratic challenger next year, have their own specific ideas. Ms. Collins says she is looking for provincial elections, an oil law to be signed and put in place, and “a significant reduction in violence and attacks accompanied by a transfer of more and more authority to the Iraqi forces.”

Ms. Collins, like Mr. Bennett, says much will depend on General Petraeus’s progress report. But she acknowledges that one man’s progress may be another man’s failure.

“To me,” she said, “the difficult question is going to be if the analysis is mixed, and I suspect it may well be. And for me, a mixed report is not sufficient to continue to have an open-ended commitment of troops.”

Some Republicans are not waiting until the fall to re-evaluate. Senator Lamar Alexander of Tennessee announced last week that while he would support funding the troops, he also intends to introduce legislation to put the bipartisan Iraq Study Group report into effect. The report sets a goal of withdrawing combat forces by March 2008, a timeline Mr. Bush explicitly rejected when he announced the troop buildup in January.

Mr. Alexander said he was simply trying to bring a divided country together. “I don’t see any way for us to maintain a long-term presence in Iraq,” he said, “without more bipartisan support.”

For Mr. Bush, then, the clock is ticking. Mr. Kingston says he expects the debate to “become a lot more democratic” in the next few months, as more Republicans grow queasy and defect.

In the meantime, he hopes to come up with some useful way of figuring out whether he and his colleagues should abandon their president in September, or remain supportive for a little while longer:

“I’ve heard three years of nearly happy-talk in testimony,” Mr. Kingston said. “We always seem to be about to be around this elusive corner, but we never get there.”

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Letter to the Editor – Iraq War Isn’t Worth the Cost in Lives, Suffering

May 14, 2007 – Do most of us really know what war is? Did we ever see anyone get shot through the temple and fall dead at your feet?

Then a minute later, as one of your friends falls beside you, look down and see that his chin is blown off? You carry your friend, who is bleeding profusely, away from what is left of his face to an aid station. He is one of the lucky ones. He has made his payment for our freedom and is going home.

Another friend has his arm blown off; he doesn’t say much about it, though. His only concern is how he is going to work on his farm.

How many of us have seen the providence of God when a mortar shell lands beside your head but fails to go off?

I’m a World War II veteran. And, like FDR, I hate war; it should be avoided if possible. The price of war is high. I’ve seen it; I’ve felt it. I have scars both internal and external.

For the cause of that time, I answered, and for that cause I would answer again today.

The Iraq war is another matter, though. This war is based on mistakes made from its outset. The reasoning for the war evolved from weapons of mass destruction to liberation of the Iraqi people.

For liberation to be truthful, one must want to be liberated. The logic of the current administration is to say that if you aren’t for the war, you are against the troops.

What action would be better for our troops than to remove them from a war that was started from political mistakes?

Why should our troops pay for these mistakes? Let’s get our troops out now, and let the Iraqis earn their own liberty, as we did.

If you agree with this war and want to stay the course, the recruiting office is open and ready for business.

William Deel Jr. Locust Grove

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Panel to Probe VA Bonuses in North Carolina

May 10, 2007 – North Carolina VA hospital officials face more congressional scrutiny as part of a national probe into the federal agency’s executive bonuses.

The House Veterans’ Affairs Committee plans a hearing this month that will, in part, examine $335,000 paid to top N.C. managers during years they oversaw poor care.

“The message that sends out is that there’s no accountability,” said U.S. Rep. Bob Filner, the California Democrat who heads the committee. “What is the relationship between bonuses and reports of poor performance? We want to know why these were given out.”

The hearing’s broader focus will be top-ranked Veterans Affairs officials who collected bonuses shortly after the agency revealed it had seriously undercalculated its budget needs and would run short of money. Filner called for the hearing last week, saying the agency hadn’t taken into account the cost of caring for soldiers returning from current deployments.

“It concerns me that the same officials that miscalculated the needs of our veterans were awarded with significant bonuses,” he said.

N.C. members of the House and Senate last week asked the VA to explain the local bonuses, reported by the Observer. The payments, spanning 2000 to 2006, include rewards for executives at the Salisbury veterans hospital as VA officials investigated suspicious deaths. Regional managers in Durham also received bonuses.

And those regional awards came as the Asheville veterans hospital struggled with care problems and had to suspend its nursing home admissions after a patient died.

Last week also brought the broader look at VA bonuses.

U.S. Sen. Daniel Akaka, a Hawaii Democrat and chairman of the Senate Committee on Veterans’ Affairs, asked VA Secretary James Nicholson why officials were rewarded after the budget emergency. Akaka released a list of bonuses totaling $3.8 million, paid last year to 226 people.

“Just one year after VA’s notorious budget shortfall, when VA management was forced to request emergency funds based on a determination that the budget was short billions of dollars, several senior budget staff each received VA’s highest bonus award of $33,000,” Akaka said.

The N.C. bonuses ranged from $4,000 a year per person to more than $29,000.

Filner held a hearing last month after the Observer reported multiple accounts of poor care at the Salisbury VA hospital. He called the facility a “case study” for the need for tougher oversight nationwide.

“Once again, North Carolina is the one where we have the most paperwork — that’s where the documentation is the most clear,” he said of the bonus issues. “We want to … use your stuff to ask about how do you justify such things. I’d like to see the evaluations of the people you’re talking about.”

U.S. Reps. Mel Watt, a Charlotte Democrat, and Sue Myrick, a Charlotte Republican, have criticized the local bonuses. U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Dole, a Republican and a Salisbury native, asked the VA for an explanation. Her Republican colleague, North Carolina’s Richard Burr told the Observer that the VA “has some tough questions to answer about the criteria and mechanisms used to award bonuses.”

The VA has said its Asheville and Salisbury hospitals made changes and improved care. They say bonuses are necessary to attract workers and compete with higher private-sector pay.

Filner said he didn’t rule out bonuses for deserving workers, but asked, “Are people being rewarded for the wrong reasons?”

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Governors Need $24 Billion to Restore National Guard Broken by Iraq War

Iraq depleting Guard’s equipment, Easley says

May 14, 2007 – Years of war in Iraq have cut into the North Carolina National Guard’s fleet of trucks, communications equipment and other gear, and the state could come up short in a major hurricane or “no-notice” disaster, Gov. Mike Easley said today.

Easley is co-chairman of a committee of the National Governors’ Association that deals with National Guard issues.

Speaking in a telephone news conference today, Easley said that the Guard in North Carolina has enough equipment to handle hurricanes up to category 3, such as Hurricane Fran in 1996. The state’s Guard has about 55 percent of its “dual use” equipment, such as trucks, that can be used both in wars and in disasters at home.

Also speaking at the news conference was Vermont Sen. Patrick Leahy, who is trying to get Congress to approve $1 billion to help replace the Guard’s missing equipment nationwide. The total needs are $24 billion, Leahy said.

Guard officials in individual states work through a central office to share equipment needed for disasters. Hurricanes offer time to plan and move equipment into place, Easley said. But one that strikes several states could mean the equipment would have to come from farther away, costing lives, he said.

More troubling would be “no-notice” disasters such as a terrorism attack or a pandemic, he said.

Also, Easley said, the lack of equipment cuts into training, and continued use of Guard troops in Iraq is wearing down the Guard. Unless something changes, by 2009 Guard units will struggle to handle deployments, he said.

Staff writer Jay Price can be reached at 836-4526 or jay.price@newsobserver.com.

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Editorial Column – Freedoms Lost Under G.W. Bush

February 1, 2005–Supporters and apologists for President G.W. Bush will often assail my assertion that the Bush administration has done more to dismantle constitutional protections of our liberties than any president in modern memory. It seems that these people believe that until federal Storm Troopers knock down the doors of their homes and drag them off to the gulags, they have lost no freedoms. Nothing could be further from the truth.
If history is any teacher, it instructs us in the incremental process that elitists use to implement their totalitarian agenda. The first step is to use an incessant, highly orchestrated propaganda. For all practical purposes, the major media in the United States is providing that propaganda. At the national level, there is hardly any investigative journalism going on. Instead, the national press corps has become little more than lazy lackeys for the White House.

The second step is to lay the foundation for totalitarianism by passing legislation that may later be used against the citizenry. And that is exactly what the Bush administration has very successfully accomplished. It very adroitly succeeded where the Clinton administration failed.

For example, most conservatives would be surprised to learn that the Patriot Act and Department of Homeland Security was the brainchild of one William Jefferson Clinton. However, a recalcitrant Republican Congress denied Clinton the opportunity to implement these plans. Of course, with the Republican, G.W. Bush, serving as President, that same Republican Congress was all too eager to pass these bills into law.

Whether or not individual Americans have been personally subjected to tyranny as a result of lost freedoms doesn’t change the fact that they have already lost these freedoms.
 
The third step is to demonize and marginalize anyone and everyone who opposes the government’s plans and ambitions. Such opponents are characterized as “unpatriotic,” “obstructionist,” “uncompassionate,” or even “ungodly.” Once again, the Bush minions have very skillfully done just that. Anyone who dares to oppose or even question Bush must be regarded as enemies of America or even as enemies of God.

Of course, the last step is to begin using the power and force of government to physically silence or remove those who are determined to require such treatment. And, as Germany’s National Socialists proved, by the time this happens, there is no one around who is capable of coming to the assistance of such people.

For those who are willing to objectively analyze Bush’s actions and policies, the truth is clearly seen: this President has systematically put in place laws, policies, and bureaucracies that can, are, and will continue to strip the American citizenry of the constitutional protections of their liberties.

Following are examples of freedoms which President Bush and his fellow Republicans in Congress have already expunged (as reported by the Associated Press):

FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION: Government may monitor religious and political institutions without suspecting criminal activity to assist terror investigations.

FREEDOM OF INFORMATION: Government has closed once-public immigration hearings, has secretly detained hundreds of people without charges, and has encouraged bureaucrats to resist public records questions.

FREEDOM OF SPEECH: Government may prosecute librarians or keepers of any other records if they tell anyone that the government subpoenaed information related to a terror investigation.

RIGHT TO LEGAL REPRESENTATION: Government may monitor federal prison jailhouse conversations between attorneys and clients, and deny lawyers to Americans accused of crimes.

FREEDOM FROM UNREASONABLE SEARCHES: Government may search and seize Americans’ papers and effects without probable cause to assist terror investigation.

RIGHT TO A SPEEDY AND PUBLIC TRIAL: Government may jail Americans indefinitely without a trial.

RIGHT TO LIBERTY: Americans may be jailed without being charged or being able to confront witnesses against them.

That good citizens are compliant and unconcerned regarding G.W. Bush’s propensity to trample constitutional freedoms bespeaks a great ignorance or a great apathy, or both.
 
These rights have already been lost! Whether individual Americans have been personally subjected to the resultant tyranny or not doesn’t change the fact that they have already lost these freedoms! This fact, alone, should be enough for any studious lover-of-liberty to be outraged.

That good citizens are compliant and unconcerned regarding G.W. Bush’s propensity to trample constitutional freedoms bespeaks a great ignorance or a great apathy, or both.

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© 2005 Chuck Baldwin. This article was originally circulated at chuckbaldwinlive.com and is republished in the Chronicle with permission of the author. The author, a minister who holds two doctorates of divinity, hosts a radio program called “Chuck Baldwin Live,’ whose broadcast area includes the Florida Panhandle and Southern Alabama. The program is described on its website as “conservative, Christian, pro-life, pro-family, and patriotic. We support constitutional government and the Bill of Rights. We hold fast to the principles and values expressed by the Founding Fathers and the Declaration of Independence.” The author was the Constitution Party’s 2004 vice-presidential candidate on a ticket headed by Michael Peroutka of Millersville, Md., a graduate of Loyola College in Maryland and the University of Baltimore School of Law.

Chuck Baldwin may be reached at chuck@chuckbaldwinlive.com, or visit his website at chuckbaldwinlive.com.

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Treating Psychological Trauma in Iraq and Afghanistan War Veterans

Psychologist explains problems combat veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan can face when they come home – and how they can get help

May 13, 2007 – Four years ago when President Bush declared major combat over in Iraq, the first troops began to come home to an insidiously invisible war: the psychological trauma caused by their combat experience.

In a study of soldiers returning home after that first year of war, one in eight was found to have post-traumatic stress disorder or some other mental disorder, according to a Walter Reed Army Institute of Research study reported last year in The Journal of the American Medical Association.

Now, one in three veterans of the war in Iraq, and one in nine of the military operation in Afghanistan, face mental health problems, including depression, anxiety or post-traumatic stress disorder, according to the Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America.

Among other things, veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan are experiencing family problems, drug and alcohol abuse, untreated post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and suicide – all directly attributable to service in a war zone, according to Paul Rieckhoff, a former infantry officer who formed the powerful veterans’ group.

Long-term studies of Vietnam veterans show that almost one third have required psychological care. PTSD affects their families as well.

Back From the Front: Combat Trauma, Love and the Family, a new book by psychologist and therapist Aphrodite Matsakis, explains how the psychological trauma from combat can also hurt loved ones dealing with veterans’ emotional numbing, anger, guilt and sexual difficulties – and offers ways to get help.

Author of Vietnam Wives, Matsakis has spent more than 30 years counseling veterans and their families. Her latest book is published by Sidran Institute, a nonprofit organization in Baltimore that helps people understand and recover from traumatic stress, dissociative disorders and co-occuring problems such as addictions.

For many years, the Silver Spring resident worked for the Veterans Affairs medical center and readjustment counseling services. She continues to counsel veterans and their family members in her private practice.

What is the history of combat stress? How have we looked at it?

Sending people to war has always carried a price tag. Soldiers will have some kind of stress reaction that can change a person fundamentally. In World War I, soldiers who displayed symptoms of combat stress on the battlefield were often punished and some were executed as traitors. In World War II some were accused of being cowards and put on trial. There is a dialectic here. On the one hand, we see society saying they’re traitors and weaklings while the mental health profession says this is a normal consequence.

What did you find in your early work with the wives of Vietnam veterans?

Wives would speak of husbands who were not communicative. A vet might have a sudden eruption of fury that would lead to punching a hole in the wall, then leave home for hours or days because he did not want to hurt his family.

I heard about ambivalent intimacy: a veteran very much needing the wife or girlfriend and yet being afraid to be really close. …

[Post-traumatic stress] is all about being overstimulated and understimulated, about hyperarousal and numbing. No one wants to feel like a vegetable or to be so anxious you feel as if you’re going to lose your mind.

There may be some triggers that a particular veteran might never be able to handle, like a parade, because there are too many people. He or she can’t feel safe there because they can’t monitor the situation and be fully aware of what’s going on. That can happen in any place with a lot of uncontrolled movement that’s unpredictable.

How does the public treat the spouses of veterans suffering from PTSD?

I think that basically, they’re ignored. Women I’ve counseled have shared with me that, on the one hand, they’re treated like “heroic martyrs” for “standing by their man” through thick and thin, kind of like their patriotic duty. On the other hand, they may be blamed in part for their veteran’s problems: “If only you were loving enough, understanding enough, giving enough, he wouldn’t be having half the problems he’s having.”

Wives have been accused of being “codependent” or “loving too much” by family, friends and mental health professionals. Sometimes they are accused of as being “sick” themselves for staying with a troubled veteran. If a veteran came home missing his legs, it would be expected that the wife would loyally stay with him. Yet many combat reactions have a physiological or biological basis that’s just as much to do with the body as an amputation.

Why are some vets affected more by their experience than others?

Everyone’s experience in the military is different. The rates of mental distress have been found, thus far, to be related to the degree and severity of combat experience, the degree of physical deprivation and impairment (wounded vets have the highest rates), to age – younger vets are more affected than older ones. It may matter whether or not a person was traumatized before entering combat, whether or not he or she was exposed to atrocities or friendly fire, and the amount of emotional and financial support available upon return.

What are the most common difficulties that vets suffering from PTSD show?

Feeling separate and different from those who didn’t go to war. Bewilderment and shame at having PTSD symptoms, and hence, low self-esteem, especially when the expectation is that he or she will “adjust” in a ridiculously short period of time. Depression. Being on the lookout for danger. The “death taint:” fearing that those he or she loves may be harmed. Intrusive thoughts, flashbacks, nightmares which interrupt one’s sleep or ability to concentrate. Survivor guilt. Irritability, anxiety and sadness when confronted with reminders of war experiences.

Can vets recover from this trauma?

In most people’s minds, that means returning to who you were before going to war. That would also mean that he or she does not think about their experience or have feelings about it. If that were true, then for every one of us to be “normal” we’d have to forget our own history.

I think we have to look at other definitions. Freud said mental health consisted of the ability to love, work and play. You can suffer from anxiety attacks, nightmares and other symptoms of combat trauma, but if you can still love, work and play – i.e. function – then you are recovered.

What are some of the issues that a vet’s family must confront and deal with?

A veteran’s numbing, depression and reactions to triggers. There’s the veteran’s needs for down time. Perhaps they will have to deal with problems with anger, alcohol or drugs. If the veteran has missed out on significant family events, he or she may feel like an outsider for a while. The family has to get to know each other again. There may be shifts in power; the responsibilities and power need to be shared.

Children have to get to know their parent again. They may have misinformation about his or her role in the war or about the nature of war. They may wonder if their parent harmed children. They may be proud of their parent’s military role but resentful of the fact they were away.

Do veterans with PTSD suffer from media stereotypes?

Yes. They are portrayed as walking time bombs, or as having five-hour flashbacks where they don’t know where they are or what they are doing . These sensational images make the news and make movies interesting but are hardly representative. These images are also unfair, overly simplistic and a great disservice to vets and to their families. In your book, you make the point that combat can also develop character in a positive way.

What are some of its potential benefits?

A greater appreciation of life and a greater desire to have close relationships with family and friends. There can be spiritual development as well. It may increase their ability to work in a team as well as discipline and loyalty. There’s the ability to sacrifice for a cause greater than self. Ability to handle change and uncertainty and ambiguity. Ability to handle crises.

How can we treat our returning soldiers better?

People need to learn about the full range of combat reactions (not just PTSD) and see them as a normal continuation of survival mechanisms from war. Calling vets “crazy” or “weaklings” or seeing them as “super machos” who can handle anything are also perceptions that have to go.

Only a true anti-social personality or true psychopath or a truly crazy person out of touch with reality could go through a war and not be changed by it in some way, not suffer some loss of innocence, not be anxious, angry or depressed about some aspect of his or her experience.

People need to learn not to press vets to talk and to allow them the space they need to process what happened without calling them “loners” or “anti-social.” They must respect the veterans’ emotional pain, whatever form it takes.

linell.smith@baltsun.com

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