U.S. softens on Gulf War syndrome

U.S. softens on Gulf War syndrome

Washington, DC, Nov. 4 (UPI) — A leaked report from the U.S. Department of Veterans’ Affairs indicates the government is backing away from its denial of Gulf War syndrome.

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For more than a decade, the British, U.S., Australian and Canadian governments have disputed soldiers were exposed to chemical agents such as sarin that created the syndrome, whose symptoms include chronic diarrhea, sweating, insomnia, muscle and stomach pain, fatigue, loss of memory and arthritis.

The New Scientist quoted leaks of a report due to be released next week by the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs’ Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Veterans’ Illnesses that said, “A substantial proportion of Gulf War veterans are ill with multi-system conditions not explained by wartime stress or psychiatric illness.”

Some 30 percent of Gulf veterans suffer from various combinations of fatigue, muscle and joint pains, headache, abdominal and cognitive problems — over and above non-Gulf veterans, the report says.

The report said experiments on animals have shown exposure to doses of sarin too low to cause observable immediate effects causes delayed, long-term nerve and brain damage similar to that seen in veterans

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Man Claims Anthrax Vaccine Almost Killed Him

Man Claims Anthrax Vaccine Almost Killed Him

By Tiani Jones
First Coast News

ST. AUGUSTINE, Florida — A St. Augustine man is joining hundreds of military men and women around the country, who claim the Anthrax Vaccine they were forced to take is now making them sick.

24-year-old Brad Priester said after taking the vaccine he went from being a healthy, energetic young man to having dozens of medical ailments.

“My heart is irregular now, it’s enlarged, I have high blood pressure, I have renal failure of course. I was on dialysis for nine months. My legs don’t bend, my hands don’t bend like they used to,” explains Priester.

Doctors have diagnosed him with auto-immune disease.

His mother, Cheryl Preister, says she’s watched her son deteriorate, and believes the vaccine is the cause.

“Before he got it, I said to him, I don’t really think you should get that vaccine,” said Cheryl.

But, he had no choice. Up until last week, all military personnel where forced to be vaccinated.

A federal judge put a stop to the requirement saying it was illegal.

Some believe the ruling also stemmed from people like Brad who claim the vaccine is dangerous.

“Our family has been through a living hell to almost see your 23-year-old son die,” exclaims Cheryl. “The government is wrong, and they need to take care of all these people that they’ve hurt.”

The Department of defense says they continue to believe that the vaccine is “safe and effective.”

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More Back Door Draft News: Reservist refuses to serve in Iraq, and wins

Reservist refuses to serve in Iraq, and wins

(Agencies)
Updated: 2004-11-06 13:55

A U.S. Army Reserve captain who sued the government for trying to force him into service in Iraq after he resigned has won an honorable discharge, his lawyer said on Friday.

In a similar case in California, however, a federal judge declined to block the deployment to Iraq of an Army National Guardsman who said his duty time was wrongly extended under the military “stop-loss” policy.

The cases reflect a sensitive issue over how the United States maintains its force levels in Iraq, where an intense insurgency has forced Pentagon policy makers to seek ways to supply troops.

Jay Ferriola, 31, of New York, had filed suit in Manhattan federal court seeking to keep the Army from enforcing an order returning him to active duty. The case named Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld among the defendants.

Ferriola’s lawyer, Barry Slotnick, who had called the Army’s order an illegal “back door” draft, said he dropped the suit on Friday after the Army gave his client an honorable discharge.

“We won. The case is over. He is a civilian,” Slotnick said.

“I’m very happy with the decision,” Ferriola told Reuters in a telephone interview. “Now I’m going to carry on with my life as a civilian.”

The Army Reserve was not immediately available for comment.

The suit charged that the Army’s deployment order, dated Oct. 8, violated Ferriola’s constitutional rights against “involuntary servitude” and breached his military contract.

Ferriola, who had enlisted in the U.S. Army Reserve in exchange for a scholarship at the Virginia Military Institute, completed his eight years of service with the Army in February of this year, and resigned from the Reserve in June.

He had entered the reserve in February 2000 after serving in the regular Army. Three years later he was ordered back to active duty and prepared to serve in Iraq, but his unit was never sent and he was released to the Reserve in June 2003.

Although his commanding officer recommended the resignation be approved, the suit said Ferriola never received an official response.

A lawyer involved in the case said it was not clear whether Ferriola’s order this year to go to Iraq was part of the military’s “stop-loss” policy. The stop-loss orders prevent tens of thousands of soldiers designated to serve in Iraq and Afghanistan from leaving the military if their volunteer commitments end during their deployment.

Slotnick said the case would set a precedent. “Those that are called to serve improperly have a remedy and will be able to go to a federal court to be relieved of an onerous and improper request,” he said.

In the California case, a National Guardsman listed in court documents as John Doe had filed a lawsuit last month challenging the stop-loss policy.

The military has extended the man’s time in arms and is to send him to Iraq in two weeks. The federal judge in Sacramento on Friday denied Doe’s request for a preliminary injunction to block the deployment.

The judge said Doe’s challenge appeared premature because his original period of enlistment was not due to expire until April 30, 2005. Doe has been assigned to a 545-day Iraq tour that would extend his total time under arms by nearly a year.

Doe’s attorney, Michael Sorgen, said he would appeal the judge’s ruling because the soldier is due to be shipped out soon. The judge is due to hear the merits of the suit later this month.

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Oregon Guard’s top officer says troops are left vulnerable

Oregon Guard’s top officer says troops are left vulnerable
Better armored vehicles are needed in Iraq, according to Acting Adjutant Gen. Ray Byrne
 
Tuesday, November 02, 2004

MIKE FRANCIS

The Oregon Army National Guard lacks the most effective armored vehicles in Iraq to protect soldiers from roadside bombs, the guard’s highest-ranking officer in the state said Monday.

In an interview, Acting Adjutant Gen. Ray Byrne said the military was not fully equipped to fight a grinding conflict with an insurgency that attacked convoys with powerful roadside bombs and rocket-propelled grenades.

Byrne’s comments were echoed by congressional representatives and Oregon’s governor, who said the short supply of steel-reinforced Humvees has left troops across Iraq vulnerable to attack.

The safest Humvees are those that are fully armored from the factory. But many soldiers still drive Humvees that are retrofitted, or “uparmored” with bolt-on kits. And some supply vehicles are unarmored, although they travel in convoys with armored vehicles.

“They just don’t have enough of the uparmored Humvees produced,” Gov. Ted Kulongoski said. As a result, he said, Oregon soldiers are in harm’s way with less than maximum protection.

The comments came on the heels of a Sunday night report on national television that cited equipment shortages in the Oregon Guard. The report, on CBS’s “60 Minutes,” suggested that Spc. Eric McKinley of Corvallis might have been killed in June because an improperly armored Humvee left him vulnerable.

Byrne said the report made some legitimate points about Armywide issues, but he called the focus on the McKinley case “a little misleading.”

The television network suggested that plywood-and-sandbag-reinforced Humvees, such as the one in which McKinley was killed June 13, still are used for patrols. It supported that suggestion with a picture of such Humvees, taken in early summer.

But McKinley’s death forced an immediate change of policy at Camp Cooke, now known as Camp Taji, where the 24-year-old guardsman was based. Soldiers were ordered in June to no longer use plywood-sided Humvees outside the base. The picture shown by “60 Minutes” was also taken at a different base, which also forbids the Humvees “outside the wire” on patrol.

During the Cold War, Byrne said, frontline U.S. troops received the newest and best equipment, and other units — including the guard and reserves — had to make do with older vehicles and gear. But as National Guard soldiers scrambled to deploy to Iraq last year, the Army “cross-leveled” personnel and equipment to get as much of the best equipment as possible to troops in the war zone regardless of active duty or reserve status.

If there are equipment shortages now, he said, they apply to full-time troops as well as the guard, and “it’s a congressional issue as far as I’m concerned.”

Lt. Col. Dan Hendrickson, who commands the Oregon Guard’s 2nd Battalion, 162nd Infantry in Iraq, said by e-mail Monday that the televised report “was somewhat disappointing.” He said that even though each individual soldier may not have every piece of equipment he wants all of the time, “plenty is available mission by mission.”

“The armored (Humvee) issue is of course very real,” he continued. “We have received additional (fully armored Humvees) since we arrived, and I have no doubt we will continue to receive our fair share as they become available.”

Three Democratic members of Oregon’s congressional delegation have pressed the Army for the past 12 months to ensure that National Guard soldiers are fully equipped. They said Monday they were upset that the job isn’t finished.

“The Pentagon is awash in money,” said Rep. Peter DeFazio of Eugene, whose district includes the home armory for the 2nd Battalion, 162nd Infantry. “I don’t believe this is a monetary issue. My understanding is that the procurement system is a mess.”

DeFazio and other members of the delegation were circulating a letter Monday in which they would demand a briefing from the Department of Defense about how well the National Guard is outfitted.

“I do have hope things will improve,” said Rep. Darlene Hooley, who represents the district that includes the Corvallis armory, home to McKinley’s B Company of the 2nd Battalion. “As we have brought up these issues, things have gotten better.”

Hooley cited the equipment shortages that were present during training of the Oregon Guard troops, from toilet paper to bullets. Before they went to Iraq, she said, guardsmen seemed to be at the back of the line for everything from bedding to body armor. National Guard soldiers were trapped by a monetary squeeze that occurred when they transitioned from state to federal control, she said.

Soldiers training in Texas before their deployment ultimately had to use state-issued credit cards to buy such staples as toothpaste and food, even though they had been transferred to federal control, Kulongoski said. “The absorption of the National Guard into the regular Army has not gone smoothly,” he said.

Oregon Guardsmen in Iraq still tell horror stories about the squalid and spartan conditions they found when they trained in stateside Army bases. But now that they’re in Iraq, most say, they get their fair share of equipment.

Rep. Earl Blumenauer, who said he has been raising this issue for almost a year, said he was “outraged” by the fact that troops in Iraq aren’t fully protected, when billions are being spent on missile defense and hundreds of millions on planning for next-generation aircraft.

“They have not placed a priority on the safety of our troops,” the congressman said. “It just makes my blood boil.”

Wars are always chaotic and deadly, Byrne said.

“Sometimes we forget that we’re fighting a thinking enemy,” he said. “They look for a weakness, and the weakness they found is our logistical tail.”

Troops need supplies, and they need to drive over unguarded roads to get them, he said.

“You can’t be 100 percent on everything,” he said. “You’ve got missions to run and you’ve got to do the missions.”

Mike Francis: 503-294-5955; mikefrancis@news.oregonian.com

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National Guard Falls 12 Percent of Recruiting Goal due to Iraq War


Summary: National Guard Recruit Struggles

By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Filed at 5:09 a.m. ET

THE NUMBERS: Nationally, the Army Guard reached 88 percent of its goal of 56,000 recruits this year, signing up 49,210. Ohio was about 500 off its target; Iowa down about 130.

THE REASONS: Concerns about the war in Iraq and possible long overseas deployment; Pentagon orders that keep some soldiers from leaving active duty and going into the guard; and turnover among recruiters.

THE NEW INCENTIVES: More signing bonuses. Free hunting and fishing licenses. Pink T-shirts for female recruits.

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GIs Lack Armor, Radios, Bullets

GIs Lack Armor, Radios, Bullets

Two weeks ago, a group of Army reservists in Iraq refused a direct order to go on a dangerous operation to re-supply another unit with jet fuel.

Without helicopter gunships to escort them over a treacherous stretch of highway, and lacking armored vehicles, soldiers from the 343rd Quartermaster Company called it a suicide mission.

The Army called it an isolated incident, a temporary breakdown in discipline, and an investigation is underway.

But the 343rd isn’t the first outfit to be put in harm’s way without proper equipment, and commanders in Iraq acknowledged that the unit’s concerns were legitimate, even if their mutiny was not.

With a $400 billion defense budget you might think U.S. troops have everything they need to fight the war, but that’s not always the case.

Correspondent Steve Kroft talks to a general, soldiers in Iraq, and their families at home about a lack of armored vehicles, field radios, night vision goggles, and even ammunition – especially for the National Guard and reserve units that now make up more than 40 percent of U.S. troops.

In this report, Kroft also talks to Sen. John McCain about how pork-barrel politics have shortchanged troops on the ground.


Every couple of weeks Karen Preston gets a telephone call from her son Ryan who is serving in Iraq with the Oregon National Guard.

But Karen Preston has been worrying a lot ever since last summer when Ryan returned home on leave and showed her these photos of the unarmored vehicles his unit was using for convoy duty in Iraq.

Lacking the proper steel plating to protect soldiers from enemy mines and rocket propelled grenades, they had been jerry-rigged with plywood and sandbags.

“They were called cardboard coffins,” Preston says.

There have been more than 9,000 U.S. casualties in Iraq so far – more than 8,100 wounded and 1,100 killed. Nearly half of those casualties are the result of roadside bombs, known as improvised explosive devices or IEDs in military jargon. Yet the U.S. military still lacks thousands of fully armored vehicles that could save American lives.

Specialist Ronald Pepin, who serves in Baghdad with the New York National Guard, says, “They have no ground plating. So if you hit something underneath you, then it’s going to kill the whole crew, you know? And that’s just something you have to live with.”

Staff Sgt. Sean Davis from the Oregon National Guard was critically wounded last June when his unarmored Humvee hit an IED outside of Baghdad. He suffered shrapnel wounds, burns, and was unable to walk for six weeks.

Davis said his Humvee was armored with plywood, sandbags, and armor salvaged from old Iraqi tanks.

He considers himself lucky that he wasn’t killed in the blast. His friend and fellow guardsman Eric McKinley, who was riding in the same vehicle, wasn’t so fortunate. The 24-year-old Army specialist died of his wounds. His father Tom said his son was supposed to have been discharged from the Oregon National Guard a few months before his death, but was held over because of the war.

McKinley says his son would have stood a lot better chance of surviving had his vehicle been fully armored.

“Our troops need to be protected over there to the best ability that we can protect them and it’s not being done,” he says.

The Department of Defense denied a 60 Minutes request for an on-camera interview to explain the situation. But responding to a written question about vehicles traveling dangerous routes in Iraq being armored with plywood and sandbags, the Army told us, “As long as the Army has a single vehicle without armor, we expect that our soldiers will continue to find ways to increase their level of protection.”

60 Minutes went to a man more familiar with the problems facing the Oregon National Guard than anyone else – its commanding general, Ray Byrne. General Byrne was somewhat reluctant to talk when 60 Minutes showed him pictures of his men’s Humvees and trucks, armored with plywood and sandbags.

“If you have nothing then that’s better than nothing. The question becomes then again when – when are they going to receive the full up armored Humvees? And I don’t have that answer,” says Gen. Byrne.

“It distresses me greatly that they do not have the equipment. I don’t have control over it. The soldiers don’t have control over it. The question becomes, ‘When is it going to be available? When is it going to be available? When will they have it?'”

There are still no good answers to those questions. Most of the vehicles in Iraq arrived there without armor plating, because the Pentagon war planners didn’t anticipate a long, bloody insurgency.

But 18 months after President Bush declared an end of major combat, the Pentagon is still struggling to provide the equipment needed to fight the war.

Oregon Congresswoman Darlene Hooley, a Democrat whose district includes Gen. Byrne’s National Guard, complained to the secretary of defense. She says she thinks the vehicles are not fully armored yet because military planners didn’t anticipate an insurgency.

“We didn’t have enough armored vehicles,” she says. “They weren’t manufactured.”

Congress has appropriated additional money for armored trucks and Humvees, over $800 million in the current defense bill.

The Army told 60 Minutes they will have produced 8,100 fully-armored Humvees by March.

However, production is lagging behind the urgent need, and the Pentagon’s interim solution is shipping so-called “add-on armor” kits to Iraq, where they are being bolted on to thousands of vehicles.

But most of those add-ons don’t protect the bottom of the vehicle, leaving them vulnerable to an explosive device.

And it isn’t the only equipment problem facing soldiers in Iraq.

Oregon guardsman Sean Davis told us that his unit was short ammunition and night vision goggles, and lacked radios to communicate with each other.

He says guardsman were using walkie-talkies that they or their families purchased from a sporting goods or similar store. “And anybody can pick up those signals, you know,” he says. “And we don’t have the radios that we need.”

Gen. Byrne says stories about families in Oregon having to go out and buy for their sons and daughters radio equipment, body armor, GPS gear, computers and night vision goggles because they weren’t being issued are true.

He said some Guard units are also using Vietnam era M-16 assault rifles, which he calls adequate for state duty but not acceptable for duty in Iraq. There is also a bullet shortage for training, he says.

It bothers him, but “there’s nothing I can do about it,” he says.

“If I was making the decisions, I would readjust,” he says. “The soldier on the ground should be a focus. When that’s taken care of you can take care of other stuff.”

The Army acknowledged to 60 Minutes that there is a shortage of radios in Iraq and a shortage of bullets for training, and says both are in the process of being remedied. There have also been problems with maintenance and replacement parts for critical equipment like Abrams tanks, Bradley personnel carriers and Black Hawk helicopters.

Winslow Wheeler, a long time Capitol Hill staffer who spent years writing and reviewing defense appropriations bills, thinks he knows one reason why those shortages exist, after looking at the current Defense budget. Army accounts that pay for training, maintenance and repairs are being raided by Congress to pay for pork-barrel spending.

Wheeler says $2.8 billion that was earmarked for operations and maintenance to support U.S. troops has been used to “pay the pork bill.”

Wheeler, who has written a book called “The Wastrels of Defense,” says congressmen routinely hide billions of dollars in pet projects in the defense bill.

And buried in the back of this one, Wheeler found a biathlon jogging track in Alaska, a brown tree snake eradication program in Hawaii, a parade ground maintenance contract for a military base that closed years ago, and money for the Lewis and Clark Bicentennial celebration.

By law, these projects can’t be cut, so Pentagon bookkeepers will have to dip into operations and maintenance accounts to pay for them.

“They do all kinds of things that adds up to: ‘We’re basically eating our own young to support the war,'” he says.

According to Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., a member of the Armed Services Committee who speaks out against pork-barrel spending, there is a total of $8.9 billion of pork in this year’s defense bill, which would go a long way toward upgrading all the equipment used by the National Guard.

“I don’t think that this war has truly come home to the Congress of the United States,” McCain says. “This is the first time in history that we’ve cut taxes during a war. So I think that a lot of members of Congress feel that this is just sort of a business-as-usual situation.”

“The least sexy items are the mundane – food, repair items, maintenance – there’s no big contract there,” says McCain. “And so there’s a tendency that those mundane but vital aspects of war fighting are cut and routinely underfunded.”

It is not a comforting thought for families with loved ones in Iraq, who lack armored vehicles, radios or things they need to stay alive. It’s on Karen Preston’s mind every time she talks to her son.

“He’s very pro-military, as am I,” she says. “I just want them to have the best equipment.”

Some armored vehicles have now been shipped to her son’s unit, but without protection on the bottom of the vehicle, an insurgent’s explosive is just as deadly.

Specialist Pepin on the New York Guard says, “It’s kind of like an act of faith. When you get in your vehicle, you just hope, you know. Say a little prayer before you go out.”

This weekend, Acting Secretary of the Army Les Brownlee wrote to 60 Minutes saying, “The Army has made great strides in improving the capabilities of all units deploying to Iraq as the nature of the conflict has changed.” He noted the president approved spending $840 million to improve the armor on Humvees in Iraq.

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A Soldier Speaks: Sean Huze


A Soldier Speaks: Sean Huze

Editor’s Note: This is the last in a series of profiles of some of the tens of thousands of Iraq War veterans who have come home bearing the scars of battle – emotional and physical wounds that may never heal unless the nation pays them the attention and care that they deserve. We at AlterNet believe that in an election defined by a deep and bitter partisan divide, it is the one issue that can and must bring us all together as Americans.

Sean Huze was once a true believer. The day after the Sept. 11 attacks, the actor walked into the nearest recruiter’s office in Los Angeles and enlisted himself in the United States Marine Corps. Sixteen months later, he was headed for Iraq as part of the 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, leaving behind his wife and young son.

The same idealism and belief in President Bush’s war on terror that prompted Sean to enlist sustained him through a long and dangerous tour of duty. His first taste of battle: a 12-hour fire-fight just outside Al Nassiriyah. His unit – which was involved in battles from Al Kut to Baghdad and Tikrit – was recognized over and again for its tenacity and courage. Sean’s own list of combat achievements were just as long: a Certificate of Commendation citing his “courage and self sacrifice throughout sustained combat operations”; the Combat Action Ribbon; Meritorious Promotion for Corporal; the Presidential Unit Citation, the National Defense Service Medal, and on and on.

Sean Huze was one tough, committed Marine.

His first months back at home were blissful, spent reveling in the warmth of a hero’s welcome. But then there was the discovery of internal nerve damage that had gone undetected in Iraq. His terrible headaches were diagnosed as a post-concussive condition caused by injuries suffered during a truck accident.

The pain of betrayal, however, would be far harder to bear. When he discovered that none of the reasons offered by his commander inchief to justify the Iraq war were true, Sean found himself falling into despair. He started pouring his heart out in a journal, which would eventually become the basis for a play, “The Sandstorm.” The Los Angeles Times praised “The Sandstorm” for its “shocking force and awesome honesty” in capturing the stark, terrible reality of war.

Sean sees the play as an affirmation of other veterans questioning the the war – be it the reasons for war or the way it’s being fought. He says, “Be it Operation Truth or Iraq Veterans Against the War, we’re not lone voices. We’re part of a gathering storm.”

As for making peace with his inner pain, Sean says the wounds may never heal. But that, he says, is a good thing: “When you’re part of something that’s wrong, I don’t know if you should feel okay about it. I don’t know if it should heal. I hope it always hurts.”

Sean spoke to AlterNet via phone from Los Angeles.

Is there one memory from the war that still stays with you?

There was a little Iraqi girl – probably four or five years old. I remember her giving me a peace sign. It was probably 10 or 15 miles south of Baghdad [during the invasion] when the kids would all come running out. She was just a beautiful little girl. What stays with me is her innocence.

I gave her the peace sign right back, of course. And her little face just lit up. But the difference was my lack of innocence. When I gave her the peace sign, well, it was just bad, I guess. It was not the road we were on – not the road we’re on now. You could say my job as a soldier was the direct opposite of that – peace.

When you look back, how has this war changed you?

I can never be the man I was before I left for Iraq. I had a lot of faith. I was a true believer in the administration’s justification for the war – about the weapons of mass destruction and Iraq being an imminent threat. I believed in what we were doing when we were over there.

That belief I had in the administration allowed me to balance what I was seeing, what I was experiencing, what I was a part of. With all that death and destruction – the deaths of soldiers and Iraqi civilians who were caught in the crossfire – it helped that I believed that it was all for a greater good.

Coming home, at first it was about being back with my family – y’know, the yellow ribbon around the tree, the flags, and the “Welcome Home” signs. For a few months, I couldn’t allow myself to believe that it was all for a lie.

I know the real transition in me happened when my eyes were opened – when I realized that there were no weapons of mass destruction. I realized that Saddam Hussein was not a threat to not just the United States but to any of the countries on his borders. That there was no tie to Sept. 11. And these were what I now believe were intentional misrepresentations and manipulation.

When you realize this, then you don’t have anything to balance everything you’ve seen and been through. You’re just stuck with it. And it hurts. You have to deal with what you’ve already been through – the death and destruction that’s haunting you. But now you’re also dealing with a sense of betrayal that you’d trusted most. That’s what I was left with – what I’m still left with.

So in terms of change, I now don’t have any faith in the policymakers of this administration. We all collectively as a nation allowed ourselves – and I was part of that – to fall for this “You’re either with us or against us” and therefore “You’re either a patriot or with the terrorists” thinking. And if those are the only two choices, then of course I’m a patriot.

So one of the things that has changed for the positive is that it helped me realize that true patriotism is questioning our leaders. That’s what our country is founded on. That’s what men like me put our lives on the line to defend. So protesting the war does not equate with protesting those of us in uniform. It’s not unpatriotic to want to get our guys home from the war zone.

What are your hopes and fears now that you look at the future?

My immediate hope is a change of leadership right here in this country. I think regime change in the United States of America is the most important and critical regime change needed in the world right now.

I think there are two clear alternatives in this election. New leadership can show the compassion and understanding that would bring our European allies – who have always supported the U.S. in the past – back to the table. It could talk to the Arab countries and [laughs] maybe even take their culture and their ideas into account in our policy on the Middle East. And that’s what we need – to remove the American face from the occupation and turn it into an international effort to rebuild Iraq.

My fear is obviously the opposite – that for whatever reason, a majority of Americans haven’t seen the truth yet or refuse to look at the truth. So this administration will not just be in power for four years, but that it will be four years when they are not accountable for their actions – because we don’t get a chance to vote them out of office.

My fear is that the war will escalate and so will the human toll – both for our soldiers and Iraqi civilians. I fear that it will become my son’s problem. That the next generation of Americans will be paying the price for the mistakes we make today. That 15-16 years from now, they will reap what we sow today.

If you had five minutes with the president – whomever it may be on Nov. 3, George Bush or John Kerry – what would you say to him?

It would probably be very different in each case. I would like the opportunity to look in the face of the person who has sent me and hundreds of thousands of other soldiers in harm’s way for reasons that have now been proven false. I would like to look him in the eye and see if he would admit his mistakes. I’d ask him how he planned to rectify those mistakes. I’d like to see how he can justify his actions to the families of those soldiers who didn’t come home.

Should it be a new commander in chief, I would take the opportunity to remind him how hard people have worked to put him in this position. I would beseech him to change the course in Iraq. We need to get our young men and women home. But we also need to fulfill our obligation to the people of Iraq to leave them with a country that is in better shape than when we came in.

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Under Fire: Haunted by Memories of War, A Soldier Battles The Army

Under Fire: Haunted by Memories of War, A Soldier Battles The Army

By Lynne Duke
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, November 1, 2004; Page C01

 

“Satchel bomb!”

 

His shout shatters the night. The lieutenant is fighting, barking orders. He hollers and grunts. On the sofa at a friend’s house, 1st Lt. Jullian Philip Goodrum, U.S. Army Reserve, wrestles and thrashes, fighting a war as he sleeps.

 

Pam McGill can hear him. She bolts upright in bed in her Knoxville, Tenn., home and rushes to the living room.

 

They’ve been friends for 20 years. Goodrum used to sing in her youth choir at a local Baptist church back in Powell, their Tennessee home town. Goodrum, 34, had only brothers. So McGill became a big sister. And on his return from service in Iraq last summer, his old friend became an angel of mercy.

 

“It was like he was under fire or something,” McGill, 43, recalls of those awful nightmares.

 

She remembers him shouting “Clear!” and words she could not understand.

 

“He was talking about somebody dropping a bomb off a bridge and he was trying to keep his men safe.”

 

Other times, on other nights that Goodrum himself describes, he’d relive those bleak seconds aboard the USS Missouri when he was in the Navy during the Persian Gulf War and an Iraqi missile drew a bead on his ship.

 

“Brace for shock,” a voice bellowed over the ship’s PA. Then the countdown to impact. “Sixty yards. Fifty yards. Forty yards . . .”

 

Goodrum, a gunner’s mate, bowed his head, expecting to die. “Dear God, forgive my sins. Please watch over my mother and my brothers.”

 

A nearby British vessel saved the day, shooting the missile down 30 yards from the Missouri. Goodrum still sees the huge explosion, its yellow light, in his dreams. He cannot shake that image, or the seconds he thought were his last.

 

The strain and fear stalked him through one war, through the years that followed, then into a second war. Each dangerous convoy in Iraq — “suicide missions,” the troops called them, because they were so poorly equipped — fueled his secret panic, his fear that one of his soldiers would die. And then one of his men did die.

 

His stress became a beast that grew and grew — especially after he was turned away from an Army medical clinic last fall when he sought help in the midst of a mental collapse. The beast just overwhelmed him, just mauled him as he slept.

 

“Phil, you’re here, you’re safe, wake up.” McGill would coax him back from his hell. She’d hold him tight, to stop his thrashing. He would awaken; he would quiet. But there was no calm.

 

“He would just go into that little trance again. Shaking. His hands would shake tremendously.”

 

Goodrum’s green Class A uniform is crisp, his dress shoes shiny, his black beret properly tilted. Four rows of ribbons rest above the pocket of his pressed shirt.

 

They tell a soldier’s story: U.S. Navy seaman, turned Tennessee National Guardsman, turned U.S. Army reservist, activated for duty in Iraq. He is a straight-back, yes-ma’am, no-sir kind of guy, church raised, proper, gung-ho.

 

He walks with soldierly precision through the mist that shrouds Walter Reed Army Medical Center on a morning rendered surreal because of what lies ahead. On this October day, he will fight his other war — his war with the U.S. Army.

 

He is sweating, already, even before he climbs the columned steps that lead to the offices of the Army’s Judge Advocate General’s Corps. Prosecutors there are waiting for him. They want him out of the military that he has loved so well.

 

He pops the first of a series of anti-anxiety pills prescribed to stanch the panic attacks. The meds will hold him steady through a day on which his life may depend. By day’s end, he will have taken double the dosage recommended as part of his regimen of medications for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

 

An Army survey, completed last December, found that 17 percent of soldiers and Marines who’d returned from duty in Iraq reported symptoms of major depression, anxiety or PTSD. The number is expected to go higher with time, as more soldiers return from duty in this conventional war that has become a harsh counterinsurgency campaign. And Matthew J. Friedman, executive director of the National Center for PTSD, predicts that many more PTSD cases will go unreported; the Army survey also found that soldiers still are intensely reluctant to divulge their symptoms because of fear of being stigmatized as weak.

 

“I’d rather be an amputee than a psychological patient,” Goodrum says one day. He knows the stigma he symbolizes.

 

At Walter Reed, where he has lived since February, he is surrounded by soldiers missing arms and legs. When you’ve lost a limb, people can clearly see what’s wrong with you, what happened to you, he says. When you’re injured psychologically, people can’t see it. They see a physically healthy person and wonder what the heck could be wrong.

 

Goodrum wonders too.

 

“How did my mind become weak, you know? I’ve been in 16 years. I’ve trained. I made top of my class.”

 

He’s been in the military since 1989. It seemed his only option after graduation from a small-town high school. He ran track, wrestled, played football and led the student council. But his grades were just okay, not good enough to qualify for the college scholarships he’d counted on.

 

He earned his college degree nonetheless, studying aboard the Missouri (when not in action), then finishing up at the University of Tennessee with a degree in history.

 

He studied what we now call the “greatest generation.” And Lt. Gen. Lewis “Chesty” Puller, the legendary U.S. Marine commander at Guadalcanal during World War II, was his icon.

 

“I’ve read his book several times,” says Goodrum, whose childhood stutter occasionally trips up his speech. “He was a soldier’s soldier.”

 

And that’s what Goodrum modeled himself on: being a leader who took care of his troops. Even in the midst of his troubles last fall, he still wanted to return to Iraq, he says. Goodrum’s military records show glowing performance reviews and character references.

 

“My most pleasure was when I led soldiers,” he said recently, a wistful look in his eye as he pulled incessantly at a glob of putty his therapist gave him to help calm his nerves.

 

“I just love soldiering.”

Proper Procedure

His career seems just about over. Goodrum’s chronic PTSD, diagnosed by both Army and civilian psychiatrists, will likely render him unable to continue in the service. An Army medical board ruling on his future service is pending.

 

And there’s a court-martial looming, too. The same Army that is treating Goodrum for PTSD also is prosecuting him because he did not request the appropriate military leave before checking himself into a civilian psychiatric hospital last fall, during a mental breakdown.

 

For that, he’s been charged as AWOL — absent without leave — even though he was turned away from medical care at Fort Knox, Ky., his base, on the day of his breakdown, according to testimony in his case.

 

Military prosecutors say his case is about accountability. Period. He did not follow procedure, and there are consequences.

 

“This case is not about equipment problems [in Iraq]. This case is not about having radios [in convoys]. This case is not about PTSD,” Capt. Natricia Wright, the JAG’s lead prosecutor on the case, said in her closing argument last week. “This case is about accountability.”

 

Goodrum’s civilian defense lawyer argued that PTSD was at the very core of the case.

 

“He’s been injured,” said Matthew J. MacLean, of Shaw Pittman. “He’s been injured just as surely as if he’d been shot.”

 

Goodrum himself believes that retaliation has fueled the case. He had complained on several occasions about poor command decisions in Iraq by his captain, Randall “Burt” Fisher, of the 212th Transportation Company. And he’d also been quoted in an Oct. 29, 2003, United Press International article complaining that he’d been “treated like dirt” while awaiting medical treatment at Fort Knox.

 

He believes he has been branded a whistle-blower — and punished. In addition to the AWOL charge, he’s been charged for alleged fraternization with a female sergeant, which he denies. Fisher, the captain, was the driving force behind the fraternization charge. Fisher testified that rumors about Goodrum’s behavior had caused low morale in the unit. First Lt. Jason Eisele testified that Fisher intensely disliked Goodrum and coerced witnesses into giving statements against Goodrum to bolster the fraternization case.

 

Army officials would not comment beyond what they said in the hearing.

 

Goodrum could be imprisoned for up to six years. He could be dismissed from the military. For an officer, dismissal is the equivalent of a dishonorable discharge, which means he could be disqualified from the federal job he held in civilian life. If dismissed, he would lose his military medical benefits, too, and would be ineligible for care under the Department of Veterans Affairs.

 

“Basically, everything is on the line for Lieutenant Goodrum,” says MacLean.

 

In his Class A’s last week, Goodrum sat sweating during the legal to-and-fro in a small Walter Reed conference room crammed with lawyers and a few supporters. He’s facing an Article 32 hearing, the military equivalent of a civilian grand jury, except that only one person will rule on the case. An investigating officer (in this case, Lt. Col. Michael Amaral of the Army Medical Service Corps)will forward a recommendation up the chain of command on whether Goodrum should be court-martialed.

The Darkest Point

Brakes screech behind him. They are loud, very loud — loud enough to snap him out of it, to bring him back to reality. In his rearview mirror, he sees a tractor-trailer bearing down on his Honda Civic, its driver trying desperately not to slam into him.

 

He’s on an interstate near Fort Knox. His speedometer reads 5 mph. He guns it and swerves out of the truck’s path.

 

He doesn’t know how he got on the interstate. He doesn’t remember driving there. But he remembers what happened earlier in the day, on base, at Fort Knox. He begins to cry. For hours, he can’t stop.

 

He drives home, to Knoxville, to his mother. She calls McGill, the old friend, who also is a trained EMT and cardiac technician. The next morning, the two women take Goodrum to St. Mary’s Medical Center, where he will be admitted to the psychiatric ward. Goodrum is practically blithering.

 

“He was just not functional. He could not make a complete sentence,” says McGill. “His eyes were fixed. . . . He was just, like, in a stare. It was like he couldn’t make contact with you.

 

“He just kept saying ‘I need help. I need help. They won’t help me. They won’t help me.’ And I’m going, ‘Phil, we’re gonna help you, we’re gonna help you.’ ”

 

It was Nov. 7, 2003 — the day Fort Knox denied him treatment, the day he went AWOL and entertained thoughts of his own death.

 

He’d been pressing closer and closer to this moment for months, with each accumulated stress, each life-or-death situation, each episode of conflict with his superiors.

 

Actually, his problem went back several years. Walter Reed’s chief of inpatient psychiatric services, Col. Theodore Nam, testified during the Article 32 hearing that Goodrum’s PTSD probably began with the Gulf War. His USS Missouri nightmares, which began only recently, are evidence of what has been embedded in his psyche.

 

But when he was activated for deployment in the Iraq War, Goodrum did not consider himself stressed. He did not consider himself impaired. He was, in fact, eager to serve. He’d been qualified as a logistics officer, an ordnance officer, and had completed a support operations course. He was ready.

 

Attached to the 212th Transportation Company, Goodrum went to war in April 2003. As a lieutenant, he was a platoon leader. His troops drove huge rigs called palletized loading systems, or PLSs, which can haul 33 tons.

 

But things went south fast. He believed the support troops were being put in danger by poor command decisions involving supplies and equipment. He began filing complaints with the Army inspector general about troop preparedness, a move he feels sowed the seeds for retaliation.

 

Goodrum says he complained because he feared that “somebody was gonna get killed.”

 

As he describes his many filed complaints, one wonders: Is this man a chronic malcontent? MacLean, during the hearing, described his client as a man “fixated” on details.

 

“Details save lives,” Goodrum says in one of many interviews. “The Army is based on several foundations, but one of them is attention to detail. Maybe I’ve taken it to extremes, but I’ve been put in some extreme situations.

 

“Yes, I’m a complainer when my soldiers’ welfare is at stake and they’re put in harm’s way unnecessarily and they’re sent out on missions without the correct equipment. So yes, if that would make me a complainer, then yes.”

 

This is what he means: He and his men were forced to run supply convoys with no proper maps (only crude hand-drawn renderings); no radios (only the PLS’s digital messaging systems); no heavy weapons (only their individual M-16s); no intelligence on the regions in which they’d be traveling; no armor to protect the two-person cabs of their trucks.

 

One soldier ripped a couple of manhole covers from an Iraqi street and welded them to his PLS cab doors for extra protection, Goodrum recalls. And Goodrum ordered the troops to pile sandbags on their PLS floorboards to absorb blasts.

 

Convoys routinely came under small weapons or rocket fire. And they routinely got lost. Goodrum remembers harrowing encounters that plunged him into bouts of private panic.

 

He’d talk himself out of them by repeating his mantra: “Command and control. I got to keep command and control. Command my soldiers, implement plans and control the situation and get the hell out of here.”

 

Once he was a breath away from killing or being killed. A wrong turn left his convoy looking for a place to turn around. Goodrum and two other soldiers got out of their Humvee and stopped local traffic so the PLSs could move.

 

He noticed several men in a white car, from which an AK-47 was pointed right at him, The car was two feet away. He too had his M-16 ready to fire. He just stood there, eyes trained on the gunman’s fingers, which weren’t near the trigger. One slight movement of the trigger finger, and Goodrum would have blasted him. After a couple of minutes, the car moved on.

 

And so it went — the threat of death lurking all around, he says, “360 degrees, 24 hours a day.”

 

One day he dropped his M-16. In fact, he dropped everything. Suddenly, he could not grasp objects. Army doctors weren’t sure what was wrong. But clearly he could not remain in Iraq. In July, three months into his deployment, Goodrum was medevaced home.

 

He would need surgery. The diagnosis was bilateral carpal tunnel syndrome. But there was a tangle of Army red tape to navigate, between two separate military bases — Camp Atterbury, Ind., his mobilization site, and Fort Knox, where the region’s Medical Hold Company was based — and between various commanders.

 

Then, in August, he got word. Back in Iraq, Sgt. Kenneth Harris, 23, a much-loved member of the 212th, had been killed in a PLS accident. The truck in which Harris was riding broke down several times on a convoy. In trying to catch up, the driver somehow crashed into the back of another PLS. Harris was sheared in half, and his death was so traumatic to his fellow soldiers on the convoy that seven went to counseling, says Staff Sgt. Reginal Coleman, a passenger in the vehicle that was struck.

 

Goodrum had been especially fond of Harris. He viewed him as a natural leader who would rise in the military hierarchy. Goodrum felt he’d been kicked in the gut. And he felt that someone must be held responsible.

 

He filed another complaint — once he learned details of the accident — about the preparedness of the 212th and its command.

 

“And it saddened me because I knew it was coming and I had done everything in my power to prevent a death,” Goodrum says.

Hold in Abeyance

Back at Fort Knox that September, Goodrum had surgery on his left hand. But he had to wait weeks to begin physical therapy. And weeks more passed before he could iron out the red tape for surgery on his right hand.

 

Conditions for soldiers on medical hold at Fort Knox and elsewhere were poor. There were too few doctors. Soldiers faced lengthy waits for processing and treatment. Many soldiers were sent to civilian physicians. And the base accommodations often were poor. Congress ultimately would investigate and recommend changes.

 

Goodrum filed more official complaints. And he made his “treated like dirt” comment to UPI. It made him a bit infamous on base. He felt it put a bull’s-eye on his back.

 

Goodrum’s treatment situation was becoming even more maddening. Suddenly, there were confusing complications in his quest to get surgery for his right hand. On Oct. 29, oddly, he was dropped from “medical hold” at Fort Knox, though he still needed care.

 

On Nov. 5, at a base clinic, he says, snide comments were made to his face about his outspokenness in the press. He claims a clinic attendant told him he would not be getting his second surgery.

 

He was so angry, so unnerved, he began to cry. He called a medical case manager. He called a commander he knew. He received assurances that of course he would receive his surgery.

 

So on Nov. 7, he reported to the Fort Knox hospital to begin the process. He would have to be readmitted to medical hold. And he also asked for help with the emotionalism and anxiety that seemed to keep overwhelming him. He wouldn’t get very far.

 

Lt. Col. Ronald Stevens, then the deputy chief of clinical services at Fort Knox, had been checking up on Goodrum. Stevens had looked at Goodrum’s records after the UPI article, Stevens testified at the Article 32 hearing. Stevens thought Goodrum had exaggerated. The UPI article, said Stevens, contained “untruths.”

 

In his testimony, Stevens claimed he wanted to meet Goodrum. He had instructed medical staff to not readmit Goodrum into the medical hold company, but to send him to see Stevens instead.

 

The physician’s assistant who handled Goodrum that day testified that he remembered few details about the encounter. What Goodrum remembers is this: being told that Stevens did not want him to be treated. And a note on a page of Goodrum’s records from Ireland Army Community Hospital at Fort Knox reads, “Colonel Stevens do not [sic] want this pt. to be in med. hold.”

 

Goodrum was sent away. He was, in effect, denied treatment.

 

“I acknowledge that my direction was misunderstood,” Stevens testified at the hearing. “I acknowledge that he was turned away.”

 

MacLean, Goodrum’s lawyer, shot back, “I guess now he [Goodrum] knows that being treated like dirt is better than not being treated at all.”

Every Day a New Trial

“Getting up is the hardest part.” Just getting out of bed each morning is a challenge.

 

“If you get up, brush your teeth and get dressed, you’re on a roll.” Goodrum chuckles. Not because it’s funny, but because he remembers how hard it was for him, a few months ago, just to greet the day.

 

He’s been living at Walter Reed since Feb. 9 — first on the psychiatric ward, then as a psychiatric outpatient housed in a dormitory-style room in Mologne House on the Walter Reed grounds.

 

Vijay Jethanandani, Goodrum’s civilian psychiatrist from St. Mary’s in Knoxville, treated him as long as he could. But by the end of last year, when Goodrum’s medical benefits had been cut off because of his AWOL status, Goodrum began to consider other options.

 

He felt he could not return to Fort Knox. Jethanandani agreed. They decided Goodrum should present himself to a different Army medical facility for help, and Walter Reed emerged as the right choice. Jethanandani wrote a letter for Goodrum to carry with him, explaining his condition, his medications, and urging Walter Reed not to send him back to Fort Knox.

 

McGill drove him to the District. He arrived at the Walter Reed hospital emergency room, in full Class A dress, and presented himself as a sick, AWOL soldier in need of help.

 

As is normal for newly admitted psychiatric patients, Goodrum was confined to Walter Reed’s psychiatric ward, Ward 54 — a secure ward where patients aren’t free to come and go. Goodrum progressed well on that ward. On Feb. 19, he was scheduled to be moved to the less secure Ward 53, according to his patient records.

 

But Stevens’s intervention was not over. On Feb. 18, Stevens spoke to Walter Reed officials, according to testimony both from Stevens and from Nam, as well as Goodrum’s patient records. It is not clear what Stevens told Walter Reed’s doctors that they did not already know. After Stevens’s intervention, Nam’s staff decided not to move Goodrum.

 

He was held an additional two weeks on Ward 54, colloquially called the lockdown ward, due to what doctors variously called “legal/admin concerns” or “recent admin developments,” the records show. Nam, in his testimony, also explained the prolonged Ward 54 stay in terms of the alternatives: Goodrum’s AWOL status could even have landed him in jail, or gotten him hauled back to Fort Knox.

 

Normally, though, Ward 54 would be used for patients considered a threat to themselves or others. Goodrum, according to his records, was considered neither.

 

On March 2, after the UPI reported on Goodrum’s confinement, he finally was released from Ward 54 and moved to 53 as originally planned. Then, he was downgraded further, to outpatient status, living on his own at Mologne House while continuing therapy.

 

Life, now, is waiting. He goes to counseling both at Walter Reed and at a U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) facility in Silver Spring. In counseling, he returns again and again to Sgt. Harris, to the circumstances of his death.

 

He spends lots of time with Steve Robinson, executive director of the Silver Spring-based National Gulf War Resource Center, who has become his close friend and advocate. It’s not just Robinson who helps him, but Robinson’s bulldog Bluto. Goodrum loves dogs, and is away from his own back home.

 

Most days, Goodrum tries to just fly “under the radar,” as he puts it, trying to stay away from the “stressors” that can set off his panic, his flashbacks, his racing thoughts. He’s on several medications, still.

 

Movie theaters are a good place to hide, he’s found. In two months, he’s seen 20 films. It’s best to go to early matinees on the weekdays, when there are no crowds, no jostling.

 

He tries to avoid loud people, loud noises. Horns, shouts, a slamming door all can take his breath away, cause his head to race. Driving in Washington is harrowing; people here love to honk, he says.

 

But riding the bus is problematic, since the smell of diesel triggers flashbacks to the convoys in Iraqi, to his fear on the “suicide missions.”

 

And both the bus and the subway present a special problem. The hands. He’s got to see them. He’s got to feel assured that no one’s carrying a weapon. He’s got to know there is no finger on the trigger.

 

In his room at Mologne, he is lonely but relatively safe. Before bed, he says, “I search my room for bugs.” He does not mean insects.

 

“I’m paranoid, but I have good reason,” he says.

 

News on his possible court-martial could come any day.

Posted in Veterans for Common Sense News | Comments Off on Under Fire: Haunted by Memories of War, A Soldier Battles The Army

VCS Weekly Update: Torture Lawsuit; Iraq War Vets and Trauma

Update on Torture and the Geneva Conventions
Iraq War Vets Struggle with Trauma
Support Veterans for Common Sense
Upcoming Events

Update on Torture and the Geneva Conventions

The government responded to a joint ACLU / Veterans for Common Sense lawsuit this week by releasing 6,000 pages of documents related to prisoner abuse at abu Ghraib, GuantanamoBay and Afghanistan. The documents were released after a year-long Freedom of Information Request was blocked and denied by government agencies, until the courts ordered them to produce the documents.

A large number of documents are still being held, despite the court order, but progress is being made. You can view the list of released documents, including the previously secret annexes to the Taguba report, at:

http://www.aclu.org/torturefoia/released/

We also recommend reading the recent report published by Christian Peacemaking Teams on detainees in Iraq. This report, which includes updates on the detainee situation in recent months, is available for download at:

http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/Documents/CPTReportonIraqiDetaineesSept2004.pdf

We are making progress. Recently the House-Senate conference committee approved the Durbin Amendment intact. The Durbin Amendment re-asserts the requirement that the Pentagon and other agencies follow U.S. and international law, and requires the Secretary of Defense to regularly report to Congress on these issues. This is a major step forward, but not far enough.

Unfortunately, to date the highest ranking individual prosecuted has been an Army Staff Sergeant. In short, though several investigations have found that culpability for these issues went all the way to the office of the Secretary of Defense, the DoD has circled the wagons and is labeling the soldiers who carried out the policy as “bad-apples.”

This is not an acceptable outcome. It has become increasingly clear as further documents have been released that the push for aggressive interrogation techniques came not from sergeants in the field, but from civilians in the White House and the Pentagon. To court-martial all of the junior soldiers and ignore the command conditions turns “supporting the troops” upside down.

If you haven’t already signed the Honor the Legacy Petition, urging the President to adhere to international law, please do so now. These are the standards which not only protect innocent people, they also protect our troops. You can sign the Honor the Legacy petition at http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/petition.cfm

Iraq War Vets Struggle with Trauma

As veterans of every American conflict since 1941, Veterans for Common Sense knows that sometimes the most serious wounds of war are the ones we don’t see. That’s because the natural response to seeing death and mayhem, to killing, or to having one’s friends die, is trauma. Though we’ve earned this hard earned knowledge over years of pain and work, it seems that in many areas, the military still has a long way to go in recognizing and caring for the wounds of service-members who come home from the battlefield with serious psychological injury.

Iraq War veterans are now, in greater and greater numbers, coming home and talking about their experiences. And in many cases, they aren’t getting the help they need. Supporting the troops doesn’t just mean waving yellow ribbons and cheering them in parades when they come home. It’s making sure they get the best possible readjustment counseling and treatment for their wounds. It means welcoming them home with open arms and not ignoring the severe spiritual harm caused by killing.

We recommend taking the time to read these few profiles and articles about veterans who’ve struggled with the trauma of war. Please read them, and consider what you can do to help Iraq War vets survive not just the war, but also coming home.

The Trials of Julian Goodrum
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=2292
An Army Reserve Lieutenant served in the Iraq War and filed complaints about safety violations in his unit. Now he’s defending his freedom as the Army gears up a court-martial.

Iraq War Veteran’s Suicide – He was Swallowed by Pain
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=2200
Lucey told his mother about his nightmares where faceless old people would run toward him asking for help, like the old couple in Nasiriyah he says he watched get shot in the back as they ran toward the shelter of their home. The nightmare came often, keeping Lucey up until three or four in the morning, until the last bottle of EKU-28 beer had run out, and he would finally fall asleep.

For some, battle goes on long after the shooting stops
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=2189
Not all of America’s casualties in the war on terrorism are occurring in battle — suicide among returning soldiers is a growing concern

Is anyone ever truly prepared to kill?
http://www.veteransforcommonsense.org/NewsArticle.cfm?ID=2103
One dark night in Iraq in February 1991, a U.S. Army tank unit opened fire on two trucks that barreled unexpectedly into its position along the Euphrates river. One was carrying fuel and burst into flames, and as men scattered from the burning trucks, the American soldiers shot them.

Support Veterans for Common Sense

Veterans for Common Sense is taking the lead in bringing the concerns of veterans to the public in the areas of national security, veterans health care, civil liberties, and energy policy. We need your involvement to ensure our continued success. Every dollar counts. Your contribution goes to support upcoming policy reports, our lobbying efforts on Capitol Hill, the continued growth of our website, the upcoming publication of the Guide for Returning Veterans, and many more programs. Please consider making a contribution today and help us reach our goal of $70,000 for 2004. You can make a contribution online:

https://secure.groundspring.org/dn/index.php?aid=3422

or send a check to:

Veterans for Common Sense
1101 Pennsylvania Avenue, SE
Washington, DC20003

Once again, thank you for supporting the work of Veterans for Common Sense.

Upcoming Events

November 2, 2004

Election Day

November 11, 2004:

The Portland, Maine Veterans for Peace Chapter is seeking individuals from VCS to march with them in the annual Veterans Day parade. Interested in participating? Contact Jack Russell at jafabussell@gwi.net or 207-772-1442.

Texas Chapters of Veterans for Peace are seeking individuals from VCS to join them in a special 02 October Rally in Austin, a 16 October rally in College Station, and an 11 November Veterans Day parade in Austin. Interested in participating? ContactDickUnderhill at underhill@att.net or 512-238-1491.

Posted in Veterans for Common Sense News | Tagged , , , | Comments Off on VCS Weekly Update: Torture Lawsuit; Iraq War Vets and Trauma

Expanding Scandal: A Second Unguarded Ammo Dump was Looted in Iraq

U.S. left ammo site unguarded

Friday, October 29, 2004
The Oregonian 
MIKE FRANCIS

Six months after the fall of Baghdad, a vast Iraqi weapons depot with tens of thousands of artillery rounds and other explosives remained unguarded, according to two U.S. aid workers who say they reported looting of the site to U.S. military officials.

The aid workers say they informed Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the highest ranking Army officer in Iraq in October 2003 but were told that the United States did not have enough troops to seal off the facility, which included more than 60 bunkers packed with munitions.

“We were outraged,” said Wes Hare, city manager of La Grande, who was working in Iraq as part of a rebuilding program. A colleague who also visited the depot, Jerry Kuhaida, said it appeared that the explosives at the Ukhaider Ammunition Storage Area had found their way to insurgents targeting U.S. forces.

“There’s no question in my mind that the stuff in Ukhaider was used by terrorists,” said Kuhaida.

The issue of whether U.S. forces did enough to keep Iraqi munitions out of the hands of insurgents has emerged as a central issue in the presidential campaign. Sen. John Kerry said it was an example of the administration’s “continuing misjudgments” on Iraq while President Bush has dismissed the criticism as “wild charges.”

The bitter exchanges were prompted by reports Monday that as much as 377 tons of highly powerful explosives had disappeared from a weapons depot in Al-Qaqaa after the arrival of U.S. forces. Al-Qaqaa is about 50 miles northeast of the Ukhaider site, which was used to store artillery shells and small-arms ammunition.

A Pentagon official Thursday acknowledged that the United States had been forced to leave many ammunition dumps in Iraq unguarded. The official, who declined to be identified, said the U.S. military had identified about 900 sensitive weapons sites in Iraq but had assigned only “a brigade-sized force” to deal with them. A brigade typically has about 3,500 soldiers.

“The country was made into a major ammo dump by the Hussein regime as they prepared to fight, and have left cleanup to us,” the official said by e-mail. “If that were our only job we could devote more troops to the task, but the majority of our troops are fighting the enemy. When bullets are flying you’ve got to decide on your priorities, and sending a bullet back is the preferred alternative.”

The official said he could not speak to how Sanchez had handled the report about Ukhaider.

The Iraqi insurgency has effectively used what the U.S. military calls improvised explosive devices — artillery shells and other munitions buried in roads or carried by suicide car bombers. Hundreds of U.S. soldiers have been killed in Iraq by IEDs and thousands more maimed.

The two American aid workers who stumbled upon the Ukhaider depot, Hare and Kuhaida, were in Iraq as employees of the International City/County Management Association. They said in separate interviews that they found the depot on Oct. 10, 2003, while on a recreational trip with Polish soldiers through the desert southwest of Karbala, Iraq.

They visited a lake and the ruins of the Palace of Ukhaider.

After leaving the palace, they followed a remote road that led to a facility surrounded by several strands of barbed wire. As they got closer, Hare and Kuhaida said, they saw a series of open bunkers with mortar rounds, ammunition and loose gunpowder scattered around the grounds.

The area appeared to be guarded by a half-dozen kids in their teens and early 20s who had perhaps one rifle among them, and no vehicle to patrol the complex’s hundreds of acres. Kuhaida said nobody knew whether they were working for the military, the insurgents or someone else.

When he saw the ordnance littering the landscape, a Polish colonel traveling with the Americans, Cezary Rog, was in “shock,” Kuhaida recalled.

The kids who were stationed at the depot told Kuhaida and Hare that they regularly heard trucks coming and going at night. Hare said he was told that some weapons were ferried across the lake. And the men were shown an intruder’s truck that was blown up one night, apparently by an errant explosive.

Looters had been carting away munitions, Hare said. “It’s indisputable.”

“The big concern we had was that something had to be done,” Kuhaida said. “It was all fresh ammunition and gunpowder.”

So Kuhaida pledged to try to contact Sanchez, who was commanding U.S. forces in Iraq at the time. He found Sanchez’s e-mail address on the Internet and sent a message saying he wanted to pass along some information.

When one of the general’s aides replied, Kuhaida sent a list of munitions found at the depot, along with coordinates of its location. And he urged the military to secure the site.

The aide sent an immediate reply that said “they were taking action,” Kuhaida said.

But when Kuhaida met the aide face to face in Baghdad a month later and asked about the depot, the aide told him the military simply didn’t have enough troops to guard the site.

“There’s no question in my mind that these guys were sincere about it,” he said of their desire to keep munitions from falling into the wrong hands. “They just didn’t have the resources.”

Hare took a leave of absence from his municipal job in Oregon to serve as a civilian consultant to local governments in the Karbala region from September 2003 through March 2004. He currently is on a 10-day mission with the U.S. Agency for International Development in Croatia, where he spoke by phone to The Oregonian.

Kuhaida resigned his job as an elected official in Tennessee to serve in the same program. He now lives a “semi-retired” life at home, where he is considering whether to return to Iraq to help people who are trying to learn to govern themselves.

Hare said he didn’t see any looters at the depot that day last October. “If I had, I probably wouldn’t be here,” he said.

The presence of so much loose weaponry in the “essentially unguarded” complex, at a time when U.S. military vehicles were increasingly being attacked by roadside and vehicle-borne bombs, “was a travesty,” said Hare.

Kuhaida said he was troubled by the ability of insurgents and terrorists to freely enter and exit the depot. “It’s a straight shot to Syria and Jordan,” he said. And the depot is easily reached by back roads from Fallujah, a hotbed of anti-American sentiment.

U.S. military and intelligence officials were well aware of the facility. Declassified documents from the first Persian Gulf War show that it was bombed in 1991 as a suspected storage site for biological weapons.

On Jan. 16, 2003, before the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, U.N. weapons inspectors said they found 11 empty chemical warheads at Ukhaider. They said at the time the complex consisted of a series of bunkers built in the late 1990s.

A week after the fall of Baghdad, on April 16, 2003, soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division discovered the depot, according to a report in The Fayetteville (N.C.) Observer. The soldiers said they found 65 bunkers, 75 open depots, and enough ammunition to support nearly two divisions of soldiers. The soldiers said the depot held an estimated 200,000 156 mm artillery rounds, along with mortar rounds, tank rounds and rocket-propelled grenades, the anti-armor munition that has been a weapon of choice for the Iraqi insurgency.

“The site was five times bigger than the ammunition supply point at Fort Bragg,” said Maj. Joe Gregg, identified by The Observer as the operations officer for the 3rd Battalion of the 82nd’s 325th Airborne Infantry Division. Gregg, the newspaper said, believed it was the biggest weapons stockpile he had ever seen.

Mike Francis: 503-294-5955; mikefrancis@news.oregonian.com

 

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