Turkey: Launchpad for Iraq War and Oil

December 2002

by Heather Wokusch

Forget Iraq: The Real Battle Is In Turkey

All eyes are on Iraq these days, but conventional wisdom holds it’s just the first step of the Bush administration’s larger push to gain hegemony over the international oil and gas industry. Two factors could stand in the way of the US grand plan though: Central Asia and Europe. A microcosm of this battle is quietly being fought now in Turkey, and in many ways the outcome could determine the future of the entire region.

Turkey enjoys a uniquely strategic geographical position, smack at the crossroads of Asia, Africa and Europe; more importantly for the Bush administration, Turkey borders Iraq. Speaking in Ankara recently, US Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz said, “Obviously if we are going to have significant ground forces in the north (of Iraq), this is the country they have to come through. There is no other option.”

And it’s clear the US aims for more than simply carrying out air-strikes from Turkish bases, as it did during the 1991 Gulf War. This time, the Pentagon wants to dig in deeper, using Turkey as a staging area for ground attacks into Iraq, and potentially beyond.

Turkey’s central role in an attack on Iraq goes a long way in explaining the massive US military build-up currently taking place in southern Turkey. It also explains the Bush administration’s about-face in dealing with Turkish AK Party leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan: after being unceremoniously snubbed on his first visit to Washington last year, Erdogan was suddenly given the White House star treatment a few weeks ago, complete with a presidential press conference and exclusive meetings with top government brass, not to mention a pledge for billions more dollars in military and financial aid, and US backing for a new multibillion dollar International Monetary Fund bailout.

Ironically, this flurry of cash-for-cooperation activity from the States coincides with the European Union’s historic first steps to invite Turkey into its fold. At a recent EU summit in Copenhagen, the fifteen EU countries agreed to open membership talks with Turkey in 2005, on the condition that it clean up its human rights and economic acts in the meantime. At that point, Turkey would have to begin the mammoth task of adopting roughly 80,000 pages of EU law, a process that could take at least a decade and transform every aspect of Turkish society in its wake.

But there’s a more urgent change Turkey will have to make. According to EU High Representative, Javier Solana, “If it is to take its place in Europe, Turkey must also play a role in the European defense project.” And that’s where things get tricky. The Western military industrial complex is basically split in two distinct groups: the Franco-German dominated European Aeronautic Defense and Space Co (EADS), and the US-dominated “Big Six” (including Lockheed Martin and Raytheon, among others). This distinction is important given that the sides tend to compete in important global conflicts (the US pumping weapons into Pakistan while the French arm India, for example). So if the US decides to attack Iraq (let alone additional countries after that) against the wishes of other NATO partners, for example, could the ensuing rift place Turkey literally between Iraq and a hard place?

Another crucial factor is the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) project, a pipeline which would partially run through Turkey, thereby providing Ankara with revenue from millions in annual transit fees. Critical to the Bush administration, BTC would help a handful of US companies seize control over the massive Caspian oil reserves, sidestepping the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) on the way.

Energy analysts say the BTC project is unworkable, and environmentalists warn of potential catastrophic risks. Not surprisingly, Russia, Armenia, and Iran are rattling sabers and pushing for a different route, enraged at the prospect of losing control over Caspian oil to the US. Significantly though, US companies tied to the Bush administration are poised to reap huge profits from BTC (among others, Vice President Cheney’s Halliburton is a finalist for the Turkish segment of BTC, while National Security Advisor Rice’s Chevron is at the center of the BTC consortium).

The quagmire is further exacerbated by matters internal to Turkey. Even though Erdogan’s AK party swept to power in this November’s elections, a past conviction for “inciting religious hatred” forbids him from assuming the role of prime minister. To make matters worse, the Islamist image of Erdogan’s party is at odds with the more secular stance of Turkey’s military (leading to noisy disagreements about matters such as the right for women to wear headscarves in public), a significant conflict given that Turkish generals are an independent lot and have staged three coups since 1960.

And then there are opinion polls showing most Turks strongly opposed to helping the US in any attack against Iraq, despite the Bush administration’s financial incentives and friendship offensive.

The trans-Atlantic battle over Turkey came to a head at this month’s EU summit in Copenhagen. Buoyed by Erdogan’s flashy visit to Washington, Turkish representatives at the Copenhagen summit threatened to boycott European products, or even dump the EU and join NAFTA, if they did not receive their preferred date for membership talks. Meanwhile, high-profile US pressure on the EU to create a special fast-track for Turkey may have scored PR points with Ankara, but cut little ice with EU members. European External Affairs Commissioner Chris Patten, for example, laughed off the Bush administration move as a cheap stunt, akin to EU members trying to score Latin American bonus points by pressuring the US to make Mexico its 51st state.

The upshot was that Erdogan’s attempt to play the States against Europe backfired: Turkey received a 2005 date for conditional membership talks even though it had pushed for one far earlier, and even worse, while the Greek part of Cyprus was asked to join the EU, the Turkish part got left behind.

The crucial question now is what path Turkey chooses to take. Erdogan can gain personal status and billions in monetary injections for the Turkish military and government by allowing the US full access to Turkish soil in its attack on Iraq; the danger is that he could anger both the Turkish people and the EU in the process, not to mention see Turkey flooded with refugees, as happened during the first Gulf War. Erdogan can support the Bush administration in its fight to secure the Caspians for US oil interests, thereby earning oil transit income, but also risking environmental devastation and the wrath of neighbors such as Russia and Iran.

The other option is to bite the bullet and begin the long-term, painstaking process of bringing Turkey into line with EU standards. The first option is profitable in the short-term, and the second offers societal integration in the long-term. The first option requires war, and the second pursues community-based peace.

But of course, Turkey is in good company – the US has quietly stepped up its military support of Georgia, Azerbaijan and other countries in the region crucial to its desired control over Caspian reserves. One thing is clear: the support these countries give, or don’t give, the Bush administration in its oil-based pursuits/terror war will be critical in determining the stability of Central Asia and beyond.

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US and UK Clergy Denounce Gulf War II

In his first Christmas message, Dr Rowan Williams, the new Archbishop of Canterbury, made a withering criticism of “strategists who know all the possible ramifications of politics, miss the huge and obvious things and create yet more havoc and suffering”. It was those that society regards as “wise men” who “can’t help making the most immense mistakes of all”, he said.

Two thousand years after Christ was born, he said, “communications are more effective than ever in human history; analysis of national and international situations becomes ever more subtle; intelligence and surveillance provide more and more material. We have endless theoretical perspectives on human behaviour, individual and collective. And still the innocent are killed.”

His speech, Kneeling in the Light, which was to be broadcast on BBC Radio 4 just after midnight last night, coincided with an appeal by Pope John Paul II for an end to “blind violence” in the Holy Land and concern from the leader of Britain’s Catholics, Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor, that war was being seen as inevitable.

Dr Williams’ message was characteristic of the style of the new Archbishop, who is to be enthroned in February. It rooted its view of the modern world in the insights of the Bible but also used contemporary culture.

Dr Williams spoke of a “whole world grown old in intrigue and violence, cynicism, despair and false hope” – which raised questions about how those qualities are manifest in those leading the military build-up against Iraq. “It’s as if the wise, the devious and resourceful, can’t help making the most immense mistakes of all,” he said.

Contrary to BBC reports yesterday, Dr Williams did not “mock” Western leaders but offered them an alternative. “Yet – here is the miracle,” he concluded, “the three wise men are welcome. You might expect that a faith which begins in such blinding simplicities, the child, the cattle, the barefoot shepherds, would have no place for the wise men in their massive foolishness. But they were not turned away.”

Mr Blair has defended the Archbishop’s right to speak out, but his broadcast is likely to increase tension with the Government. David Blunkett, the Home Secretary, criticised Dr Williams on Tuesday for suggesting consumerism is driving morality out of politics. Mr Blunkett said there were “contradictions” in the Archbishop’s Dimbleby Lecture last week, adding: “The assertion that modern governments … order [people] is nonsense.”

David Hope, the Archbishop of York, said yesterday that war as a matter of resolving international disputes was incompatible with the teaching of Jesus. But he added that, because of Iraq’s disregard for UN resolutions, “it may yet become necessary to contemplate some form of military intervention”.

Cardinal O’Connor, the Archbishop of Westminster, said people should not assume war against Iraq was inevitable and urged world leaders to work toward a peaceful solution to the crisis.

“We must never give up and assume that war is inevitable,” he told worshippers at Westminster Cathedral. “Let us pray today, therefore, that each one of us, particularly those involved in international diplomacy and politics, will maintain our permanent commitment to building and maintaining peace in our world.”

Pope John Paul II kept up the Vatican’s campaign against war in Iraq during his Christmas Day message by calling for efforts to snuff out the “ominous smouldering” of conflict in the Middle East.

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Bush at Waterloo

December 26, 2002

NEW YORK–Eleven days after September 11, 2001, Secretary of State Colin Powell promised to release proof that Al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden were guilty of planning and executing the attacks on New York and Washington. “We will put before the world, the American people, a persuasive case that there will be no doubt when that case is presented that it is Al Qaeda, led by Osama bin Laden, who has been responsible,” Powell told ABC News.

National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice, speaking a few channels over, on CNN, echoed Powell’s pledge. “Clearly we do have evidence, historical and otherwise, about the relationship to the Al Qaeda network to what happened on September 11,” Rice said on Sept. 22nd. “We will begin to lay out that evidence and we will do it with friends, allies and the American people and others.”

Afghanistan, along with Pakistan, had hosted Al Qaeda training camps. Al Qaeda, Bush said, had attacked us. So we bombed Afghanistan. The Bush Administration spent the next three months overseeing the dropping of explosives, killing an estimated 10,000 Taliban soldiers and at least 3,500 Afghan civilians. During the year since we installed a puppet ruler, Hamid Karzai, as interim Afghan president, at least 36 American soldiers have lost their lives defending Karzai’s fragile regime.

So where’s Rice’s “evidence, historical and otherwise,” confirming that Al Qaeda carried out 9/11? Where is Powell’s “persuasive case”? The Bushies, as usual, are keeping mum. We, the American people, have yet to see the slightest shred of evidence tying Osama bin Laden, Mullah Omar, Michael Jackson or the Easter Bunny to the attacks.

Fifteen months and still no proof! There are only three logical explanations for Bush’s failure to produce the goods:

Al Qaeda and the Taliban had nothing to do with 9/11. Possible, but unlikely. Who else would have done it?

What with the war and all, the Bushies simply forgot to write up a report. Impossible. If proof existed, the Administration would have released it to make people like me shut up.

The evidence is circumstantial at best. Now we’re talking. More likely than not, American intelligence strongly suspects bin Laden et al. but can’t prove his guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.

Police detectives are repeatedly frustrated by this dilemma. What do you do when you know in your gut that a suspect is guilty, but you don’t have enough evidence to press charges? The answer is painfully obvious: you let the bastard walk. In a society based on law, evidence must be sufficiently compelling in order to charge a defendant, much less convict him. To settle for less is to sacrifice the essential principle of our nation which holds that everyone–even radical Islamists–is presumed innocent.

George W. Bush, an unscrupulous man whose arrogant contempt for the law elevated him to the White House, despises basic American values. He acted as Afghanistan’s judge, jury and executioner–without even possessing sufficient proof to charge bin Laden in an American court.

Now, however, Bush is paying a price for the decision not to lay his cards on the table regarding Afghanistan. While 90 percent of voters say they don’t doubt that Saddam Hussein is developing weapons of mass destruction, 72 percent told a Los Angeles Times poll on Dec. 15 that Bush has not yet provided enough evidence to justify starting a war against Iraq. This figure clearly includes many Republicans who otherwise support Bush’s policies.

Most Americans have a gut feeling that Iraq has WMDs. But they don’t think a gut feeling is sufficient cause to go to war.

Here we go again. Does the U.S. really possess proof, as it claims, that Saddam is up to no good? Or does it merely suspect–in other words, have a gut feeling–that Iraqi scientists are cooking up smallpox bombs hundreds of feet beneath the desert? The American people aren’t being allowed to see the evidence excusing the bloody war about to be waged in their name. Nor are the prospective allies whose help–and young men–we are requesting. “To say that we know but we won’t tell you is not very persuasive,” Sergey Lavrov, the Russian Ambassador to the United Nations, said. “It’s not a poker game where you call your cards and call the other’s bluff.”

Incredibly, Bush even resisted turning over intelligence data on Iraqi weapons to the U.N., information might help inspectors prove that Saddam was violating the 1991 ceasefire agreement.

Approval ratings for an American war on Iraq are slipping. Unless he coughs up definitive proof of Iraqi wrongdoing or calls off the whole thing, this latest oil-driven military misadventure may become Bush’s political Waterloo.

(Ted Rall is editor of “Attitude: The New Subversive Political Cartoonists,” an anthology of cartoons, ephemera and interviews with 21 of America’s best editorial cartoonists. Ordering and review-copy information are available at nbmpub.com.)

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Gulf War I Veterans on Front Lines of Gulf War II

December 23, 2002

South of the Kuwait-Iraq Border (AP) – When Eric Olson was 19, he drove a tank in the U.S.-led blitz to drive Saddam Hussein’s occupying army out of Kuwait.

For 50 hours, Olson fought sleep and fear at the controls and kept moving in a high-tech, violent battle that turned much of the Iraqi army into a blasted trail of pulverized vehicles and bodies as they tried retreating to Baghdad.

Today, Olson is 31 and sergeant of 2nd Platoon, Alpha Company. He is one of the Gulf War veterans passing down experiences from 11 years ago to help train a new generation to take on Saddam again if war breaks out.

“Out here, the only law is who’s a better shot, who’s a quicker trigger,” said Olson, of Fort Lauderdale, Fla. “I don’t know if my past will give them an edge, but it will possibly give them insightfulness on what they might have to expect in the very near future.”

Gulf War old hands are hardly rare in the military, but since the ground war was fought primarily by tanks and armored infantry, the Army’s 3rd Infantry Division — one of its two armored divisions — has a high proportion of veterans.

They were prominent in weekend live-fire maneuvers in the Kuwaiti desert involving the division’s 2nd Brigade, putting thousands of soldiers and hundreds of tanks and armored vehicles through the largest exercises in the border area since the Gulf War.

The Gulf War-era tank drivers are now senior sergeants, the company commanders now lead battalions. Their graying hair stands out among young soldiers mostly in their early 20s, facing war for the first time.

One is 1st Lt. Ryan Kuo, 25, of Reno, Nev., a West Pointer who leads Olson’s 2nd Platoon and says his experience of the Gulf War was “sitting on the couch and watching it on CNN.”

Though they are separated by only a few years, the life experiences between the sergeant and lieutenant are much wider. Their partnership is vital to their unit’s success. Both are highly confident about the focus of their troops and in the superiority of their equipment.

The knowledge passed down by the veterans brings a dose of reality to what until now has been a military career marked by training exercises.

“Some of the stories you hear about the remains of bodies that you cross after they’ve been destroyed, the attacks they’ve done — obviously, that’s going to create hesitancy, as any war would,” Kuo said.

But Kuo added, “these guys help us out a lot in terms of confidence and the experiences they’ve had while they were here in 1991 in allowing us to train realistically.”

The training conditions are harsh. The Kuwaiti desert is flat and devoid of vegetation. There is no shelter from sand-filled winds howling up to 60 mph. The nighttime winter temperatures drop to near freezing.

Those fighting conditions are ideal, however, compared to the scorching heat of the Kuwaiti summer, which is harder on equipment and men and means the force will lose much of its effectiveness.

The men see the end of March as the deadline for a fight and expect to be the first tanks crossing the border if efforts to peacefully divest Saddam of weapons of mass destruction fail.

Commanders are ordering their troops to get in the habit of conserving water, fuel and food. They are likely to live on what they carry until the attack is over.

Lt. Col. Eric Schwartz commands the battalion task force including Alpha Company, which he led during the Gulf War. The Army is more high-tech these days, but a chief focus of training is to give his soldiers confidence and focus.

“It’s the human aspect,” Schwartz said. “How do you motivate young soldiers to go into an environment that’s absolutely terrifying?”

Not all the new troops are youngsters. At 33, Pfc. Andrew K. Burt, of Raleigh, N.C., is older than his company commander and platoon sergeant and lieutenant.

Burt signed up nine months ago, motivated by Sept. 11 and a poor job market. The experience of Olson, his veteran sergeant, brings a feeling of security that “we’ll make it through OK,” he said.

“He tells us a lot about what to expect, what we have to be prepared for physically and emotionally,” Burt said. “He said it would be something that would weigh heavily on us for some time to come afterward, but that we’d get through it.”

Unlike in 1991, the area is no longer strange to American troops. The United States has maintained a brigade-sized force in Kuwait since the end of the Gulf War as a deterrent against attack. The brigades rotate every six months and are experienced in ways of the desert.

Some things haven’t changed. Olson said that his memories of the buildup to the Gulf War include camaraderie, “the guys lying on top of the tank. That’s coming back again.”

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Pentagon Censors Gulf War II Casualties

December 22, 2002

Kuwait City, Kuwait

Attacks on American forces in Kuwait are being covered up and played down because of concerns that further disclosures will destabilise military preparations for war against Iraq.

Incidents have either gone unreported or have been passed off as harmless recreational shooting by hunters, a senior Kuwaiti government official told The Telegraph.

“The Americans have told us to downplay these incidents for fear of creating the sort of climate in which further attacks can happen,” the official said.

One United States marine has been killed and five seriously injured in terrorist attacks over the past two months. Although no further injuries have been reported, there have been a number of “close shaves” as America’s military presence continues to provoke hostility among some Kuwaitis.

The country’s leadership and most of its population remain resolutely pro-American and grateful for the US role in liberating them from Iraqi occupation in 1991. Islamic militancy has taken root, however, and there is growing anti-American sentiment and support for groups such as al-Qa’eda among some young men.

The American request to play down the terrorist threat comes at a sensitive time in its preparations for war. US troop numbers have recently risen from 10,000 to 15,000 and several new camps have been built in readiness for the campaign to oust Saddam Hussein.

A US military official said: “These attacks and the threat of further attacks are making a difficult environment to operate in. But we are working with the Kuwaitis to keep everything under control.”

As part of a widespread government clampdown on extremists, there have been more than 70 arrests in recent weeks, in addition to several “sedition” trials in which Kuwaitis have been accused of advocating attacks against American interests.

The American embassy recently advised its citizens not to visit shopping precincts for fear of creating a “target” for extremists.

“The majority of Kuwaitis fully back what the Americans are doing. All this trouble is being caused by a very small, extremist fringe,” said a Western diplomat.

Most Kuwaitis have been shocked by the violence in the country. However, according to an official at Kuwait’s ministry of the interior, further incidents were “just waiting to happen.” He added: “The real problem is that we have a lot of wealthy, disaffected young men who are looking for some excitement and are easily influenced.”

Kuwait already has a record of providing al-Qa’eda with high-ranking members. Sulaiman Abu Ghaith, a Kuwaiti national who used to teach children religious affairs, went on to become its spokesman in Afghanistan.

Last month Kuwaiti authorities also announced the arrest of Mohsen al-Fadhli, 22, a “senior” al-Qa’eda commander, who confessed to trying to raise funds for a terrorist atrocity in Yemen.

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New Research Links Sarin with Brain Damage

WASHINGTON – Low levels of sarin nerve gas affected behavior and organ functions in laboratory animals at least a month after exposure, suggests new research that may provide clues to the mysterious illnesses of Persian Gulf War veterans.

In separate Army-sponsored studies, scientists observed behavioral problems, brain changes and immune system suppression in the animals many days after exposure to doses that caused no immediate effects, such as convulsions or pupil constriction.

Both studies involved rodents, and “that’s a big leap to human beings,” said Melinda Roberson, a behavioral neuroscientist involved in a study still under way.

Even so, the studies provide new information in an area where a lack of research has made it impossible to conclude whether Gulf veterans’ illnesses are linked to low-level sarin gas exposure.

“They are pushing back the frontiers of biological effects of low levels of sarin. The evidence is building,” said Dr. Francis O’Donnell, a medical consultant for the Defense Department who helps track Gulf War illness research.

Veterans of the 1991 war have suffered from various illnesses they believe linked to their service in the Gulf. Symptoms include chronic fatigue, diarrhea, migraines, dizziness, memory problems, loss of muscle control and loss of balance.

Most scientists have blamed stress. Some veterans attribute the health problems to toxic substances they encountered in the Gulf, including sarin, a toxic chemical weapon that is lethal at high levels. Others suggest it may be a combination of the factors.

The Pentagon confirms more than 140,000 troops were exposed to low levels of sarin in 1991 when U.S. forces destroyed a weapons depot at Khamisiyah in southern Iraq. Some veterans believe other sarin exposures occurred.

On its Web site, the Pentagon tells veterans that “current medical evidence indicates that long term health problems are not likely.”

Dr. Robert Haley, an epidemiologist at University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center at Dallas, has published almost two dozen studies suggesting that some Gulf War veterans’ illnesses are linked to brain damage resulting from exposure to toxins such as sarin.

[For more information on Dr. Haley’s work, please go to this link:
http://www.swmed.edu/home_pages/epidemi/gws/ ]

The Pentagon criticized those studies, in part because veterans Haley studied were not downwind of Khamisiyah when the depot was destroyed. Haley said the new research gives “biological plausibility” to his suggestion of a link to sarin gas exposure.

The study on guinea pigs is under way at the Army Medical Research Institute for Chemical Defense at Aberdeen Proving Ground, Md. Its preliminary findings were presented in November at the Society for Neuroscience’s annual meeting in Washington.

In that study, guinea pigs were injected with nerve gas five days a week for two weeks. Some were injected with 20 percent of the dose required to kill half the animals and others with 40 percent of that dose.

Researcher Jim McDonough, a physiological psychologist, said that would be much higher than the level that the Pentagon says veterans were exposed to from the Khamisiyah depot destruction. Some veterans’ groups question the accuracy of the Pentagon’s exposure estimates, insisting they were much higher. Other researchers say there is no way to calculate the exposure levels for sure.

Although veterans were not injected with sarin, McDonough said the biochemical effects on the brain are the same for either exposure method. He likened the exposures to nicotine’s effects on the brain whether the nicotine is smoked, chewed or delivered through a skin patch.

The exposed animals were examined after two hours, then at three days, 10 days, a month and 100 days. There were no changes in some physical signs the scientists monitored, such as weight gain and temperature.

But researchers said they found significant increases in certain behaviors.

For example, 100 days after exposure, animals in the 40 percent dose group spent significantly more time in the center of their activity chambers and traveled greater distances in the chambers, McDonough said. Guinea pigs in both dosage level groups also reared up on their hind legs significantly more often at 100 days.

Roberson said researchers saw a reduction in activity by the enzyme acetylcholinesterase, a key to controlling electrical impulses in the brain. She said that could affect behavior. Researchers are exposing another group of animals to verify the results.

Separately, researchers at Lovelace Respiratory Research Institute in Albuquerque, N.M., known for its tobacco studies, exposed mice to low-level doses of sarin in a three-part Army-funded study. The study, begun in 1998, was finished last year.

The mice inhaled sarin doses an hour a day for five days and an hour a day for 10 days. The levels were one-tenth and one-twentieth the concentrations required to kill a human. The mice were examined a day and a month after exposure.

Researchers found that the exposures, particularly when combined with heat stress, caused both decreases and increases in the numbers of receptor sites in areas of the brain critical for cognition and memory, “things that might be associated with Gulf War syndrome,” said Rogene Henderson, Lovelace senior scientist.

Receptor sites are essentially docking stations for brain signals. In some cases the changes did not appear until a month after exposure, Henderson said.

Researchers found that the exposure also suppressed the immune system, the body’s defense mechanism against infection and disease. Researcher Mohan Sopori, an immunologist, said that indicates something happened to the autonomic nervous system, which is responsible for the body’s automatic functions such as sleeping and bowel movements.

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Afghanistan: A Repeat of Soviet Defeat?

December 22, 2002

On the frigid night of Dec. 24, 1979, Soviet airborne forces seized Kabul airport. Elite Alpha Group commandos sped to the presidential palace, burst into the bedroom of Afghan President Hafizullah Amin and gunned him down. Columns of Soviet armour crossed the border and raced south toward Kabul.

It took Soviet forces only a few days to occupy Afghanistan. They installed a puppet ruler, Babrak Karmal. Moscow proclaimed it had invaded Afghanistan to “liberate” it from “feudalism and Islamic extremism” and “nests of terrorists and bandits.”

Soviet propaganda churned out films of Red Army soldiers playing with children, building schools, dispensing medical care. Afghan women were to be liberated from the veil and other backward Islamic customs. The Soviet Union and its local communist allies would bring Afghanistan into the 20th century.

Two years later, Afghans had risen against their Soviet “liberators” and were waging a low-intensity guerrilla war. Unable to control the countryside, Moscow poured more troops into Afghanistan. The Soviet-run Afghan Army had poor morale and less fighting zeal. The KGB-run Afghan secret police, KhAD, jailed and savagely tortured tens of thousands of “Islamic terrorists,” then called “freedom fighters” in the West.

Fast forward to December, 2002, and a disturbing sense of deja vu. A new foreign army has easily occupied Afghanistan, overthrown the “feudal” Taliban government and installed a puppet regime in Kabul. Western media churn out the same rosy, agitprop stories the Soviets did about liberating Afghanistan, freeing women, educating children. The only real difference is that kids in today’s TV clips are waving American instead of Soviet flags. The invaders have changed; the propaganda remains the same.

America’s invasion of Afghanistan in October, 2001, was billed as an epic military victory and the model of future imperial expeditions to pacify Third World malefactors. Since then, news about this war-ravaged land has grown scarce. America’s limited attention has turned elsewhere.

Afghanistan in chaos

In fact, America’s Afghan adventure has gotten off to as poor a start as that of the Soviet Union. The U.S.-installed ruler of Kabul, veteran CIA asset Hamid Karzai, must be protected from his own people by up to 200 U.S. bodyguards. Much of Afghanistan is in chaos, fought over by feuding warlords and drug barons.

There are almost daily attacks on U.S. occupation forces. My old mujahedin sources say U.S. casualties and equipment losses in Afghanistan are far higher than Washington is reporting – and are rising.

American troops are operating from the old Soviet bases at Bagram and Shindand, retaliating, like the Soviets, against mujahedin attacks on U.S. forces by heavily bombing nearby villages. The CIA is trying to assassinate Afghan nationalist leaders opposed to the Karzai regime in Kabul, in particular my old acquaintance Gulbadin Hekmatyar.

North of the Hindu Kush mountains, America’s Afghan ally, the Tajik-Uzbek Northern Alliance, has long been a proxy of the Russians. The chief of the Russian general staff and head of intelligence directed the Alliance in its final attack on the Taliban last fall. Russia then supplied Alliance forces with $100 million in arms, and is providing $85 million worth of helicopters, tanks, artillery and spare parts, as well as military advisors and technicians. Russia now dominates much of northern Afghanistan.

The Taliban, according to the United Nations drug agency, had almost shut down opium-morphine-heroin production. America’s ally, the Northern Alliance, has revived the illicit trade. Since the U.S. overthrew the Taliban, opium cultivation has soared from 185 tons a year to 2,700. The Northern Alliance, which dominates the Kabul regime, finances its arms-buying and field operations with drug money. President George Bush’s war on drugs collided with his war on terrorism – and lost. The U.S. is now, in effect, colluding in the heroin trade.

Anti-American Afghan forces – the Taliban, al-Qaida, and others – have regrouped and are mounting ever larger attacks on U.S. troops and, reports the UN, even reopening training camps. Taliban mujahedin are using the same sophisticated early alert system they developed to monitor Soviet forces in the 1980s to warn of American search-and-destroy missions before they leave base. As a result, U.S. troops keep chasing shadows. Canadians fared no better.

In the sole major battle since the Taliban’s overthrow, Operation Anaconda, U.S. forces were bested by veteran Afghan mujahedin, losing two helicopters.

The ongoing cost of Afghan operations is a closely guarded secret. Earlier this year, the cost of stationing 8,000 American troops, backed by warplanes and naval units, was estimated at $5 billion US monthly!

The CIA spends millions every month to bribe Pushtun warlords.

Costs will rise as the U.S. expands bases in Afghanistan and neighbouring Pakistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgystan and Uzbekistan – all placed along the planned U.S.-owned pipeline that will bring Central Asian oil south through Afghanistan.

The UN reports the Taliban and al-Qaida on the offensive, Afghan women remain veiled and the country is in a dangerous mess. Declaring victory in Afghanistan may have been premature.

margolis@foreigncorrespondent.com

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Declaration Lists Companies That Sold Chemicals to Iraq

American officials and private weapons specialists say the list identifies 31 major foreign suppliers — including two based in the United States, both now defunct — as well as the exact chemicals and tonnages that were shipped to Baghdad.

The list, obtained by lawyers for ailing gulf war veterans, could be important as the veterans pursue lawsuits accusing some of the companies of responsibility for their health problems. The companies include several large eurochems chemical manufacturers, as well as the two American companies, Alcolac International of Maryland and the Al Haddad trading company of Tennessee.

The United Nations has insisted that it will not make the list public, fearing that disclosure would discourage the companies from cooperating with inspectors trying to understand Iraq’s capacity for making weapons of mass destruction.

The United Nations refused to release earlier versions of the Iraqi weapons declarations, which the government of Saddam Hussein was required to submit under terms of the cease-fire that ended the gulf war.

But The New York Times was able to confirm the identity of most of the companies on the latest Iraqi list after obtaining a copy of Iraq’s last chemical weapons declaration. That list was turned over by Iraq to the United Nations in 1996, and officials confirmed that Iraq’s new declaration included the same companies.

The list was obtained by Gary B. Pitts, a Houston lawyer who is representing thousands of veterans in a lawsuit against several of the chemical companies, alleging that the companies may be responsible for the veterans’ health problems. “This list gives us the goods on these defendants,” he said.

Of the 31 companies named in 1996, most are European, including 14 from Germany, 3 each from the Netherlands and Switzerland and 2 each from France and Austria.

Among the large European companies are two German conglomerates of the 1980’s: Preussag, which is now called TUI, and Hoechst, which has since been split up.

Spokesmen for both TUI and one of the successor companies of Hoechst said their major chemical units were sold off years ago; the spokesmen said they were convinced that Preussag and Hoechst had done nothing wrong in their dealings with Iraq.

The Iraqi declaration said that in 1982, Preussag provided Iraq with 30 tons of phosphorous oxychloride, a chemical used to make the deadly nerve gas sarin, and equipment for its chemical weapons laboratories. Hoechst is identified as the seller of 10 tons of phosphorous oxychloride.

Another German company, Karl Kolb of the city of Dreieich, and an associated company, Pilot Plant, were identified as major suppliers to the chemical weapons program. A spokesman for Karl Kolb said in a telephone interview that three employees who were prosecuted in the 1990’s for violations of German export laws involving Iraq were found not guilty of all charges.

“After a very elaborate court case, we were acquitted of these charges,” he said, adding that expert witnesses had found that equipment sold was “not suitable for chemical warfare production.” He noted that Pilot Plant had since gone out of business.

Alcolac, the Baltimore company, pleaded guilty in 1989 to federal export violations involving shipments of chemicals that could be used by Iraq to make mustard gas.

According to the Iraqi declaration, officials said, Alcolac provided thiodiglycol, the mustard gas precursor, while Al Haddad, the other American company, was the source of 60 tons of a chemical that could be used to make sarin.

There is no telephone listing for Al Haddad in Nashville, where it was based. News reports in the 1980’s identified the company’s owner as Sahib al-Haddad, an Iraqi by birth, who denied that he had shipped any chemicals to Iraq for use in weapons.

By sheer bulk, a Singapore-based company may have been the largest supplier of the chemicals used in the 1980’s to make chemical weapons, including 3,300 tons of a chemical that can be used to make nerve gas and 950 tons of an separate chemical used to make mustard gas and sarin.

Under the 1991 cease-fire agreement, the Iraq government promised to provide lists of the suppliers of its programs to develop chemical, biological and nuclear weapons.

Weapons experts and veterans’ groups have long advocated public disclosure of the lists, if only to make clear the need to tighten export laws.

“It is our policy not to reveal the names of suppliers,” said Ewen Buchanan, a spokesman for Hans Blix, the United Nations’ weapons inspector. “There are many reasons why.”

Gary Milhollin, director of the Wisconsin Project, a Washington-based research group on weapons proliferation, said much of the chemical production equipment sold to Iraq in the 1980’s may still be available.

If the United States carries out its threatened invasion of Iraq, he said, “we’re likely to send soldiers in to find and destroy this equipment if it’s still there, early on.”

Mr. Milhollin said the foreign companies on the Iraqi list deserved to have their identities known. “If you look at the scale and frequency of the exports of some of these companies, it’s clear that they were deeply involved in Iraq’s chemical weapons program,” he said. “They must have known what was going on.”

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The Unnecessary War

Like a runaway train racing down a slippery track destined for a crashing living hell; America, under the leadership of George W. Bush, rushes headlong into what many believe will be the most apocalyptic war that the world has ever known.

Just what is driving this president to under take such an unprecedented, irrational and ill-advised operation? Bush’s hatred of Saddam Hussein and his Iraqi regime verges on the pathologic. While his approach is mistaken, irrational, and even illegal by international standards; Bush and his war cabinet is listening to no one. War it appears is inevitable; a “fait accompli.”

The president has surrounded himself with men who are probably some of the most dangerous counselors that have ever advised a US president. I speak of men out of the public eye like Paul Wolfowitz and Lewis Libby who work for Rumsfeld and Cheney respectfully.

Both of these men, along with vice-president Cheney and national security adviser Dr. Condoleezza Rice have attempted to rewrite the way that America views the world.

Gone is the American paradigm of being the peaceful world power that respects the sovereignty of nations and who only attacks when attacked. Gone are the doctrines of deterrence, containment, diplomacy, multilateralism and perestroika.

Since 9/11 it now appears that US foreign policy is driven by the desire to dominate the global community. Never in the history of this union has America ever been the instigator of war; at least not so blatantly.

The Bush White House goals it appears are to establish a permanent dominance over all of Eurasia and the Middle East. A world is then assumed that would include US military presence as a “constant fixture” much like the days when the imperial Roman army ruled the world. It is interesting, yet seldom reported, that even prior to Bush becoming president as well as before the terrible downing of the World Trade Center; that there was a plan created by Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Libby and the president’s younger brother, Jeb; to attack Iraq to secure regime change.

These people knew that in order to control the Middle East gulf region and the precious oil fields and oil routes of the world; that they had to control the government in Iraq. That would be impossible as long as Saddem remains in power. The plan was created as a project with the neo-conservative think-tank, Project for the New American Century. With Syria weakened, Iran unstable, Afghanistan defeated; only Iraq remains an obstacle to the creation of a ‘global Pax Americana.’

Of course the moderate Arabs states of the Arabian Peninsula as well as the moderate Arab and pro western nations of Turkey, Jordan and Egypt are already pawns in the claws of the great American bald eagle. While Russia looks the other way, because she is so caught in her own internal woes and with the indifference of China, America is free to create the new world order that George Bush, the first, spoke of so defiantly during his administration.

While Saddam might be ruthless and probably does harbor weapons of mass destruction; so do the North Koreans, the Chinese, the Iranians, Libyans, Syrians, Israelis and so do we, just to name a few. The Bush blueprint for US global domination hinted that the US may consider using biological weapons. It talked about new methods of attack with combat taking place in new dimensions; with advanced forms of biological warfare that can “target specific genotypes which may transform biological warfare from the realm of terror to a politically useful tool.” And besides after all we have the “bomb.”

There is no reason for us to justly invade Iraq. At this point we must allow the United Nations, as General Powell has suggested, to handle the disarming and dismantling of any weapons of mass destruction that Iraq might have. The current beating of the war drums by the Bush administration is puzzling; especially given the fact that Saddem has done nothing to us or any of our allies at this point. A so called preventive strike against Iraq is doomed to backfire and plunge the world into an abyss of darkness worst than anything that the world has ever seen.

It will cause wars of mass destruction that the preemptive strike is suppose to deter. We will see an unprecedented wave of terrorism unlike anything that we could have ever imagined. With the rule of international law and the laws of sovereignty completed destroyed other states will launch similar strikes in their own best interests.

There will be a complete break down in world alliances and order as the Arab world will come to the aid of Arabs against westerners, Christians and Jews. Rogue states such as Libya and North Korea will have an excuse and license to attack who ever they please. Israel and Taiwan will lay open to be raped, plundered and ravaged; as America would be so occupied with trying to contain the evils that she unleashed by a preemptive strike, that she would no longer be the guardian of freedom around the global community.

Pakistan will surely drop the bomb on India while no one is watching, because of the occupation of war between the Arabs and the West. And why not; if America can invade Iraq, why can’t the Pakistani invade the Indians, or vice versa? The damage that will be done to the environment will be devastating with the use of biological weapons.

Economically the world, because we are all now one village, will be plunged into the greatest depression that is imaginable. Deficit spending in America is already at an all time high. Oil prices will cause such a catastrophe that America might not recover for decades as oil fields in the gulf regions will burn for decades. Then there are the causalities….millions of innocent civilians will die in urban centers all over the world, America included.

This war is about insanity, power, empire, oil and white male machismo. This war is totally immoral, unwarranted and unnecessary.

Dr. Sanders can be reached at rgws@aol.com

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Senator Murray Asks Tough Gulf War II Questions

U.S. SEN. PATTY MURRAY — SENATOR ASKS STUDENTS TO PONDER

December 19, 2002

U.S. Sen. Patty Murray was in Vancouver on Wednesday challenging high school students to answer these questions:

What is behind terrorist Osama bin Laden’s popularity in some parts of the world, and should the United States adopt his nation-building tactics?

Speaking at Columbia River High School, Murray, D-Wash., responded to questions from students, most about the war on terrorism or government spending for education.

Later Wednesday, Murray visited C-Tran headquarters and checked out a new bus.

Murray met at Columbia River with world history students and student government leaders. Across town, Hudson’s Bay High School students participated via teleconference.

Murray concluded the session by challenging the tudents to consider alternatives to war.

“We’ve got to ask, why is this man (Osama bin Laden) so popular around the world?,” said Murray, who faces re-election in 2004. “Why are people so supportive of him in many countries … that are riddled with poverty?

“He’s been out in these countries for decades, building schools, building roads, building infrastructure, building day care facilities, building health care facilities, and the people are extremely grateful. We haven’t done that.

“How would they look at us today if we had been there helping them with some of that rather than just being the people who are going to bomb in Iraq and go to Afghanistan?”

Murray said she doesn’t know where she comes down on that guns-or-butter question, and building infrastructure in Third World countries would “cost a lot of money, and we have schools here and health care facilities here that are really hurting.”

Be ‘better neighbors’?

“War is expensive too,” she said. “Your generation ought to be thinking about whether we should be better neighbors out in other countries so that they have a different vision of us.

“It is a debate I think we ought to have.”

Murray was in the minority when the Senate voted 77-23 in October to give President Bush authority to use military force in confronting Saddam Hussein. The state’s other senator, Democrat Maria Cantwell, voted for the resolution.

Murray opened Wednesday’s event telling the students, “You’ll be graduating into a world that is very difficult. … The economy is struggling. War in Iraq is a very real possibility in the short term” and could cost $200 billion even if it were to last only a few weeks.

The cost of waging war could result in cuts to domestic programs such as Pell grants for college students, she said.

Responding to a question about federal spending for schools, Murray said the Bush administration is backing off its pledge of support for the No Child Left Behind program.

“There are crises in every one of our schools in this country,” Murray said, and cutting spending on education has long-term deleterious effects.

Visit to the bus barn

Later in the day, Murray spent 45 minutes at the C-Tran administrative and operations facility at 2425 N.E. 65th Ave. for a holiday potluck. Randy Frasier’s Mountain View High School jazz and concert choirs serenaded her with holiday carols.

Afterward, Murray examined a new $312,000 Gillig coach, the first of several dozen that will replace 20-year-old GM buses that have racked up an average of 650,000 miles each.

Murray is on the Senate Appropriations subcommittee on transportation, which funnels matching money to states and local agencies for buses and other transit programs. Eighty percent of the cost of new buses will come from federal grants, and the remainder from local C-Tran money.

Thomas Ryll contributed to this story. Gregg Herrington covers state and local issues and may be reached at 360-759-8025, or via e-mail at gregg.herrington columbian.com

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