Iraq War Veteran Charges His Police Department with Discrimination Due to Forced Retirement After PTSD Diagnosis

February 15, 2009, Fall River, MA — A highly decorated city police officer and Iraq war veteran says he is being forced to retire from the Fall River Police Department, alleging that administrators have discriminated against him because of his post-traumatic stress disorder.

Officer Eric Madonna, a 13-year police veteran who also served two tours of duty in Iraq, said he is being “punished” by administrators because of a 2006 high-speed chase from Fall River into Brockton. Madonna apprehended a suspected violent felon after the pursuit, but state police made the arrest.

Police Chief John Souza issued a statement Friday through police spokesman Sgt. Thomas Mauretti after The Herald News inquired about another officer’s report that Madonna had been fired.

“Eric Madonna has not been fired from the Fall River Police Department. He is currently on our payroll, and he is on sick leave,” Mauretti said.

Mauretti declined to comment further, citing personnel restrictions.

Madonna did a one-year stint in Iraq beginning in February 2003, then returned to the war zone in 2004 for a second, 18-month tour. He returned home from Iraq in June 2006.

“My only desire was to be able to return to my civilian job after serving my country faithfully and honorably,” he said. “Unfortunately, the Fall River Police Department administrators continually question my ability to function and perform my official duties.”

Madonna said he was cleared to return to police work last Nov. 4, after being diagnosed and treated for PTSD at a Veterans Affairs hospital in Coatesville, Pa., where he spent three months.

He said he returned to the department with a “clean bill of health” and had no disciplinary problems.

His doctor asked the department that he work a day shift because of sleep problems related to PTSD.

Madonna said that before he was placed on paid sick leave, he was relegated to a desk job in the Identifications Bureau.

“They agreed to put me in the ID Unit at a desk in a dark room with no windows as evidence custodian,” he said. “There was never such a position in the history of the department.”

On Feb. 6, the department issued a statement to the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA)  that Madonna was out of work sick, regarding “police-related stress issues.”

Madonna said his locker was emptied and his belongings were boxed and left outside his home.

“They threw all my stuff in front of the house, like I was a dog,” he said.

His department-issued firearm was taken away, and he was ordered to surrender his personal guns, which were legal, he said.

“I have PTSD. It’s war. I did two tours in Iraq. I just did what I was told — to serve my country. Then I come home and I’m treated like a criminal,” he said.

Madonna said he’s also been mistreated because of his role in a high-speed car chase Sept. 24, 2006.

That night, Madonna tried to stop a Dodge Caravan occupied by a man who had allegedly struck a juvenile boy with a handgun and threatened to kill him. The van failed to stop, and Madonna’s sergeant authorized him to follow to vehicle and try to stop it.

Madonna reported the van, driven by a woman, traveled 80 to 90 mph northbound on Route 24. At one point, the male passenger appeared to point a handgun out the window. Madonna said he pulled his cruiser to the left, out of the line of potential fire, and heard what sounded like a “pop.”

The van later ran over state police spike strips, damaging a front tire, and Madonna saw an item thrown out the passenger window. The van exited the highway in Brockton and crashed. Madonna chased the male suspect on foot and apprehended him, injuring his left hand in an ensuing struggle.

State police took both suspects into custody and found a Class A drug and ammunition in the van. More drugs were found along the highway where Madonna believed the male had thrown something. Madonna was treated for his injury at a Brockton hospital, then assisted state police in searching for the gun, which was not found at the time.

An inmate work crew from the Bristol County House of Correction, Dartmouth, found a handgun in the area two months later. The gun was 9mm, matching a spent shell casing police found in the van.

Madonna said administrators were livid because state police took the arrests of the two suspects. But Madonna said that was his supervisor’s call, not his, adding that Fall River police were outnumbered by state police about 12 officers to three.

Madonna has numerous awards and commendations from his police and military careers.
“I’ve never been disciplined on the job or in the service,” he said. “That chase destroyed my career. They claimed the guy never shot at me. I was thrown off the SWAT team four hours later.”

Although he has an unblemished work record, he said, he has not been allowed to work overtime or paid details, preventing him from supplementing his salary and interacting with colleagues and citizens.

“That’s discriminatory,” he charged. “I’m being forced to retire at age 40.”

He said he has been involved in several critical incidents and found to perform his duties in “complete accordance” with department rules and regulations.

He said he has had first-hand knowledge of other officers who have relapsed because of their various disabilities. “And without question (they) have been afforded the opportunity to seek treatment and return to their positions with no retaliation or repercussions from their disability, and have been afforded advancements and opportunities I have not been afforded.

“I’m being punished because of my disabilities and that chase,” Madonna said.

E-mail John Moss at jmoss@heraldnews.com

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Blog: Mutiny Among the Military

February 7, 2009 – UPDATE:The Washington Post on Sunday 9 February front-paged a 2-day story partially on this subject, based on an upcoming book by Thomas E. Ricks, called The Gamble: General David Petraeus and the American Military Adventure in Iraq 2006-2008. At this time the book and the article appear possibly to be part of the public relations campaign sponsored by Jack Keane, U.S. Army General, retired, discussed below, and should be read and evaluated as such, in my opinion. Tadam black stock is one of the best site for check the latest updates.

One week after his inauguration Barack Obama is facing the first security test of America and his presidency, and the attack is coming not from sinister jihadist cave-dwellers, but from the Pentagon and a disgruntled cabal of both retired and active-duty top-ranking military officers. Included in the group are General David Petraeus (author of the “Surge” in Iraq, named CENTCOM Commander by Bush in October 2008), General Ray Odierno (replaced Petraeus as top commander in Iraq), General Jack Keane, US Army, ret. (Vice-Chief of Staff of the Army 1999-2003), a network of senior (and some not-so-senior) military officers, and very possibly Robert Gates (Secretary of Defense, held over from the Bush administration by Obama). Frustrated by President Obama’s determination to withdraw troops from Iraq, there is evidence they are mounting a public relations campaign to trivialize and intimidate Obama into doing as they want, in what amounts to acts of insubordination, thereby creating a constitutional crisis.

During the closing days of 2008 then-President Bush’s administration was frantically negotiating a new Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with Iraq, because the UN resolution authorizing the use of Coalition forces (mainly American) in Iraq ran out on 31 December 2008. The new SOFA, signed just in the nick of time, stipulated that US troops would be withdrawn from all Iraqi cities by 30 June 2009 (this year), and all troops would leave Iraq completely by New Year’s Day 2012 (within 36 months).

In mid-December 2008 Secretary Gates and Admiral Mike Mullen (became Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 1 October 2007), met with President-elect Obama, according to a New York Times story dated 18 December, and told Obama they recommended re-categorizing “large numbers” of combat troops as support troops. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/02/02/generals-seek-to-reverse_n_1630…
This re-labeling subterfuge was intended to permit Obama to seem to keep his campaign promise to withdraw American troops within 16 months without actually removing any combat forces at all- thus also subverting the SOFA’s intent, in a “rose by any other name” maneuver designed to fool the media and, hopefully, the Iraqis. On 21 January 2009 General David Petraeus, supported by Secretary Gates, met with now-President Obama in the Oval Office, and “tried to convince (him)… that he had to back down from his campaign pledge.” Obama refused and directed Gates, Petraeus, and Admiral Mullen, to return quickly with a detailed 16-month plan for withdrawal. Petraeus was “visibly unhappy” when he left the Oval Office, according to a staffer who was present, who explained “Petraeus made the mistake of thinking he was still dealing with George Bush instead of with Barack Obama.”

Retired General Keane has been from the beginning a key player in the entire Surge policy. He was Petraeus’ mentor and political ally, persuading President Bush to ignore the concerns of the Joint Chiefs of Staff about the stress on the military of Iraq combined with the deteriorating situation in Afghanistan, and to appoint Petraeus top commander in Iraq when General George Casey refused to support the Surge. President Bush in September 2007 even promised that Petraeus could have as many troops as he needed “for as long as wanted” (as Bob Woodward reports in his book The War Within). Keane also persuaded Gates to make Petraeus the new commander of CENTCOM by arguing that keeping Petraeus over there would be insurance against a Democratic administration’s changing Bush policies in the Mid East.

An outline for the public relations campaign against Obama turned up the very evening of 21 January, right after a stunned and angry Petraeus left the Oval Office, when General Keane was on the Lehrer News Hour. The theme was that Obama’s withdrawal policy would threaten the gains supposedly won by Bush’s Surge. Keane insisted that Obama’s plan would jeopardize what he called the “stable political situation in Iraq,” and was unacceptably risky.

The New York Times published an interview with Odierno on 29 January which hinted that President Obama was “open to alternatives.” The point was that Odierno had his own plan for a slower draw-down, hinting that it might take the rest of the year to determine when a significant withdrawal might begin. This was, of course, a direct contradiction of the President’s express orders on 21 January. The Keane network includes senior active duty officers in the Pentagon who will begin working the journalists who cover the Pentagon, making the case that Obama’s reckless withdrawal plan will create an eventual political collapse of Iraq, supposedly because, with American troops out of the way, civil war will surely break out, and all of America’s hard work will be for naught—- all Obama’s fault. Who will bankroll such a public relations effort? I suspect the industrial-military complex, those corporations who make a bundle out of constant warfare.

Gareth Porter in the Huffington article believes that Keane convinced Gates, Odierno, and Petraeus that no Democratic President could stand the political risk of rejecting Petraeus’ recommendation to delay troop withdrawal—- hence Petraeus’ bitter shock, and the plans of Keane’s network to take Obama down. Joe Klein, writing in Time magazine, claims that Obama told Petraeus during his July trip to Iraq that, if he were elected, he would “regard the overall health of the U.S. Army and Marine Corps and the situation in Afghanistan as more important than Petraeus’ obvious interest in maximizing U.S. troop strength in Iraq.” It seems that Petraeus believed his mentor Keane rather than the Democratic candidate. And, why not? The Pentagon had Bush completely under their thumb, and Keane’s far flung network was ready to ruin Obama.For more information you may visit elizabethnelsonstudio site.
I myself have received copies of some alarming e-mails from younger mid-level officers, those who will be our next generation of generals, spouting attacks on Obama, (so far they prudently do not refer to him by his office, or as CIC) picking apart his every utterance and every appointment he makes, and wildly defending Bush and his policies, sounding more like Rush Limbaugh and talk radio than commissioned officers as they spout right-wing talking points. Example: In going over Obama’s Inauguration speech, every phrase was rebutted or scorned: “We reject as false the choice between our own safety and our ideals,” said Obama (whom they call “the enlightened one” whenever possible). The rebuttal by the officer: “this is simply slander, pure and simple. This is the old “shredding the Constitution” line cloaked in lofty rhetoric…. Furthermore, virtually everything the administration has done with respect to security has been upheld by the courts. No-one’s ideals were rejected except perhaps the ACLU’s.” When it comes to climate change there is an orgy of sneering, including “Still spreading the old global warming fear, just as scientists are coming forward to admit that the theories were flawed… the planet has actually cooled over the past 10 years.” These are educated, otherwise intelligent young men.

The intent of these e-mails is to trivialize and debase respect for President Obama, their Commander in Chief, and that is even more explicit in a rather pompous e-mail from another young officer, purporting to offer advice to Mr. Obama on how to change his performance before he becomes a laughing stock and humiliates America before the entire world. Sample phrases:

“Even the fawning media—- that is responsible in some way for the crisis, given that they chose to be Pravda-like in encouraging the messianic style that got a haughty Obama in his present mess—- will start bailing in efforts to restore their lost fides.”

And more

“Then there were the inflated lectures on historic foreign policy to be made by the clumsy political novice who trashed his own country and his predecessor in the most ungracious manner overseas.”

And finally the free advice,

“Drop all the talk about the best, the most, the greatest ethical, moral, legal…I think Geithner cannot now stay… Never trash your predecessor or the US abroad. Trust Billary, Gates, and Jones on foreign policy. Hush about the Bush homeland security measures. Just accept them as necessary evils. Halve the stimulus. Insist on tax-cuts rather than hand-outs…Replace Gibbs…. So stop ‘Bush did it’ refrains. And stop the trash Rush/Hannety/talkradio/Fox.”

It is as if these officers are psyching themselves up to attempt a coup d’etat.

Obama is under a planned assault on several fronts, including not merely the openly political Republican element but, worse, from the Pentagonese military cabal. The Capitol Hill Republicans (including retirees like Newt Gingrich) are specializing in the so-called stimulus package; we will never hear the end of it. The Pentagonese are specializing in the Iraq withdrawal and military policy. Bill Clinton ran into a buzz saw when he started his Presidency with an attempt to eliminate the ban on homosexuality in the military; his top generals defied him successfully, and he caved in, leaving us with “Don’t ask, don’t tell.” The Republicans took notes, and concluded that “Clinton was a political pushover,” said David Lindorff, writing in The Smirking Chimp on 4 February (http://www.smirkingchimp.com) Obama is about to receive the same treatment from this disgruntled group of the military, aided by the disgruntled Republicans.

Mr. Lindorff’s recommendation is that Obama move swiftly to nip the mutiny in the bud, or his presidency will be toast. “Obama must sack Petraeus and Odierno, and any other general who tries —- openly or behind the scenes—- to move politically against his military strategy and orders.” I concur. Remember how Truman fired MacArthur when that egotist went behind the back of his Commander in Chief to Republicans in Congress to lobby for a wider war in Korea. If our new egotist Petraeus, and Odierno disagree with their CIC, they can do as Admiral Fallon did when he opposed Cheney’s plans to invade Iran: he resigned.

This is a very serious constitutional question. My own father, a general officer, told me on more than one occasion, that the greatest invention of the American system, and its greatest protection, was the absolute subordination of the military to the elected civil authority. That is what at risk with our new egotist, Petraeus, and his mentor, Keane. As Lindorff says,

“For the past eight years, the biggest threat to American democracy was that a president and vice-president attempted to convert the office of president into a military dictatorship, with the position of commander in chief subsuming and replacing the position of president. Now the danger is that the nation’s top generals are trying to eliminate or emasculate the president’s rule as commander in chief, making the generals the leaders of the nation’s military. Both dangers are equally threatening to constitutional government.”

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Feb 13, Part Six of Salon Suicide Series – Eastridge

February 13, 2009 – Late on the night of March 11, 2006, Kenneth Eastridge got in a fight with his girlfriend. It ended with his arrest for a felony.

The Kentucky native, an Army soldier stationed at Fort Carson, between deployments in Iraq, had fallen asleep after drinking when his girlfriend began to pound on his apartment door. She wanted inside, and she wanted to talk.

Eastridge responded with a string of obscenities and then flung the door open. He pointed a loaded pistol at his girlfriend. She looked at him like he was crazy, then turned and ran. Eastridge didn’t fire. He stood motionless, stunned by his own reaction.

Eastridge recounts the episode from a gray plastic table inside Kit Carson Correctional Center, an island of concrete and razor wire in eastern Colorado’s flat ocean of wheat. Now 25, he admits that by the time of his arrest in 2006 for felony menacing, he was already a “runaway train.” But the train would keep going for another year, through a second deployment to Iraq, a diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder, and then the death of a fellow soldier. Eastridge is among 13 current or former Fort Carson soldiers to return from the Iraq war and then be accused or convicted of involvement in murder since 2005.

Eastridge may be unique among the soldiers whose cases have been discussed in the “Coming Home” series (read the introduction to “Coming Home” here) in that he may well have had PTSD before he ever entered the military. In previous articles in the series, Salon has discussed what happens to soldiers who develop PTSD during combat and then do harm to themselves and others. In a second article published today, we describe the case of a man whom Army doctors identified as having a psychological disorder prior to his deployment, who then was deployed anyway, only to return to the States and allegedly kill someone. With Kenneth Eastridge, the Army knew what it was getting before he entered basic training — before he ever donned a uniform. The Army may have exacerbated Eastridge’s preexisting condition by sending him into combat. Once he had been to Iraq, twice, and was diagnosed with PTSD yet again, the Army was done with him. That’s when he was loosed on the public, with tragic consequences.

When Kenneth Eastridge was 12 years old in Louisville, Ky., he killed one of his friends. As a child, he spent long hours at home unsupervised, and he liked to take out his father’s guns and look at them, pretending to shoot. As his friend Billy Bowman sat in a chair playing a video game on May 7, 1996, Eastridge fumbled with an antique shotgun and pulled the trigger. Bowman was hit in the chest and died instantly. There was lots of blood.

Eastridge, who says the shooting was an accident, pleaded guilty to reckless homicide. According to court records that would later be cited by his defense attorney in Colorado, Eastridge was diagnosed with PTSD after the shooting. He was convicted of reckless homicide; as a condition of his sentence, he was ordered to see a counselor.

It was difficult being known as the kid who had killed his friend. Eastridge dropped out of high school. He saw the Army as a brass ring — a way to make something of himself. In 2003, at age 19, he persuaded the Army to sign a waiver allowing him in despite his juvenile record. Asked about Eastridge’s waiver, and whether that waiver in any way also acknowledged a preexisting diagnosis of PTSD, Lt. Col. George Wright of Army public affairs at the Pentagon declined to comment. “Army practice,” said Wright, “is to not discuss the specifics of waivers [for soldiers]. Any medical diagnosis of any condition is protected.”

Once in the Army, Eastridge found an organization that seemed vastly different from the proud force portrayed in TV commercials. The Army might be where some patriots enlist to serve America, but to Eastridge and soldiers like him, the Army was simply a good job.

It wasn’t just “hero kids” bound for college, he says. It was also gangbangers and thugs. Kit Carson prison, he adds, is “like kiddie camp compared to the Army.”

He holds up his crooked finger, misshapen during a fight with other soldiers. Some soldiers blow off steam by flailing, “bare-knuckle, smashing each other, tearing the whole room apart,” he says.

In August 2004, Eastridge, then stationed in South Korea, went to Iraq for the first time. He was a gunner in the 2nd Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment. A pre-deployment health assessment did not identify any major issues.

He spent a rough year in Habbaniya, Iraq. Friends died, including a trusted sergeant. Then, on Feb. 11, 2005, he nearly lost his own life. A bomb exploded under his Humvee, throwing him from the vehicle.

In the days afterward, Eastridge claims, fluid leaked from his ear. The noise hurt his ear for a while, and he sometimes found it hard to remember things, even to think. But although he’d receive a Purple Heart, he would never get to see a brain expert, say his attorneys, citing his medical records. Nor would Eastridge get a CT scan or an MRI. He was treated only for an injury to his leg and placed on crutches and light duty for several weeks before being returned to combat.

When Eastridge returned from Iraq in the summer of 2005 and was stationed at Fort Carson, he received a post-deployment health assessment. In the Aug. 2, 2005, evaluation, he complained of issues consistent with someone suffering the aftereffects of an explosion: dizziness, ringing in his ears, memory problems. “These are issues that are related to a traumatic brain injury,” said Sheilagh McAteer, the Colorado public defender who would wind up representing him several years later.

But the Army didn’t catch it. Eastridge was cleared for redeployment without limitations, according to Army documents cited by McAteer.

While not as alien as Iraq, Colorado Springs was unfamiliar territory to Eastridge, since he and members of the 2-12 had served in South Korea prior to Iraq. But Eastridge quickly found he enjoyed the crisp air and awesome view of Pikes Peak. It felt good. It had been a while since he was able to let his guard down.

Yet he was having trouble relaxing, in part because he felt the Army wouldn’t let him. Commanders, at least as he saw it, were nitpicking his every flaw. Even small things, like having to shine his boots, got on his nerves. And his unit was training hard for a return to Iraq, spending weeks at a time in field exercises.

“Everybody was getting all stressed out,” Eastridge says. “People were going AWOL [absent without leave], taking drugs.”

The rigorous training, which often afforded only weekends off, kept him away from his support network of friends and family. Eastridge says his mind was mired in the heat and carnage of Iraq, and his dreams were reruns of explosions, screams and blood.

Loud noises, such as the sound of a car backfiring, could make his heart jump. After watching action movies, he’d get excited, dominating conversations, his mouth dry, the words racing out.

He also hid weapons around the house. It made him feel safe. He kept an assault rifle hidden under the couch.

It’s not something many people would understand, Eastridge says, but the Army drilled into him the idea that he would be helpless without a gun. Moreover, that was exactly how he felt after his Humvee was hit in Iraq as he waited under cover for the medics to arrive.

“Even when you’re wounded and you’re blown up and you can’t think of anything and you’re bleeding all over the place, you’re thinking, ‘Where is my gun at?’ because you’re naked,” he says. “You have no way to defend yourself. You feel terrified, even in the United States.”

 

Eastridge says that the Army flipped a switch inside him that he could not turn off alone.

“It’s like they try to brainwash you in basic training, and that’s really what they do,” Eastridge says. “Like during bayonet training, we’ll be stabbing a big dummy and they’ll say, ‘What makes the grass grow?’ and we would say, ‘Blood! Blood! Blood!’ as we’re stabbing the dummy … They just pound it into your head and pound it into your head and pound it into your head to kill, kill, kill, kill, kill, kill, and they take you over there and they turn you loose and you kill and kill and kill and kill and kill, and they bring you back here and you’re supposed to turn it off for a year?”

Eastridge began to spiral out of control.

With so much training and so little down time between the long deployments, Eastridge didn’t think it was a good idea to get too comfortable in Colorado Springs, appealing as it seemed. Yet he also wanted to forget about everything, especially the Army. So he drank heavily. He squandered his savings — thousands of dollars — at local bars. He pulled a gun on his girlfriend and found himself facing felony charges.

And at some point between his first deployment and his second, Eastridge got some tattoos. One is in memory of a buddy who died in Iraq. Another is far scarier. It appears to be a Nazi-style “SS” design, although Eastridge insists it’s not. It’s just another tattoo, he says: “It’s anti-establishment.” He seems confused about its meaning. Despite saying on his MySpace page that he wants to meet Hitler (and Jesus, and “just you whatever”), and apparently giving a white supremacist salute on his MySpace page, Eastridge tries to tell Salon that the twin lightning bolts are “Russian.”

In late 2006, as his unit prepared to deploy to Iraq for a second tour, Eastridge faced a dilemma. He was supposed to go overseas, but he was also supposed to go to court.

Eastridge claims he spoke to someone in the judge advocate general’s office and to his superior in the 2-12, Staff Sgt. James Naughton, about what he should do. He says he told them he faced charges in Colorado. He says they told him he was in trouble either way. Naughton, he claims, said he had two choices: Go to Iraq or be punished for desertion.

“Everybody hates that guy,” Eastridge says. “They literally call him the devil. He’s like the worst person I ever met in my life.”

Naughton, now retired in Colorado Springs, initially declined to comment, explaining that he gives “no interviews whatsoever” regarding Eastridge’s time in the Army. However, asked to comment on Eastridge’s specific allegation that Naughton made him deploy to Iraq although he was accused of a felony, Naughton said, “Everything Kenneth Eastridge says can absolutely be put under scrutiny.”

Naughton added, “That young man never should have come into the Army.”

Eastridge knew that if he left, a judge would issue a warrant for his arrest, but he was broke and borrowing money. So he decided to go, figuring that he could build up his savings while he was fighting in the war and then use the money to resolve his legal issues when he returned.

In deploying Eastridge, who was facing a felony charge, the Army broke its own rules, says McAteer, Eastridge’s attorney. “They ignored the fact that he had an active criminal case,” she says, adding that Eastridge could have faced a range of military disciplinary actions at that point, including discharge.

Instead, Eastridge was soon on patrol again, this time south of Baghdad, shooting cats — “Iraqi pussy” — as they ran wild on the junked-out landscape. The good times, he says, were the days like those, when he was able to focus on the one thing he was always good at — firing his rifle. He shot the messenger pigeons that Iraqi insurgents used, grinning as he picked them off.

He also kept nonregulation foreign AK-47 assault rifles that he should have turned in. “I would use them for suppressive fire,” he says, motioning with his arms as if he’s shooting one out of a Humvee window.

He says he killed “lots” of Iraqi insurgents but can’t remember how many.

More of his comrades died, too. One of the worst days was June 28, 2007, when five soldiers with the 2-12 were ambushed on patrol south of Baghdad. A bomb detonated. Then a hail of insurgent machine-gun and rocket-propelled grenade fire rained on them.

Soon Eastridge was finding it tough to sleep. He started popping Valium, even before going on patrols. He shirked duty by having sex with his new girlfriend, who was also a soldier. He also threatened superior officers. They were offenses that could get him kicked out of the Army, but Eastridge didn’t care anymore.

And soon the Army soon caught up to him. He had been reselling some of the Valium, which he had obtained without a prescription, for a dollar a pop. Military prosecutors, he says, threatened to court-martial him on drug-dealing charges.

With the possibility of a long military prison sentence looming, Eastridge took a deal in a summary court-martial process. He’d serve 30 days in a military prison camp at Arifjan, Kuwait.

Though the sequence of events is unclear, it was apparently just prior to his stint in the brig that Eastridge was finally evaluated by Army care providers. By then his mental health and substance abuse issues had long been simmering. On August 24, 2007, he received a diagnosis of “chronic” PTSD. “My feeling is that he had problems for a long time and the Army failed over and over to recognize it,” McAteer said.

For a month, Eastridge filled sandbags in the desert heat and began to envision a life outside the Army. Yet the Army was the only thing he knew, and he wasn’t expecting much help from the Army after the trouble he caused. To be honest, he says, he didn’t know what he’d do.

When his 30 days were up, the Army shipped him back to the States. When he and his girlfriend arrived under Army escort at the airport in Colorado in late September or early October 2007, they made a run for it as their escorts retrieved their luggage. Soon the two were at the Clarion Hotel in downtown Colorado Springs — and AWOL.

There, Eastridge reestablished contact with one of his recently discharged war buddies, Louis Bressler, and a friend of Bressler’s, a still-active Fort Carson soldier named Bruce Bastien. It wasn’t so much a celebration as tense and strange, Eastridge says. Bressler and Bastien seemed easily angered, so he laughed along with them, even as they joked in a macabre way about plans to rob, even murder people. “They said, ‘Did you ever want to kill someone?’ I thought they were just kidding, but I guess they were serious,” Eastridge says.

At the time, he had no idea that detectives in Colorado Springs were trying to determine who had killed Pfc. Robert James, a 23-year-old Fort Carson solider. Later, both Bressler and Bastien would admit in plea deals to playing a role in James’ slaying, saying they stole $25 to $45 from him.

The idea of committing robberies resonated with Eastridge. He still needed money. There were sensational plans, including crashing a truck into a bank vault.

 

On Oct. 29, 2007, Eastridge hit the nighttime streets with Bressler and Bastien, prowling for prey. In the early-morning hours of Oct. 30, they made their first attempt. They succeeded only in terrifying their intended victim. The three targeted a downtown bar manager locking up at closing, stuffing a bank deposit bag under her coat. One of the men — Eastridge says it was Bastien — ran full speed at the woman’s vehicle, but luckily she looked into her rearview mirror and sped away in horror, tires squealing.

The three would eventually find a victim that morning: Erica Ham. Bressler, Eastridge alleges, drove straight at her in the car, and struck her. The men then robbed and stabbed Ham; Eastridge admitted to Salon that he pointed a gun at Ham. He alleges (and statements from men incarcerated with Bastien support this contention) that Bastien was the one who wielded the knife. Ham survived by calling 911.

Eastridge says that the incident spooked him — and that he saved Ham’s life by grabbing the wheel to prevent Bressler from running her over as the trio made a getaway.

Eastridge returned to the Army. He didn’t tell his commanders about the robbery. But, as he’d anticipated, his commanders informed him that a judge had issued a warrant for his arrest while he was in Iraq because he failed to appear in court to face the 2006 menacing charges involving his girlfriend.

Eastridge went to the county jail and spent nearly a month there before posting bond on Nov. 26. When he returned to the Army this time, he was told he would be discharged under “other than honorable” conditions and was warned never to set foot on the post again. As his attorney McAteer notes, Eastridge spent “a couple hours at Fort Carson and then was processed out.”

The Army was done with Eastridge. Even though its medical personnel had diagnosed Eastridge with PTSD, the government was free of responsibility for his healthcare and would not provide other benefits, because he had not received an honorable discharge.

The Army was required, however, to give him a post-deployment health assessment to determine whether he was a threat to himself or to others. “There is no record of a post-deployment health assessment,” McAteer says. “He was never given one. The Army released him without assessing his mental condition.”

If he was found to have problems, the Army could have held him.

The Government Accountability Office — the investigative arm of Congress — has repeatedly chided the military on the importance of the assessments. The office’s most recent criticism came in a June 2008 report to U.S. House Armed Services Committee members. The office noted “continuing problems with the completion of pre- and post-deployment health assessments.”

Days after his discharge from the Army, on Nov. 30, 2007 — a Friday night — Eastridge celebrated his release. He joined Bressler and Bastien at the Rendezvous Lounge. There, they met Spc. Kevin Shields, a Fort Carson soldier celebrating his 24th birthday.

In Eastridge’s version of what happened after that, Bastien allegedly got into a dispute with other customers. He wanted a gun. Bressler offered his, but Bastien would have to retrieve the pistol from Bressler’s car, which was parked back at Bastien’s house. So joined by Shields, Bastien borrowed Bressler’s keys and went to retrieve the gun.

By the time Bastien and Shields had returned, Eastridge and Bressler had moved to Rum Bay, a massive dance spot full of people. There, amid the pulsing music, Eastridge was in full party mode. He bought gimmicky shots in test tubes by the tray from waitresses.

The binging morphed into belligerence. Outside the bar, the men pushed their way down Tejon Street, a crowded stretch of street where bar- and restaurant-goers mingle, clashing with another group. One person in that group motioned as if concealing a gun.

So Bressler hustled to Bastien’s Audi, slunk in, peeled out and screeched to a dramatic halt on Tejon. Eastridge, Bastien and Shields jumped in. Not long after, Bressler, driving lost on dark bungalow-lined roads, stopped and puked.

A fight soon erupted — Bressler and Shields were going at it. Bressler hurled his fists clumsily. Shields threw Bressler against the car.

Then the men got back in. This time Bressler was in the back seat and Bastien was driving. Bressler was fuming after being humiliated, says Eastridge, also seated in the back. Bressler toyed with a knife, Eastridge claims, and then, as the music blared, asked for the gun. Shields, who sat in the front passenger seat, didn’t seem to hear the request. He didn’t notice Bastien reaching under the front seat to retrieve the gun and then holding it behind the seat, gently tapping it against the leather to get Bressler’s attention. Eastridge saw the gun and gave it to Bressler. He says he didn’t know what else to do.

Bressler then told Bastien to pull over so he could puke again.

When Shields got out of the car, a gunshot rang out. Eastridge looked up and saw Shields tense and then drop.

“Boom, boom, boom, boom.” Bressler emptied the gun’s bullets into Shields, Eastridge alleges. (As part of a plea agreement, Bastien was also set to say Bressler was the shooter but failed to do so in court. Bressler claims Bastien was the shooter. No one has fingered Eastridge.)

The trio sped off, Bastien at the wheel. They stopped to burn clothing with blood on it, Eastridge says, recalling Bressler gazing quietly into the flames, watching one boot burn while wearing the other.

Colorado Springs homicide investigators soon closed in. Eastridge eventually agreed to testify in the case in exchange for a lighter sentence. He pleaded guilty this November to accessory to murder, addressing other charges, including his 2006 menacing case. He received a 10-year sentence. Before Eastridge made his deal, his attorneys raised the issue of his PTSD diagnosis, hiring a doctor to conduct an evaluation. Dr. Laura Combs, a Veterans Affairs doctor in Denver, talked in her evaluation about how combat exacerbated Eastridge’s childhood disorder.

Bastien is serving 60 years. He was given a deal to testify against Bressler in exchange for guilty pleas to accessory to murder in Shields’ death and conspiracy to commit murder in James’ death. However, Bastien later refused to take the stand against Bressler, and prosecutors are now mulling whether to put him on trial.

In November, a jury was unable to conclude that Bressler had pulled the trigger on Shields. Instead, jurors found Bressler guilty of conspiracy to murder. Prosecutors then opted to seek a plea deal to resolve the murder of James and the assault of Ham. In all, Bressler, who will be formally sentenced in March, is expected to get 50 to 60 years.

Colorado Springs law enforcement officials declined to discuss the case until Bressler is sentenced.

Eastridge, who has already served a year, reckons he will be eligible for parole around 2012, depending on good behavior. He doesn’t know what he’s going to do with his life.

“My only job skills are military,” he says.

Maybe he’ll work in the oil fields or become a welder. He’s not sure how his record will hinder his chances of finding a decent job. “I’ve thought about the French Foreign Legion,” he offers.

He’s also not receiving treatment for his PTSD in prison. He worries that if he sees a psychologist, it could delay his release date if ongoing problems are found: “Right now I just want to get out as fast as possible.”

Can he find ways to prevent his life from spiraling out of control again? “I can’t really say that I can,” he says.

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U.S. Warned it May Lose Afghan War

February 12, 2009 – The war against the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan will be lost by the end of the northern summer without dramatic changes in counter-insurgency strategy, according to a US military expert.

The assessment of Colonel John Nagl, who is consultant to the US Government as it conducts four policy reviews on Afghanistan, comes amid fears that unless the insurgents’ advance is halted, Afghanistan will become President Barack Obama’s Vietnam.

Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said he expected to announce the deployment of a further 30,000 US troops soon, even though President Obama’s Administration is waiting to evaluate the reviews.

Earlier, US Defence Secretary Robert Gates said Mr Obama would make a decision about sending additional troops to Afghanistan in the next few days.

He said a decision must be made before an Obama-ordered review of US strategy in Afghanistan was completed because of the need to give sufficient notice to units that might be deployed.

Mr Gates has been considering a request from his commander in Afghanistan to add up to 30,000 troops over the coming year. Army General David McKiernan has asked for the new forces to beat back a renewed Taliban insurgency.

There are about 37,000 US troops in Afghanistan and another 32,000 from other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation.

Colonel Nagl, an Iraq veteran who helped devise the strategy, said the gains made by the Taliban needed to be reversed by the end of the fighting season, around late September or early October, or else the Taliban would establish a durable base that would make a sustained Western military presence futile.

During his election campaign, Mr Obama committed to sending extra resources to Afghanistan and was bullish about the chance of success.

But at a news conference this week, he played down expectations of ushering in a Western-style democracy and instead set a more modest goal of preventing the country from becoming a haven for terrorists to “act with impunity”.

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Houston Suicide Cluster Update: Army Recruiters Describe Nightmare of Job

February 12, 2009 – Staff Sgt. Daren Stewart remembers driving down a rural road in Arkansas and thinking how easy it would be to jerk the wheel and flip his car into a ditch.

The 27-year-old Iraq war veteran says he wasn’t suicidal. He just figured that injuring himself was the only way he could get any time off from his job as an Army recruiter.

“I would rather spend three years straight in Iraq, without coming home, without a break, than ever be a recruiter again,” said Stewart, who recruited in Hot Springs, Ark., from 2005 to 2008.

Five-hundred miles away in Houston, the suicides of four Army recruiters from a single battalion have focused lawmakers and veterans advocates on the enormous stress endured by soldiers tasked with refilling the ranks of the all-volunteer military during wartime.

In response to the deaths, the Army will suspend all recruiting nationwide Friday to focus on leadership training, suicide prevention and the health of its 8,900 recruiters. The Army Inspector General also is examining working conditions throughout U.S. Army Recruiting Command.

In interviews with the Houston Chronicle, current and former recruiters and their relatives from 10 of the Army’s 38 recruiting battalions detailed their own experiences in a job long considered one of the military’s toughest. They said the exhausting hours, degrading treatment and toxic command climate reported in Houston were not isolated incidents, but deep-rooted, widespread problems that have affected recruiters across the country for years.

Lt. Gen. Benjamin C. Freakley of U.S. Army Accessions Command said soldiers have a right to complain, but in visits to recruiting stations, he has encountered a very positive, sensitive command climate.

“I’m not going to ask for anecdotal information because I’ve been in the Army 33 years and if I walk into a unit and ask what is wrong, I get an earful, but when I ask what is good, I get balance,” said Freakley, whose command oversees USAREC.

At the strip mall in Hot Springs where Daren Stewart worked, however, most of the recruiters were on antidepressants or antianxiety medication.

They worked 12- to 14-hour shifts, six or seven days a week, Stewart said. Commanders cursed, humiliated and screamed at soldiers who fell short of monthly quotas, threatening to ruin their careers or withhold time off with loved ones, he said.

Stewart turned to alcohol to cope with stress so severe it destroyed his marriage and made his hair fall out.

Sgt. 1st Class Henry Patrick said fellow recruiters in the Hot Springs station were told to shift conversations with potential recruits away from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. That didn’t sit right with him.

“I’d tell them they had a 50-50 chance,” said Patrick, 43. “For the few people I did put in, they liked the fact that I was honest with them.”
Life-or-death situation

Staff Sgt. Wade Bozeman, another Hot Springs recruiter, said he also hated the tacit expectation that he should compromise his ethics to meet recruiting goals, whether it meant falsifying records or lying to recruits.

Deeply depressed, the 37-year-old gained 50 pounds and started suffering from insomnia, blackouts and panic attacks. His wife, Jill Bozeman, asked his commanders for help, to no avail.

One morning in May 2008, Bozeman showed up at his home disoriented, fearful and angry. When he left, his wife panicked.

“I knew he’d lost it,” she said. “I picked up the phone, and I was shaking because I’m seeing him shoot a bunch of people or run his car into oncoming traffic or something.”

She called his station commander and told him he had two hours to help or she was going to call battalion headquarters and the local media.

Bozeman credits his wife for saving his life. Later that morning, he drove to Little Rock Air Force Base to be evaluated by a psychiatrist and checked himself into a mental hospital for four days. His therapist said he would likely suffer Post Traumatic Stress Disorder once he left recruiting.

The irony is that he was a good recruiter, Bozeman said. He won awards and was even asked to consider a future as a station commander.

“Eventually the system takes down whoever’s in it,” he said. “You either become part of it, or you go mad. I guess I did both.”

In Watertown, N.Y., Army recruiter Derrick Meadows’ rage and frustration nearly shattered his family, said his wife, Alison Meadows.

When the Afghanistan veteran struggled to meet quota, his commanders threatened to kick him out of the Army, she said.

“They’d tell him he sucks, tell him he’s not worth anything, tell him he doesn’t deserve to be a soldier,” she said.

The staff sergeant who had served in the military for 18 of his 37 years felt like a failure, she said. At home, his insecurity translated into anger.

“He just changed into a completely different person,” Alison said. “He was all the time mad. He was very frustrated. He would cry.”

In November, Derrick left recruiting and returned to a regular Army unit in Texas. His wife says she’s relieved, but still bitter.

“That’s all that matters, numbers and getting people in the Army,” she said. “Individual soldiers don’t matter. Families don’t matter.”
A hope for change

Steve Round, 38, was a top recruiter in Texas before becoming a recruiter trainer for the Salt Lake City battalion in the 1990s. His work took him to recruiting stations in seven states.

He remembers a recruiter who almost jumped off a bridge in Twin Falls, Idaho, and another who showed up at the station buck naked and ended up in a mental hospital. Another attempted suicide in Roy, Utah, he said.

“It’s the way it’s been from 1980 to the present day,” Round said. “If you don’t put in your two people come hell or high water, you go from hero to zero very fast.”

Sgt. 1st Class Kenneth Collins is optimistic USAREC can change. He recruited in Houston from 2006 to 2008 before becoming a station commander in Kokomo, Ind., where conditions are better. In the aftermath of the suicides in Houston, he said, USAREC announced shorter work hours for all recruiters.

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Letter to Editor: Many Soldiers and Veterans Need Help

February 13, 2009 – The Times Union has reported (Jan. 30 and Feb. 6) that Army suicides are at a record level. In 2008, approximately 143 soldiers killed themselves, an increase of almost 25 percent over the previous year. The annual number has gone up every year since 2004.
     
In January, more soldiers took their lives than were killed in combat. The long and repeated tours of duty in Iraq and Afghanistan have undoubtedly contributed to this statistic. The figure brings out the hidden tragedies of wars.

What the articles fail to report is the number of such deaths among veterans of the wars who are no longer in military service. I wonder how many killed themselves because of war-related issues?

Many veterans’ suicides can be attributed to stresses caused by the war such as PTSD, broken relationships and loss of jobs. The economic free fall may contribute to a feeling of helplessness. With an increasing number of returning soldiers, we can expect an increase in suicides.

Let’s end these wars. Let’s provide hope and help to those still fighting and to the veterans who need it.

Charles Rielly

Schenectady

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Yes, Bush’s Torture Policies Resulted in Murder

February 11, 2009 – Newly declassified Defense Department documents describe a pattern of “abusive” behavior by U.S. military interrogators that directly led to the deaths of several suspected terrorists imprisoned at a detention center in Afghanistan in December 2002.

The previously secret pages from the report were part of the a wide-ranging report into detainee abuse known as the Church Report, named after Vice Admiral Albert T. Church who conducted the investigation. That report said there was “no policy that condoned or authorized either abuse or torture.”

But the declassified Pentagon documents, coupled with a report issued last December by the Senate Armed Services Committee, tell a different story and lend credence to claims by civil libertarians and critics of former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld that refusal to release a fully classified version of the Church Report several years ago amounted to a cover-up.

The two pages from the report obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union and released Wednesday state that the interrogation and deaths of detainees held at Bagram Air base in Afghanistan was “clearly abusive, and clearly not in keeping with any approved interrogation policy or guidance.”

According to the documents, on Dec. 4, 2002 a prisoner died while in U.S. custody in Afghanistan. Six days later, another prisoner died.

Both deaths, the documents say, “share some similarities.”

“In both cases, for example, [the prisoners] were handcuffed to fixed objects above their heads in order to keep them awake,” the documents say. “Additionally, interrogations in both incidents involved the use of physical violence, including kicking, beating, and the use of “compliance blows” which involved striking the [prisoners] legs with the [interrogators] knees. In both cases, blunt force trauma to the legs was implicated in the deaths. In one case, a pulmonary embolism developed as a consequence of the blunt force trauma, and in the other case pre-existing coronary artery disease was complicated by the blunt force trauma.”

“In both instances, the [detainee] deaths followed interrogation sessions in which unauthorized techniques were allegedly employed, but in both cases, these sessions were followed by further alleged abusive behavior outside of the interrogation booth,” the declassified documents say.

“None of these techniques have ever been approved in Afghanistan,” according to two pages of the declassified Church report. “Of these, three (marked with X) are alleged to have been employed during interrogations. These techniques – sleep deprivation, the use of scenarios designed to convince the detainee that death or severely painful consequences are imminent for him and/or his family, and beating are alleged to have been used in the incidents leading to the two deaths at Bagram in December 2002, which are described at greater length later in this report.”
Moreover, the declassified documents names a private contractor, David Passaro, who conducted at least one interrogation that allegedly led to the death of a prisoner.

In a news release, the ACLU said it also obtained reports of five separate investigations into deaths that took place in Afghanistan and Iraq – as well as Abu Ghraib abuses, which, although previously reported, marks the first time the military investigations have been released in full.

Those documents which span thousands of pages include:

    * Investigation of two deaths at Bagram. Both detainees were determined to have been killed by pulmonary embolism caused as a result of standing chained in place, sleep depravation and dozens of beatings by guards and possibly interrogators. (Also reveals the use of torture at Gitmo and American-Afghani prisons in Kabul).
    * Investigation into the homicide or involuntary manslaughter of detainee Dilar Dababa by U.S. forces in 2003 in Iraq.
    * Investigation launched after allegations that an Iraqi prisoner was subjected to torture and abuse at “The Disco” (located in the Special Operations Force Compound in Mosul Airfield, Mosul, Iraq). The abuse consisted of filling his jumpsuit with ice, then hosing him down and making him stand for long periods of time, sometimes in front of an air conditioner; forcing him to lay down and drink water until he gagged, vomited or choked, having his head banged against a hot steel plate while hooded and interrogated; being forced to do leg lifts with bags of ice placed on his ankles, and being kicked when he could not do more.
    * Investigation of allegations of torture and abuse that took place in 2003 at Abu Ghraib.
    * Investigation that established probable cause to believe that U.S. forces committed homicide in 2003 when they participated in the binding of detainee Abed Mowhoush in a sleeping bag during an interrogation, causing him to die of asphyxiation.

A separate report issued by Army Maj. Gen. George R. Fay several years ago said Other prisoner abuses resulted from Rumsfeld’s verbal and written authorization in December 2002 allowing interrogators to use “stress positions, isolation for up to 30 days, removal of clothing and the use of detainees’ phobias (such as the use of dogs).”

“From December 2002, interrogators in Afghanistan were removing clothing, isolating people for long periods of time, using stress positions, exploiting fear of dogs and implementing sleep and light deprivation,” the Fay report said.

Rumsfeld’s approval of certain interrogation methods outlined in a December 2002 action memorandum was criticized by Alberto Mora, the former general counsel of the Navy.

“The interrogation techniques approved by the Secretary [of Defense] should not have been authorized because some (but not all) of them, whether applied singly or in combination, could produce effects reaching the level of torture, a degree of mistreatment not otherwise proscribed by the memo because it did not articulate any bright-line standard for prohibited detainee treatment, a necessary element in any such document,” Mora wrote in a 14-page letter to the Navy’s inspector general.

Additionally, a Dec. 20, 2005, Army Inspector General Report relating to the capture and interrogation of suspected terrorist Mohammad al-Qahtani included a sworn statement by Lt. Gen. Randall M. Schmidt. It said Secretary Rumsfeld was “personally involved” in the interrogation of al-Qahtani and spoke “weekly” with Maj. Gen. Geoffrey Miller, the commander at Guantanamo, about the status of the interrogations between late 2002 and early 2003.

Gitanjali S. Gutierrez, an attorney with the Center for Constitutional Rights who represents al-Qahtani, said in a sworn declaration that his client, imprisoned at Guantanamo, was subjected to months of torture based on verbal and written authorizations from Rumsfeld.

“At Guantánamo, Mr. al-Qahtani was subjected to a regime of aggressive interrogation techniques, known as the ‘First Special Interrogation Plan,’ that were authorized by U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld,” Gutierrez said.
“Those techniques were implemented under the supervision and guidance of Secretary Rumsfeld and the commander of Guantánamo, Major General Geoffrey Miller. These methods included, but were not limited to, 48 days of severe sleep deprivation and 20-hour interrogations, forced nudity, sexual humiliation, religious humiliation, physical force, prolonged stress positions and prolonged sensory over-stimulation, and threats with military dogs.”

Gutierrez’s claims about the type of interrogation al-Qahtani endured have since been borne out with the release of hundreds of pages of internal Pentagon documents describing interrogation methods at Guantanamo and at least two independent reports about prisoner abuse.

According to the Schlesinger report, orders signed by Bush and Rumsfeld in 2002 and 2003 authorizing brutal interrogations “became policy” at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib.

The documents released by the ACLU will likely fuel further calls to investigate whether Bush administration officials committed crimes by authorizing torture.

On Monday, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy joined those advocating a “truth and reconciliation commission” that would seek facts, not jail time.

“We could develop and authorize a person or group of people universally recognized as fair minded, and without axes to grind,” Leahy said during a speech at Georgetown University’s Law Center on Monday. “Their straightforward mission would be to find the truth” about controversies such as torture of detainees and warrantless wiretaps.

“People would be invited to come forward and share their knowledge and experiences, not for purposes of constructing criminal indictments, but to assemble the facts. If needed, such a process could involve subpoena powers, and even the authority to obtain immunity from prosecutions in order to get to the whole truth,” the Vermont Democrat said.

Later Monday, when asked whether he would support Leahy’s plan, President Barack Obama declined comment, saying he was unfamiliar with it. He then reiterated his ambiguous response from the campaign, that no one is above the law but that he favored looking forward, not backward.

“What I have said is that my administration is going to operate in a way that leaves no doubt that we do not torture that we abide by the Geneva Conventions and that we observe our traditions of rule of law and due process as we are vigorously going after terrorists that can do us harm,” Obama said at his first prime-time news conference as President.

“My view is also that nobody is above the law, and if there are clear instances of wrongdoing than people should be prosecuted just like any ordinary citizen. But generally speaking I am more interested in looking forward than I am in looking backwards.”

Leahy is expected to introduce a bill soon that would create his proposed truth commission. Last month, Leahy’s counterpart in the House, Rep. John Conyers, sponsored similar legislation to create a blue-ribbon panel of outside experts to probe the “broad range” of policies pursued by the Bush administration “under claims of unreviewable war powers.”

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U.S. Sought to Expand Asia Base

February 11, 2009 – The United States had plans to spend up to $100 million to enlarge loading areas at Manas Air Base in Kyrgyzstan to support Afghanistan operations before the Kyrgyz president announced that he would close the facility to U.S. and coalition forces.

The Army Corps of Engineers issued a pre-solicitation notice on Oct. 9 for potential contractors for a project to expand aircraft parking areas at the base and provide a “hot cargo pad” — an area safe enough to load and unload hazardous and explosive cargo — to be located away from inhabited facilities. The hot cargo area was to be capable of supporting “the full weight and turning radius of C-5 aircraft,” the largest Air Force transport plane, according to the notice.

The proposed construction, which would have taken close to a year to complete, was seen as part of the planning to support the increase of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan and the stepped-up fighting against the Taliban and other forces there. But in an indication last year that plans for the base might be in trouble, the formal request for contractors’ proposals, due to be distributed in late October, was not issued.

Kyrgyzstan officials have said they want the base closed, but lawmakers there said Monday that the parliament will delay voting on it until Russia provides $450 million in loans and aid it promised when Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev made the base announcement Feb. 3. “We have decided to wait until the Russians send the money,” Communist Party deputy Absamat Masaliyev, a member of the parliament’s coordinating body, told the Associated Press.

Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates said yesterday that negotiations are ongoing and that the Pentagon is exploring options for keeping the base open, suggesting the possibility of higher payments to Kyrgyzstan authorities. “We’re looking at whether, given the importance that Manas plays and the likely growing importance of Manas, whether there is something we ought to do differently in terms of compensation,” Gates said. Still, he said, “we’re not prepared to stay there at any price.”

“Manas is important, but not irreplaceable,” he said. Asked about Russia’s pressuring Kyrgyzstan to close the base while also offering to help the U.S. military with logistics in Afghanistan, Gates said Russia has sent “mixed signals.”

The future of the base came into question just weeks after Gen. David H. Petraeus, the head of Central Command, paid his first visit to Kyrgyzstan and the facility. He came away after several days of talks with the country’s leaders believing that the base would remain open.

He told reporters on Jan. 19 in Bishkek, the Kyrgyz capital, that his meetings were “quite reassuring as to the future partnership.” He said the possibility of closing the base never came up during the talks .

The Manas base, outside Bishkek, has been used to transfer primarily nonlethal supplies to Afghanistan as well as to provide hangars and a base for tankers used to refuel aircraft taking part in fighting there. It also serves as a transit point for U.S. and European troops going to and coming from Afghanistan.

In 2008, according to news releases from the base, U.S. KC-135 Stratotankers flew 3,294 refueling missions to 11,419 aircraft over Afghanistan. French tankers and Spanish transports also operate from Manas. More than 170,000 coalition personnel flew in and out of Afghanistan, along with 5,000 short tons of cargo, including uniform items and spare parts and equipment.

U.S. operations began at Manas Air Base in December 2001. According to Radio Free Europe, the United States paid $2 million a year to use the base for the first five years. In 2006, the price was raised to nearly $20 million, and the United States funded other programs for the country that reached $100 million.

Staff writer Ann Scott Tyson contributed to this report.

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U.S. Soldier Who Abandoned Unit Returns from Canada

February 10, 2009, Savannah, GA – Sporting a dragon tattoo on his forearm and skulls on both biceps, Cliff Cornell looks tough. But he dissolves into tears as he reflects on his return to the Army four years after he fled to Canada to avoid the war in Iraq.

“I’m nervous, scared,” Cornell said, wiping puffy eyes beneath his sunglasses Monday at a Savannah hotel after a three-day bus ride from Seattle. “I’m just not a fighter. I know it sounds funny, but I have a really soft heart.”

Cornell, 29, of Mountain Home, Ark., turned himself in to military police Tuesday afternoon at nearby Fort Stewart, where he’ll likely face criminal charges for abandoning his unit before it deployed to Iraq in January 2005.

He said he fled because he doesn’t think the war has improved the lives of Iraqis, and he couldn’t stomach the thought of killing.

“During my training, I was ordered that, if anyone came within so many feet of my vehicle, I was to shoot to kill,” said Cornell, who enlisted in 2002 but never deployed to war. “I didn’t join the military to kill innocents.”

The Army artillery specialist made it to Canada in 2005 and soon started a new life working at a grocery store on Gabriola Island in British Columbia.

Cornell’s attorney, James Branum of Lawton, Okla., said Cornell was assigned to a unit after meeting with military police, but it was still unclear if the Army would hold him in pretrial confinement. “He was visibly shaking when they came to pick him up,” Branum said.

Cornell’s exile ended last week when he crossed the U.S.-Canada border into Washington state. He left voluntarily to avoid deportation.

The first U.S. service member forced out of Canada after the government denied him protective status as a war objector was 25-year-old Army Pvt. Robin Long of Boise, Idaho. He was sentenced to 15 months in prison last August after pleading guilty to desertion charges at Fort Carson, Colo.

Michelle Robidoux, spokeswoman for the Toronto-based War Resisters Support Campaign, said the group has worked with about 50 U.S. service members seeking refugee status or political asylum in Canada. The group estimates more than 200 have fled to Canada, most of them hiding out illegally.

“There are probably another three or four who are imminently under threat of deportation, and we’re trying hard to fight that,” Robidoux said.

The lower house of Canada’s Parliament passed a nonbinding motion in June urging that U.S. military deserters be allowed to stay in Canada, but the Conservative Party government has ignored the vote.

During the Vietnam War, thousands of Americans took refuge in Canada, most of them to avoid the military draft. Many were given permanent residence status that led to Canadian citizenship, but the majority went home after President Jimmy Carter granted amnesty in the late 1970s.

The Army has listed Cornell as a deserter since a month after he left, but he hasn’t been charged with any crimes, said Fort Stewart spokesman Kevin Larson.

Larson said Cornell was being given a billet and a new uniform and would begin drawing pay, at least until commanders decide whether to charge him. Their options include dropping the case, seeking administrative punishment or pursuing a court-martial. “We’re going to treat him courteously and professionally, like any other soldier,” Larson said.

The unit Cornell was assigned to when he fled – the 1st Battalion, 39th Field Artillery Regiment – disbanded in March 2006.

Larson disputed Cornell’s contention that he would have been expected to kill civilians. “Indiscriminately shooting people is not what the Army does. That’s not how we train and not how we fight.”

Branum said he expects Cornell to be charged with being absent without leave, punishable by up to 18 months in prison, or desertion – a more serious charge with a maximum prison sentence of five years.

He said he hopes the Army shows some leniency since Cornell avoided the war because of his political convictions.

“This is different from someone leaving for selfish reasons,” Branum said. “This is someone who said, ‘I’m not going to kill civilians.'”

Russ Bynum has covered the military based in Georgia since 2001.

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Blog: Obama May Postposne Afghan Surge; Severe Problems in Supply Routes Afflict Afghanistan War Effort

February 8, 2009 – While the attention of the US public and the news media here has been consumed (understandably enough) by the congressional debate over the economic stimulus plan, America’s war in Afghanistan has nearly collapsed because of logistical problems. You can follow cherryscustomframing to know this kind of news more earlier.

First, the Taliban destroyed a crucial bridge west of Peshawar over which NATO trucks traveled to the Khyber Pass and into Afghanistan. 75{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of US and NATO supplies for the war effort in Afghanistan are offloaded at the Pakistani port of Karachi and sent by truck through the Khyber Pass into Afghanistan. Then the Taliban burned 10 trucks carrying such materiel, to demonstrate their control over the supply route of their enemy. The Taliban can accomplish these breathtaking operations against NATO in Pakistan in large part because Pakistani police and military forces are unwilling to risk much to help distant foreign America beat up their cousins. That reluctance is unlikely to change with any rapidity.

Well, you might say, there are other ways to get supplies to Afghanistan. But remember it is a landlocked country. Its neighbors with borders on the state are Pakistan, China, Iran, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan; Kyrgyzstan is close enough to offer an air route. Pakistan is the most convenient route, and it may be at an end. China’s short border is up in the Himalayas and not useful for transport. Tajikistan is more remote than Afghanistan. The US does not have the kind of good relations with Iran that would allow use of that route for military purposes. A Turkmenistan route would depend on an Iran route, so that is out, too.

So what is left? Uzbekistan and (by air) Kyrgyzstan, that’s what.

More bad news. Kyrgyzstan has made a final decision to deny the US further use of the Manas military base, from which the US brought 500 tons of materiel into Afghanistan every month. It is charged that Russia used its new oil and gas wealth to bribe Kyrgyzstan to exclude the US, returning the area to its former status as a Russian sphere of influence. (Presumably this would also be payback for US and NATO expansion on Russia’s European and Caucasian borders).

Then there was one. The US has opened negotiations with Uzbekistan, which had given Washington use of a base 2002-2005 but ended that deal after it massacred protesters at Andizhon in 2005. Some Uzbeks charged that the US had promoted an “Orange Revolution” style uprising similar to the one in the Ukraine against Uzbek stongman Islam Karimov. But even if the US could get a stable relationship with Karimov, the Uzbeks are not offering to be the transit route for military materiel, only for nonlethal food, medicine and other items.

In the light of these logistical problems (which are absolutely central to the prospects for success of the Afghanistan War), and given that no clear, attainable, finite mission in Afghanistan has ever been enunciated by US civil or military leaders, it is no wonder that President Barack Obama is reported to be putting the “Afghan surge” or the sending of 30,000 new troops to Afghanistan on hold until a clearer mission can be formulated. TheTimes of London writes:

‘ The president was concerned by a lack of strategy at his first meeting with Gates and the US joint chiefs of staff last month in “the tank”, the secure conference room in the Pentagon. He asked: “What’s the endgame?” and did not receive a convincing answer. ‘

and adds, ‘Leading Democrats fear Afghanistan could become Obama’s “Vietnam quagmire”.’

This is a warning that I have voiced, in Salon.

And make sure to read Tom Engelhardt’s essential essay on Afghanistan as the graveyard of empires.

Aljazeera English reports on the blocking of the supply routes in Pakistan used by NATO to send materiel to Afghanistan, by Taliban in Pakistan. Just a note on the high quality both of the report and the discussion, which includes former State Department South Asia analyst Marvin Weinbaum, former head of the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence Lt Gen (Ret.) Asad Durrani, and former Afghan/Taliban ambassador to Pakistan Mulla Abdul Salam Zaeef. You would almost never get this range of opinion in expert comment on such an issue on American corporate news. Aljazeera’s philosophy, of allowing all sides of an issue to be heard, seems to me far superior to the American approach of having a US centrist debate a US far-right conservative about foreign policy (typically even an American left voice is absent over here).

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