Troops, Iraq, Afghanistan on Minds of Local Vets

January 21, 2009 – While three men stood and chatted quietly along the opposite side of the bar, Ray Tremblay Sr. sat in solitude, his eyes fixed on one of two TV’s that would, in a few minutes, broadcast one of the most historic moments in his life.

A military veteran and member of Hudson’s American Legion Post 48, Tremblay’s thoughts were, understandably, with the nation’s servicemen and women at war in a faraway land as he watched the events leading up to Barack Obama’s swearing-in ceremony and inaugural speech at “the foxhole,” Post 48’s Central Street home.

“I’d like to think the new president will do a good job . . . it’s time for a change, that much is for sure,” Tremblay said as he sipped his drink and checked the TV at regular intervals.

Most veterans and military families, including Tremblay, would welcome some good news from Iraq and its surroundings.

“I do think Obama will start bringing the troops home,” he said. “But is that a good thing? I’m not sure . . . what I don’t want to see is him taking everyone out all at once and leaving (Iraqis) stranded.

“That’s just my opinion,” Tremblay said.

Over at Nashua’s Post 483, Veterans of Foreign Wars, midday patrons were few, and those who were there were more interested in watching the inauguration than commenting on it.

“We don’t typically talk a lot about politics here,” said the bartender as she aimed a remote to tune in one of the Post’s TV’s.

Up on Court Street, the atmosphere at the American Legion’s James E. Coffey Post 3 was similarly low-key.

Semi-retired Nashua resident Bob Lucier, occupying his usual spot at the southern end of the bar, said despite the inauguration’s historic nature, his interest level hadn’t risen a whole lot in recent days.

“I don’t know . . . maybe things will get better,” he said. “I hope so.”

Meanwhile, a local veterans advocate and staunch Republican who voted for his longtime friend, John McCain, is expressing robust optimism as the “change and hope” administration takes over.

“Even though I’m a Republican, this is great,” Griff Dalianis said Tuesday after watching Obama’s inaugural address. “I think he’s a strong individual, very smart, who understands what’s at stake (in Iraq) . . . I’m very confident he won’t do anything to hurt our troops over there, to put them in harm’s way.”

Dalianis, commander of Gate City Chapter 7, Disabled American Veterans who also chairs the state Veterans Advisory Committee and writes a column for The Telegraph, said he sees Obama as conducting a gradual, methodical reduction of troops in Iraq.

“It can’t be done all at once, that would lead to mass killing over there,” he said. “I think what Obama will do is call for an orderly downsizing of the troops as the Iraqis begin to take over more and more.”

For Charlie Ringleben, commander of Post 483, Obama’s decision to retain Defense Secretary Robert Gates from the Bush administration was an important step in the right direction.

“I was a McCain supporter, but I believe the new president made the right move by keeping (Gates),” he said. “To me, that is a good choice . . . it allayed some of my initial fears.”

One of his biggest concerns, Ringleben said, has been the sudden and sweeping withdrawal of the troops in Iraq. “I think Bush made a mistake by not having an exit strategy,” he said. “But I would hate to see the troops pulled out too soon, and with no support – that could be disastrous.”

Dalianis, meanwhile, said he feels confident with the new administration.

“I heard (Obama) say he’d put more troops in Afghanistan, where they’re needed,” Dalianis said.

“I’ve been watching him along the way. I watched him speak today, and I believe what he says.”

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Veterans Advocates Pin Hopes on New VA Leadership

January 20, 2009 –  Veterans advocates are looking for sweeping changes in the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs if President Barack Obama’s pick for taking control of that agency is confirmed as expected.

Retired Army Gen. Eric K. Shinseki is probably best known for being one of the few voices to contradict then-Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld’s assessment of the troop levels necessary for success in the Iraq War. At the time, Shinseki was Army chief of staff.

Rep. Bob Filner, D-San Diego, is the chairman of the House Committee on Veterans Affairs. Filner spoke out about problems with integrating the VA’s computers with those of the Department of Defense, saying they fit a pattern of VA officials downplaying such problems and failing to share the information with Congress. He said he believes Shinseki needs to carry out a wholesale shakeup of the VA.

 “The confidence in the VA has been really undermined,” Filner said, citing cases in the past several years that have involved document-shredding, backdating of statistics and suppression of issues such as the military suicide rates. “Shinseki’s job is to rebuild that. He has a reputation for doing that, for being very loyal to his troops.”

Filner also wants the efficiency of the system to improve.

“There are over 800,000 claims that are backlogged,” he said. “This is an insult to the vets. We’ve got to cut through that.”

Filner said he hopes mental health care, especially as it relates to post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury, will improve under the new leadership.

‘do what’s right’

“As many veterans from Vietnam have committed suicide as died in the war,” Filner said. “And we’re heading for the same thing with this war. This is our fault as a nation and we’ve got to treat it. I don’t care what it costs.”

Russell Terry operates Iraq War Veterans in Yucaipa, an organization that assists veterans in navigating the VA system.

“I had breakfast this morning with four Vietnam veterans and we’re all hoping that since (Shinseki) is military he’ll want to do what’s right,” Terry said. “I’m going to wait three or four months and see what his platform is. Is he going to bring in some new blood in D.C.? That’s what we’re hoping for.”

In Santa Barbara, Bob Handy helps run Veterans United for Truth. The group helped bring a lawsuit against the VA last year calling for wholesale changes in its administration and operation.

Up to the job

“I think he’s going to properly live up to his reputation for caring for his troops,” Handy said of Shinseki. “I’d like to see him focus on adequate and timely care for vets with post-traumatic stress disorder, traumatic brain injury and the high rate of veteran suicides.”

One of the things revealed in the court proceedings last year was an internal VA e-mail from Dr. Ira Katz, the VA’s mental health director, which seemed to direct the recipients to suppress information about rising veteran suicide rates.

“I think people like Katz should have to go,” Handy said.

But he doesn’t think veterans seeking care can expect immediate changes.

“I would think probably no earlier than six to eight months and probably more like a year before he can do something that will have drastic changes in the way the VA system works,” he said.

Filner said such changes take leadership and he thinks Shinseki is up to the job.

“If he has the resources and becomes a visible advocate, that’s the main thing,” he said. “You have to be charismatic among your employees and the public. Shinseki can do that.”

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The American Veterans and Servicemembers Survival Guide, with Chapter by Paul Sullivan, Now Available Free On-Line

The American Veterans and Servicemembers Survival Guide

November 10, 2008 – Veterans for America is proud to release The American Veterans and Servicemembers Survival Guide today, one day before Veterans Day to better serve those who have served all of us. It is free and available for download here: http://www.veteransforamerica.org/survival-guide/survival-guide-download/.

Paul Sullivan, the Executive Director of Veterans for Common Sense, is the co-author, with Craig Kubey, of Chapter One, “Basic Survivial Skills:” http://www.veteransforamerica.org/wp-content/uploads/2008/11/1-Basic-Survival-Skills.pdf

The new Survival Guide is a follow-up to the 1985 national bestseller, The Viet Vet Survival Guide. Just as the earlier book was a must-read for Vietnam veterans, the new book will prove an invaluable resource for the 1.7 million servicemembers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, the 24 million veterans of past conflicts, and the families of all our troops and veterans. Unlike the earlier guide, the new Survival Guide is free.

The new book is as much a roadmap as a reference manual, detailing the benefits, assistance and resources available as well as the step-by-step directions for navigating the bureaucracies that serve our troops and veterans. The new Survival Guide contains 28 chapters, including 17 for veterans and their families and 11 for active-duty servicemembers, National Guard members and reservists, and their families. From legal to health services, job assistance to women’s issues, the new Survival Guide is designed to meet everyone’s needs.

The guide is available for download here: http://www.veteransforamerica.org/survival-guide/survival-guide-download/

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Jan 20, VCS in the News: U.S. Settles Lawsuit with Family of Iraq War Veteran Who Committed Suicide

January 20, 2009 – The federal government has settled a wrongful death lawsuit with the family of an Iraq war veteran who hung himself in his parents’ basement in June 2005 after being turned away by doctors at a Veterans Administration hospital in Massachusetts where he sought help for post-traumatic stress disorder.

Kevin and Joyce Lucey sued the U.S. government in federal court in Springfield, Mass in July 2007. It was the first wrongful death lawsuit filed against the U.S. government for failing to properly treat and diagnose veterans’ who suffered from mental health problems associated with the Iraq war. 

Two weeks ago, the Department of Justice sent Luceys’ attorney, Cristobal Bonifaz, a letter acknowledging that the Veterans Administration provided Lucey with substandard care. However, Assistant U.S. Attorney Karen L. Goodwin said the government is not responsible for the suicide of Marine Cpl. Jeffrey Lucey.

“Jeffrey’s suicide while under VA care was a tragedy for the VA and the individual care providers,” the DOJ’s Jan. 6, letter says. The DOJ proposed to pay $350,000 to settle the matter. The Luceys accepted the offer.

But the loss of their son and their anger at the bureaucracy that has plagued the VA under George W. Bush’s tenure in the White House still runs deep.

“The US Government killed my son,” said Kevin Lucey. “It sent him into an illegal and reckless war and then, when he returned home, it denied him the basic health care he needed.  We hope that this case serves as a wake-up call to the nation that our government must be held accountable for the suffering it has caused thousands of US military families.”

Cpl. Lucey received an honorable discharge in June 2003 and immediately showed signs of PTSD upon return home from combat. He suffered from nightmares, drank heavily, and acted erratically. He eventually sought treatment for what were clear signs of PTSD at Northampton Veterans Medical Center in Leeds, Mass., in June 2004 but was turned away. The facility’s medical staff diagnosed him with alcoholism and mood swings. He apparently informed someone at the VA hospital that he was suicidal, according to official medical records his family was given, but the hospital did not take action to treat his deteriorating mental state.

Two weeks later, Cpl. Lucey committed suicide. He was 23 years old.

Joyce Lucey said her family “didn’t realize that the bullets and bombs there didn’t present the only threat to our son’s safety.”

“Our own government’s apathy and indifference are just as great a threat to our troops and veterans,” she said. “Until the Veterans Administration takes the psychological wounds of war seriously, the epidemic of military suicides will continue to grow.”

Veterans’ suicides have reached epidemic proportions due in large part to the failure of the VA to treat and diagnose cases of PTSD. The issue reached a boiling point last year when veterans advocacy groups sued the VA and several government officials in federal court over the agency’s failure to immediately treat veterans who show signs of PTSD and were at risk of suicide.

The court case included tragic stories such as that of 26-year-old Navy veteran Lucas Senescall who was found by his brother hanging by an extension cord in the garage of his home. He was the sixth veteran under the care of a Spokane, Washington Veterans Administration hospital who committed suicide in 2008.

The federal court case made national headlines after internal VA e-mails surfaced that showed how top agency officials tried to conceal the information from the public about the sudden increase in suicides and attempted suicides among veterans that were treated or sought help at VA hospitals around the country.

Paul Sullivan, the executive director of veterans advocacy group Veterans for Common Sense, whose organization sued the VA last year, said Cpl. Lucey’s suicide was the result of “systemic VA neglect and indifference. Our sympathy goes out to the Lucey family for the loss of their son, Jeffrey,” who died “due to President Bush’s lies to start the Iraq war and his inexcusable incompetence in failing to prepare for the return of hundreds of thousands of combat veterans to an overburdened VA.”

After Veterans for Common Sense sued the VA in July 2007, and around the same time as the Luceys filed their lawsuit, the VA set up a toll-free suicide prevention hotline for veterans in distress. So far, the VA said it has received about 85,000 calls and 2,100 rescues in the first 15 months of operation.

But Sullivan said the VA “can do more.”
 
“We hope VA learns the lesson that the right choice is to treat mental health conditions as equal to physical conditions and then provide prompt and high-quality healthcare,” Sullivan said. “We urge VA to quickly implement their mental health strategic plan so that this type of tragedy is less likely to be repeated.”

Cpl. Lucey’s suicide and the settlement the government paid to his family underscores the historic failure of the Bush administration to take seriously the life and death issues Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans face when they return from combat, particularly cases of PTSD.

According to a study released last year by the RAND Institute, there are more than 320,000 veterans of the Iraq and Afghan wars suffering from major depression, PTSD and/or traumatic brain injury. The report found that the VA has been and continues to be ill equipped to deal with these cases when soldiers return from combat, especially after multiple tours.

An Army task force last year also found major flaws in the way the VA treated and cared for veterans suffering from traumatic brain injuries.

Antonette Zeiss, the deputy director for mental health services at the VA, said, “there’s a steeper rate of increase between each of the quarterly reports as time goes on.”

The number of Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans diagnosed with PTSD by the VA stands at 105,000, said Sullivan, citing a report prepared by VA for the Government Accountability Office he obtained last week under a Freedom of Information Act request.  

Yet only about 42,000 veterans diagnosed with PTSD have had their disability claim approved by VA, “a disappointingly low 40 percent, down from the recent approval rate of 50 percent,” Sullivan said. It takes about six months for veterans to receive disability benefits from the VA. 

“The 63,000 veterans denied PTSD disability benefits need assistance from VA today, not more red tape and delays,” Sullivan said. Veterans for Common Sense “once again urges VA to adopt regulations to streamline PTSD benefits for Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans.” 

The absence of a cohesive policy to deal with the dramatic increase in PTSD cases and the backlog in benefits claims is due in large part to bureaucratic red tape at the VA. But Bush made the situation worse by stacking the agency with political cronies, such as former Republican National Committee chairman Jim Nicholson, who as VA Secretary defended a budget measure that sought major cuts in staffing for healthcare and at the Board of Veterans Appeals; slashed funding for nursing home care; and blocked four legislative measures aimed at streamlining the backlog of veterans benefits claims.

Last November, internal watchdogs discovered [documents associated with] 500 benefits claims in shredding bins at the 41 of the 57 regional VA offices around the country.

Yet, according to Bush, he “provided unprecedented resources for veterans” over the past eight years and provided “the highest level of support for veterans in American history.”

Last month, trying to change the emerging historical consensus about a failed presidency, the White House published two lengthy reports, “Highlights of Accomplishments and Results of the Administration of George W. Bush,” and “100 Things Americans May Not Know About the Bush Administration Record.”

One of the surprising claims that stood out among the combined 90 pages of so-called accomplishments was the White House’s glowing assessment of Bush’s record on veterans’ issues.

“The President also increased the benefits available to those who have served our Nation and transformed the veterans health care system to better serve those who have sacrificed for our freedom,” both reports claim, adding that he “instituted reforms for the care of wounded warriors … and dramatically expanded resources for mental health services.”

Simply put – White House propaganda aside – veterans’ healthcare has become worse, not better, under Bush’s leadership and veterans have suffered greatly on his watch. Instead of expediting PTSD claims, Bush’s political appointees at VA actively fought against mental health claims.

But there is a glimmer of hope for veterans.

President Barack Obama tapped retired U.S. Army Gen. and Vietnam War veteran Eric Shinseki to lead the VA.  Shinseki made headlines back in February 2003 when he testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee and predicted that several hundred thousand soldiers would likely be needed to maintain order in post-invasion Iraq.

After facing public criticism from Defense Secretary Rumsfeld and his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, Shinseki was forced into early retirement. His judgment has since been vindicated, both in regard to likely ethnic strife in Iraq and on the costliness of the war.

At his Senate confirmation hearing last week, Shinseki said his goal is to transform the VA into a 21st Century organization.

To accomplish that goal, Shinseki said he will immediately “implement the New GI Bill (Post 9/11 Veterans’ Educational Assistance Act), streamline the disability claims system, increase quality, timeliness and consistency of claims processing, and …modernize the delivery of benefits and services.”

“If confirmed, I will focus on these issues and the development of a credible and adequate 2010 budget request during my first 90 days in office,” Shinseki added. “The overriding challenge, which I will begin to address on my first day in office, will be to make the Department of Veterans Affairs a 21st Century Organization focused on the Nation’s Veterans as its clients.”

For Kevin and Joyce Lucey, ensuring the VA provides Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans proper care is just one part of a larger goal.

“Jeffrey’s story is a story of too many military families in this country,” said Joyce Lucey. “We will continue to speak out to demand that our government immediately end this war, bring our troops home now, and provide all the necessary medical care they deserve when they return.”

But the family also expects justice.
 
“To those military families who have similarly suffered because of the negligence of the US Veterans Administration,” added Kevin Lucey, “we hope this case serves as an example that the government can and must be held accountable in a court of law.”

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Campaign Seeks to Draw Awareness to PTSD

January 16, 2009, Columbus, OH – Post traumatic stress disorder is a common disorder that is not commonly discussed. Now a new nationwide campaign seeks to put the disorder into the spotlight.

Glenn Minney was diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder after leaving Iraq in 2005. He talked with ONN’s Stephanie Mennecke and shared some of his symptoms.

“There are certain things we can’t handle, crowds, loud noises, enclosed space,” Minney said.  “Sometimes I get frustrated.  Someone drops a book at work and I jump.  I’m easily startled, yeah I’m mad.”

That anger led him to take his story public, to promote a new nationwide campaign called Summit For Soldiers.  The goal is to raise awareness about PTSD, and available outlets for help.
 
Co-founder Cameron Fairman said it is too important not too.

“These are our friends that are affected, these are our brothers and sisters in arms, these are some of us,” said Fairman.

PTSD is a condition veterans said is surrounded by stigma, negative connotation and hurdles.

The campaign wants to make it easy for those who suffer from the disorder to get help all in one place.

 

Click Here To Learn More About Summit For Soldiers

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Military Youth Ministry Stalks Students on Public School Buses for jesus

January 16, 2009 – The government-funded targeting of the children of our servicemen and servicewomen by Christian religious organizations is an issue that the Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF) has been gathering information on for some time now. The countless complaints and reports from members of our armed services that we receive about this completely unconstitutional practice include everything from Christian “public service announcements” being snuck into non-religious programming on the Armed Forces Network to the complete lack of youth programs that are not Christianity-based, leaving our non-Christian military parents with the dilemma of either turning their kids over to Christian evangelists or having to explain to them why they can’t participate in all the fun and exciting activities, events, and trips with the other kids.

These youth programs, many funded by Department of Defense (DoD) contracts, are designed to target and evangelize the “unchurched” among our military youth. No comparable non-Christian youth programs exist for the children of our servicemen and servicewomen who are of other religions or non-religious.

The tactics employed by the Christian military youth ministries range from luring teenagers with irresistible events and activities to infiltrating the public middle and high schools in the communities surrounding military bases, where most children of military personnel attend school. And, with this month being the fifth annual observance of National Stalking Awareness Month, it seems quite timely to note that one of these organizations, Youth For Christ Military Youth Ministry (YFCMYM), actually goes as far as stalking military children, following their school buses to find out where they live and what schools they go to. Even the job descriptions for DoD contracts make it clear that stalking kids is expected. One recently posted Army base position requires that the contractor target “locations and activities where youth live and spend time, such as neighborhood community centers, school and sports and recreational activities, etc.” to draw in “youth that are not regularly affiliated with established chapel congregational youth programs.”

Another thing that many DoD contract descriptions make clear is that military base Religious Education Director and similar positions are for Christians only, in complete violation of the Constitution’s “no religious test” clause, including requirements such as the “Contractor shall ensure all programs and activities are inclusive of all Christian traditions” and will “use a variety of communications medium that shall appeal to a diverse group of youth, such as music, skits, games, humor, and a clear, concise, relevant presentation of the Gospel.”

Recently, one of MRFF’s Research Associates came across a video interview of Fort Riley’s Religious Education Director talking about one of these exclusively Christian youth programs, Fort Riley’s Spiritual Rangers. This video, which was aired on the base’s local cable access channel, Fort Riley TV KFRL, describes a program where teenage boys get to do things like use the base’s Close Combat Tactical Trainer, Engagement Skills Trainer, and Helicopter Flight Simulator. In other words, the coolest video games EVER! And all a kid on Fort Riley has to do to play them is hang out with the “godly” men and memorize some scripture.

While Spiritual Rangers is a program specific to Fort Riley, the base also offers the military-wide Military Community Youth Ministries (MCYM) program, Club Beyond. MCYM, which “seeks to celebrate life with military kids and introduce them to the Life-giver, Jesus Christ,” has received millions of dollars in DoD contracts, and operates on dozens of U.S. military bases, both overseas and in the United States. Unlike the Spiritual Rangers, whose mission is “to train young men to be Godly leaders by instilling in them biblical character, values and principles and thus giving them a sense of what it truly means to be a man,” and is open only to boys, MCYM’s programs are co-ed.

MCYM’s “Contracting Officer’s Performance Evaluation,” to be filled out each year by a “person duly appointed with the authority to enter into and to administer contracts on behalf of the government” at the installations where the organization is contracted, also shows not only that MCYM’s mission is to target unchurched children but that the contracting officer actually rates MCYM on its success in this constitutional violation. These are two of the questions on the evaluation:

    “MCYM staff are expected to conduct outreach ministry to teens who have no relationship with the chapel or established churches. What is your assessment of this ministry objective?”

    “MCYM staff are expected to present the Gospel to teens with due respect to their spiritual traditions, i.e. to engage in evangelism but not proselytization. This means that they are not to endorse a particular theology or denomination or creed excepting that which is generally accepted as representing the principle tenents of the Christian faith with a focus on introducing teens to Jesus Christ and to help teens develop in their faith in God. What is your assessment of this ministry objective?”

Saying that they “engage in evangelism but not proselytization” is a joke. The only difference between these often confused words is that proselytization is evangelism specifically intended to convert someone from one faith to another, while evangelism is attempting to convert someone to Christianity, whether or not they already have a religion. MCYM, however, narrowly defines refraining from proselytization only in terms of not trying to convert someone from one Christian denomination to another, and places no restriction on evangelizing those teenagers who need some “introducing” to Jesus Christ.

MCYM has two partner organizations — YoungLife and Youth For Christ Military Youth Ministry. On its website, MCYM describes these organizations as their “partners,” but Youth For Christ (YFC) and MCYM appear to be one and the same. Both have the same address and phone number, and YFC’s mission statement states only one mission — to partner with MCYM.

    “The Mission of Youth For Christ Military Youth Ministry is to partner with Military Community Youth Ministries (MCYM) in assisting and equipping Commanders, Chaplains, Parents, Volunteers and local Youth for Christ (YFC) chapters on behalf of reaching military teens with the Good News of Jesus Christ.”

Few military installations have their own middle schools and high schools on base. Most children of military personnel attend public schools in the surrounding communities, so YFC, which “primarily ministers in public schools,” offers military chaplains a “school focused outreach ministry.” To convince chaplains that their base needs this service, YFC provides a fill-in-the-blank template for a “Chapel youth ministry steering committee” to write up an assessment to present to the Installation Chaplain.

The first step in completing this assessment is for the “steering committee” to try to get a meeting with the local high school principal. This is done by saying, according to the script provided, that they are assisting the base chaplains — a bit deceptive considering that this phone call appears to made prior to approaching the chaplains.

    Example when you call the principle [sic] of the local high school: Hello my name is and I am assisting the chaplains of Fort ___________ by putting together several facts concerning adolescent culture and youth serving organizations in our community. Could I drop by and ask a few questions?”

Here are a few more sections of YFC’s assessment template, including the instruction to follow public school buses around for three days:

    3. Fort ______________ Schools (ensure you include comments on any other significant para church outreach taking place in the schools by YL, YFC, FCA, FCS, First Priority etc…)
    a. _____________ High School. The principle [sic] is _________________. I spoke with _____________ and he indicated that he would be willing/unwilling to allow me campus access. He did indicate that he would be glad to allow me to support students by attending practices, games, rehearsals and school activities on an “as invited” basis. My general impression is that ___________________ and will continue to develop my relationships at the High School.
    b. _____________ Middle School. The principle [sic] is ______________.

    ACCESSMENT [sic]:
    6. Demographics
    a. High School: This is a completely unscientific measurement but I followed the buses around for three days. Each morning four buses leave the installation in [sic] route to the high school. There are approximately ______ students on these buses. Students are primarily picked up in the ________, ________ and ________ neighborhoods. Students appeared to be equally spread over the four different grade levels with slightly more/less 9th and 10th graders.
    b. Middle School: See a above.

    ACCESSMENT [sic]:
    8. Climate and opportunities for youth ministry at Fort ______________
    My general impression is that there is a real openness and invitation to the ministry overall here at Fort ________. It would be premature to put forth a complete plan at this time. However, as mutually agreed, I will use the following values for the next six weeks (date) until I present a more detailed youth ministry plan.

The goal of YFC, of course, is the same as that of MCYM and all of the other youth ministries — to find, lure, and evangelize all the kids who aren’t already Christians. According to the YFC Youth Ministry Manual template (a 69-page instruction and activity manual provided as a PDF file that can be personalized with the specific installation’s name, contact list, event calendars, etc.):

    “An important part of any Youth Ministry is when the leader has the opportunity to speak of Jesus Christ to young people who do not know Him.”

Malachi Youth Ministries, which is listed on the YFC website’s “Resources” page, is the youth division of Cadence International. Like MCYM, Cadence International’s youth programs are funded by DoD contracts. The vision of Cadence’s military ministry is that by 2020 they will “Equip a fresh wave of Christ’s ambassadors in the military who will proclaim Christ around the world,” because “God is calling Cadence to reach deeper into the American military and to impact the militaries of the world.”

Cadence, in addition to its youth programs, targets young service members, many of whom are not much older than the kids in its Malachi Ministries. Cadence sees young service members who are likely to be deployed to war zones as low hanging fruit because they are “shaken.” One of the reasons given by Cadence for the success of its “Strategic Ministry” is:

    “Deployment and possibly deadly combat are ever-present possibilities. They are shaken. Shaken people are usually more ready to hear about God than those who are at ease, making them more responsive to the gospel.”

Those who are saved by Cadence can then “spread the gospel as they move from assignment to assignment,” and, since the goal is to use the U.S. military to evangelize the world, these Christian ambassadors in uniform will spread Christianity as they “learn about other cultures and become burdened to reach them for God” and become “willing to go out into the world with the life-giving message of the gospel.”

Cadence also targets the youngest children of military personnel, getting the elementary school age kids into Good News Clubs on their bases and in their schools, partnering with Child Evangelism Fellowship (CEF) “to anchor children in the hope of Jesus and lead them to living fully devoted to Him.” According to the Deputy Installation Chaplain at Fort Hood, Texas, in a video on the CEF website, “The harvest is ready, and I mean it’s out there in more abundance than we have ability to harvest.” Cadence and CEF have the “mutual goal of reaching every child of the US military around the world.”

To sum up the obvious constitutional violations being perpetrated by these evangelical Christian organizations, the chaplains and commanders who allow them on their bases, and the DoD officials and contracting officers who approve their funding:

1. Millions of dollars are being awarded in DoD contracts for the explicitly stated purpose of evangelizing military youth, in violation of the establishment clause;

2. No comparable non-Christian youth programs exist for the children of service members who are of other religions or non-religious, and the appeal of the activities and events that the Christian youth programs are able to offer aids these groups in luring the children of non-Christian service members into situations in which they can be evangelized, in violation of the establishment clause;

3. The requirement to provide exclusively Christian programs and services restricts the positions of military base Religious Education Directors to Christians, in violation of the Constitution’s “no religious test” clause;

4. The targeting and use of public schools as recruiting grounds for U.S. military chaplain sponsored religious programs goes far beyond the constitutionally permissible activities of student initiated and led religious clubs, in violation of the establishment clause.

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Iraq War Veteran Identified in Colorado Standoff – Veteran Completed Suicide

January 20, 2009, Colorado Springs, CO – A friend, Keith, of Iraq war veteran Larry Curtis Applegate says the veteran was one of the smartest and most caring people he ever met.

Applegate committed suicide after a two-hour standoff with police early Saturday morning. His wife was able to get out of the house safely.

Applegate was a decorated soldier who received 7 awards during his deployment that lasted about a year from 2005-2006. Awards include a Purple Heart and a Commendation Medal with Valor.

Keith says his friend sought help numerous times for Post Traumatic Stress Disorder from hospitals, but was told to go home. He says the tragedy could have been prevented if Applegate got the help he needed.

Obituary: http://www.legacy.com/MYRTLEBEACHONLINE/DeathNotices.asp?Page=SearchResults&DateRange=Today&Product=0

Colorado Springs, Colorado – Specialist Larry Curtis Applegate, United States Army, 27, of Surfside Beach died Saturday, January 17, 2009.

Mr. Applegate was born in Morristown, Tennessee, the son of Larry Ray and Cynthia Ann Patton. He was a decorated Iraqi Veteran. He received Awards and Decorations including the Purple Heart and the Army Commendation Medal awarded for Valor.

Survivors include his wife, Krista Applegate of Colorado Springs, Colo.; mother and stepfather, Danny and Cindy Patton of Surfside Beach; father and stepmother, Larry and Denise Applegate of Morristown, Tenn.; maternal grandfather, Karl Domann; step-grandmother, Roberta Patton of Morristown, Tenn.; aunt, Wendy Domann of Morristown, Tenn; uncle, Richard Domann and wife, Ruth, of Dearborn, Mich.; cousin, Alex Warner of Morristown, Tenn.; and close friends, Eric Shuping of Murrells Inlet, and Kyle Sowards of Myrtle Beach.

A funeral service will be held at 2:00 P.M. Saturday, January 24, 2009 at Goldfinch Funeral Home, Beach Chapel. Interment will follow at Ocean Woods Cemetery.

Family will receive friends 2 hours prior to the service.

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Senator Tester Announces Agenda for Veterans

January 18, 2009 – Improving the health care of American Indian veterans and making it easier to track electronic records are among the improvements Sen. Jon Tester hopes to make this year in the Senate Veteran’s Affairs Committee.

Tester, a member of the committee, announced his priorities for 2009, continuing his campaign to improve the overall care of Montana’s rural veterans.

Tester announced the priorities last week during the confirmation hearing for Gen. Eric Shinseki, the incoming secretary for the Department of Veterans Affairs.

Last year, Tester expressed support for Shinseki when he emerged as a frontrunner for the job. Tester said he’ll vote in favor of Shinseki’s confirmation, adding that the VA is an agency with its share of challenges.

“It will take Gen. Shinseki’s leadership to see the VA through those challenges,” Tester said. “At the end of his service, I hope we can say that great progress has been made.”

The four areas Tester hopes to tackle this year include improved electronic record sharing between the VA and the U.S. Department of Defense. He also looks to ensure that vets receive an accurate disability evaluation, and the necessary treatment, more promptly than in years past.

“It currently takes an average 180 days for a benefit claim to be resolved,” Tester said. “More than half of VA’s workload is on cases that are being re-examined.”

Other improvements in 2009 will include better American Indian access to VA health care, and improved mental-health care and family reintegration for troops, Tester said.

Reporter Martin Kidston: 447-4086 or mkidston@helenair.com

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Editorial Column: Veterans Healthcare System Needs Triage

January 15, 2009, San Francisco, California (IPS) – Eighteen U.S. veterans kill themselves every day. More veterans are committing suicide than are dying in combat overseas. One in every three homeless men in the United States has put on a uniform and served his country. On any given night, the U.S. government estimates 200,000 veterans sleep on the street.

This is the crisis General Eric Shinseki will inherit when he takes the reins at the Department of Veterans Affairs. The general, who retired from the Army after the George W. Bush administration ignored his warnings on Iraq, sat for his Senate confirmation hearing for VA secretary Wednesday, where he received accolades from Democrats and Republicans alike.

The chair of the committee, Senator Daniel Akaka of Hawaii, predicted Shinseki will be confirmed by the full Senate Jan. 20, the same day Barack Obama takes office.

Mentioning the retired general’s experience having one of his feet blown off nearly 40 years ago during the war in Vietnam, Akaka told Shinseki he was “confident you have a strong sense of empathy to those who are served by VA and a deep commitment to VA’s mission . . . This will serve you well as secretary.”

For his part, Shinseki promised to be “a forceful advocate for veterans,” saying Obama “charged me to ensure that veterans receive the benefits and services they earned and that the nation expects.”

Most observers agree the situation Shinseki inherits is dire.

The non-partisan Rand Corporation estimates 300,000 Iraq and Afghanistan veterans suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder or major depression, while another 320,000 have experienced a traumatic brain injury — physical brain damage often caused by roadside bombs.

Less than half, however, are getting help from the government that sent them to battle. Wounded veterans are being forced to wait six months to two years on average to learn if they qualify for disability payments, and many have been turned away when they seek medical care.

At his confirmation hearing, Shinseki vowed to “transform” the VA, to cut down on long delays, promising “timeliness and consistency” in processing disability claims, a more “transparent” bureaucratic process and increased use of new technologies.

Like the senators at the hearing, veterans’ advocates expressed optimism about Shinseki’s selection.

“As a wounded combat veteran, he has a firm understanding of the issues veterans face not only when they’re deployed and when they return home, but also just the everyday issues that a veteran has to deal with that most civilians wouldn’t understand,” said Ernesto Estrada, an Iraq War veteran and policy associate at the organisation Swords to Plowshares.

Now Estrada and others are waiting to see the specifics of Shinseki’s proposals. His answers to most of the questions posed by senators were vague, and none of the lawmakers pressed him for specifics.

In his written answers to questions from Senator Akaka, for example, Shinseki spoke of the long wait times veterans face for disability payments “I have much to learn with respect to the specifics of the claims process, but it seems to me that timeliness and quality should be primary concerns in the decision-making process,” he said.

Veterans hope Shinseki’s reputation for honesty will lead to a change in approach at the Department of Veterans Affairs.

Under Pres. Bush, high-ranking officials have tried to cover up these problems. In one infamous example, the head of the VA’s mental health division, Dr. Ira Katz, directed an agency spokesperson not to tell CBS News that 1,000 veterans receiving care from the VA attempt to kill themselves every month. The subject line of Katz’s e-mail read: “Shh!”

Those who did call attention to the crisis have been punished. In 2006, Dr. Frances Murphy was working as the undersecretary for health policy coordination at the VA when she told the medical journal Psychiatric News that waiting lists for mental health care were so long the care was “virtually inaccessible.” Days later, Dr. Murphy was sent packing.

Indeed, General Shinseki had his own battles over facts with the Bush administration.

Announcing the appointment on NBC, President-elect Obama said he picked Shinseki to head the VA because he “was right” when he warned Congress and the Bush administration about the dangers of war in Iraq.

As secretary of Veterans Affairs, Shinseki advocates hope he will continue to tell the country inconvenient truths about the long-term effects of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

*IPS contributor Aaron Glantz is author of “The War Comes Home: Washington’s Battle Against America’s Veterans” (University of California Press, 2009).

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Editorial Column: Ten Take Aways from the Bush Years

January 18, 2009 – There’s actually a lot that President-elect Barack Obama can learn from the troubled presidency of George W. Bush. Over the past eight years, I have interviewed President Bush for nearly 11 hours, spent hundreds of hours with his administration’s key players and reviewed thousands of pages of documents and notes. That produced four books, totaling 1,727 pages, that amount to a very long case study in presidential decision-making, and there are plenty of morals to the story. Presidents live in the unfinished business of their predecessors, and Bush casts a giant shadow on the Obama presidency with two incomplete wars and a monumental financial and economic crisis. Here are 10 lessons that Obama and his team should take away from the Bush experience.

1. Presidents set the tone. Don’t be passive or tolerate virulent divisions.

In the fall of 2002, Bush witnessed a startling face-off between National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice and Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld in the White House Situation Room after Rumsfeld had briefed the National Security Council on the Iraq war plan. Rice wanted to hold on to a copy of the Pentagon briefing slides, code-named Polo Step. “You won’t be needing that,” Rumsfeld said, reaching across the table and snatching the Top Secret packet away from Rice — in front of the president. “I’ll let you two work it out,” Bush said, then turned and walked out. Rice had to send an aide to the Pentagon to get a bootlegged copy from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Bush should never have put up with Rumsfeld’s power play. Instead of a team of rivals, Bush wound up with a team of back-stabbers with long-running, poisonous disagreements about foreign policy fundamentals.

2. The president must insist that everyone speak out loud in front of the others, even — or especially — when there are vehement disagreements.

During the same critical period, Vice President Cheney was urging Secretary of State Colin Powell to consider seriously the possibility that Iraq might be connected to the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Powell found the case worse than ridiculous and scornfully concluded that Cheney had what Powell termed a “fever.” (In private, Powell used to call the Pentagon policy shop run by Undersecretary of Defense Douglas J. Feith, who shared Cheney’s burning interest in supposed ties between al-Qaeda and Iraq, a “Gestapo office.”)

Powell was right to conclude that Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden did not work together. But Cheney and Powell did not have this crucial debate in front of the president — even though such a discussion might have undermined one key reason for war. Cheney provided private advice to the president, but he was rarely asked to argue with others and test his case. After the invasion, Cheney had a celebratory dinner with some aides and friends. “Colin always had major reservations about what we were trying to do,” Cheney told the group as they toasted Bush and laughed at Powell. This sort of derision undermined the administration’s unity of purpose — and suggests the nasty tone that can emerge when open debate is stifled by long-running feuds and personal hostility.

3. A president must do the homework to master the fundamental ideas and concepts behind his policies.

The president should not micromanage, but understanding the ramifications of his positions cannot be outsourced to anyone.

For example, Gen. George W. Casey Jr., the commander of the U.S. forces in Iraq in 2004-07, concluded that President Bush lacked a basic grasp of what the Iraq war was about. Casey believed that Bush, who kept asking for enemy body counts, saw the war as a conventional battle, rather than the counterinsurgency campaign to win over the Iraqi population that it was. “We cannot kill our way to victory in Iraq,” Gen. David Petraeus said later. In May 2008, Bush insisted to me that he, of all people, knew all too well what the war was about.

4. Presidents need to draw people out and make sure that bad news makes it to the Oval Office.

On June 18, 2003, before real trouble had developed in Iraq, retired Army Lt. Gen. Jay Garner, the first official to head the Iraqi reconstruction effort, warned Rumsfeld that disbanding the Iraqi army and purging too many former Baath Party loyalists had been “tragic” mistakes. But in an Oval Office meeting with Bush later that day, none of this came up, and Garner reported to a pleased president that, in 70 meetings with Iraqis, they had always said, “God bless Mr. George Bush.” Bush should have asked Garner whether he had any worries — perhaps even kicking Rumsfeld out of the Oval Office and saying something like, “Jay, you were there. I insist on the ground truth. Don’t hold anything back.”

Bush sometimes assumed that he knew his aides’ private views without asking them one-on-one. He made probably the most important decision of his presidency — whether to invade Iraq — without directly asking either Powell, Rumsfeld or Director of Central Intelligence George J. Tenet for their bottom-line recommendations. (Instead of consulting his own father, former president George H.W. Bush, who had gone to war in 1991 to kick the Iraqi army out of Kuwait, the younger Bush told me that he had appealed to a “higher father” for strength.)

5. Presidents need to foster a culture of skepticism and doubt.

During a December 2003 interview with Bush, I read him a quote from his closest ally, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, about the experience of receiving letters from family members of slain soldiers who had written that they hated him. “And don’t believe anyone who tells you when they receive letters like that, they don’t suffer any doubt,” Blair had said.

“Yeah,” Bush replied. “I haven’t suffered doubt.”

“Is that right?” I asked. “Not at all?”

“No,” he said.

Presidents and generals don’t have to live on doubt. But they should learn to love it. “You should not be the parrot on the secretary’s shoulder,” said Marine Gen. James Jones, Obama’s incoming national security adviser, to his old friend Gen. Peter Pace, who was then the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff — a group Jones thought had been “systematically emasculated by Rumsfeld.” Doubt is not the enemy of good policy; it can help leaders evaluate alternatives, handle big decisions and later make course corrections if necessary.

6. Presidents get contradictory data, and they need a rigorous way to sort it out.

In 2004-06, the CIA was reporting that Iraq was getting more violent and less stable. By mid-2006, Bush’s own NSC deputy for Iraq, Meghan O’Sullivan, had a blunt assessment of conditions in Baghdad: “It’s hell, Mr. President.” But the Pentagon remained optimistic and reported that a strategy of drawing down U.S. troops and turning security over to the Iraqis would end in “self-reliance” in 2009. As best I could discover, the president never insisted that the contradiction between “hell” and “self-reliance” be resolved.

7. Presidents must tell the public the hard truth, even if that means delivering very bad news.

For years after the Iraq invasion, Bush consistently offered upbeat public assessments. That went well beyond the infamous “Mission Accomplished” banner that he admitted last Monday had been a mistake. “Absolutely, we’re winning,” the president said during an October 2006 news conference. “We’re winning.” His confident remarks came during one of the lowest points of the war, at a time when anyone with a TV screen knew that the war was going badly. On Feb. 5, 2005, as he was moving up from his first-term role as Rice’s deputy to become national security adviser, Stephen J. Hadley had offered a private, confidential assessment of the problems of Bush’s Iraq-dominated first term. “I give us a B-minus for policy development,” he said, “and a D-minus for policy execution.” The president later told me that he knew that the Iraq “strategy wasn’t working.” So how could the United States be winning a war with a failing strategy?

After 9/11, Bush spoke forthrightly about a war on terror that might last a generation and include other attacks on the U.S. homeland. That straight talk marked the period of Bush’s greatest leadership and highest popularity. A president is strong when he is the voice of realism.

8. Righteous motives are not enough for effective policy.

“I believe we have a duty to free people,” Bush told me in late 2003. I believe that he truly wanted to bring democracy to Afghanistan and Iraq. In preparing his second inaugural address in 2005, for example, Bush told his chief speechwriter, Michael Gerson, “The future of America and the security of America depends on the spread of liberty.” That got the idealistic Gerson so pumped that he set out to produce the foreign policy equivalent of Albert Einstein’s unified field theory of the universe — a 17-minute inaugural address in which the president said that his goal was nothing less than “the ending of tyranny in our world.”

But this high purpose often blinded Bush and his aides to the consequences of this mad dash to democracy. In 2005, for example, Bush and his war cabinet spent much of their time promoting free elections in Iraq — which wound up highlighting the isolation of the minority Sunnis and setting the stage for the raging sectarian violence of 2006.

9. Presidents must insist on strategic thinking.

Only the president (and perhaps the national security adviser) can prod a reactive bureaucracy to think about where the administration should be in one, two or four years. Then detailed, step-by-step tactical plans must be devised to try to get there. It’s easy for an administration to become consumed with putting out brush fires, which often requires presidential involvement. (Ask Obama how much time he’s been spending on the Gaza war.) But a president will probably be judged by the success of his long-range plans, not his daily crisis management.

For example, in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, the quality of the planning for combat operations ranged from adequate to strong, but far too little attention was devoted to what might come after the fall of the Taliban and the Baath Party. Some critical strategic decisions — to disband the Iraqi army, force Baathists out of government and abolish an initial Iraqi government council — were made on the ground in Iraq, without the involvement of the NSC and the president.

Obama would do well to remember the example of a young Democratic president who was willing to make long-range plans. Bill Clinton began his presidency in 1993 after having promised to cut the federal deficit in half in four years. The initial plan looked shaky, and Clinton took a lot of heat for more than a year. But he and his team stuck to their basic strategy of cutting federal spending and raising taxes, which laid a major part of the foundation of the economic boom of the Clinton era. It was classic strategic planning, showing a willingness to pay a short-term price for the sort of long-term gains that go down in the history books.

10. The president should embrace transparency. Some version of the behind-the-scenes story of what happened in his White House will always make it out to the public — and everyone will be better off if that version is as accurate as possible.

On March 8, 2008, Hadley made an extraordinary remark about how difficult it has proven to understand the real way Bush made decisions. “He will talk with great authority and assertiveness,” Hadley said. ” ‘This is what we’re going to do.’ And he won’t mean it. Because he will not have gone through the considered process where he finally is prepared to say, ‘I’ve decided.’ And if you write all those things down and historians get them, [they] say, ‘Well, he decided on this day to do such and such.’ It’s not true. It’s not history. It’s a fact, but it’s a misleading fact.”

Presidents should beware of such “misleading facts.” They should run an internal, candid process of debate and discussion with key advisers that will make sense when it surfaces later. This sort of inside account will be told, at least in part, during the presidency. But the best obtainable version will emerge more slowly, over time, and become history.

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