New VA Advisory Panel to Improve Services for Returning Combat Veterans

NEWS RELEASE 

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
May 8, 2007

New VA Advisory Panel to Improve Services for Returning Combat Veterans

WASHINGTON – Secretary of Veterans Affairs Jim Nicholson today announced the formation of a formal, 17-person committee that will advise him on ways to improve VA programs serving veterans of Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) and Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) and their families.

“This panel will report directly to me,” Nicholson said. “I am asking for their ideas and input on how VA can consistently ensure world-class service to America’s newest generation of heroes, particularly severely disabled veterans and their families.”

The Secretary’s announcement about the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) panel, called the Advisory Committee on OIF/OEF Veterans and Families, comes on the heels of his presentation April 24 of recommendations from a presidential task force to improve services to the nation’s newest generation of combat veterans.

“A number of panels already have been asking tough questions about our programs for veterans transitioning to civilian life,” Nicholson added. “This committee, to be chaired by retired Lt. Gen. David Barno, consists of OIF and OEF wounded veterans, family members, survivors, leaders of the major veterans organizations and long-time veterans advocates.”

“This group of people have experienced war and our system of care and can advise me from first-hand experience on how we are doing and what we need to do better,” Nicholson added.

The new OIF/OEF advisory committee will hold a three-day inaugural meeting, beginning May 14 in Alexandria, Va.  The committee is scheduled to discuss its general work program, future meeting dates, and plans for site visits to VA facilities around the country. 
 
The schedule includes briefings by senior officials of VA’s key programs, comments by members of the public who register in advance with the committee, discussions about

Members of the VA Advisory Committee on OIF/OEF Veterans and Families are: Lt. Gen. Barno of Washington, D.C.; Dawn Halfaker of Washington, D.C.; Lonnie Moore of San Diego; Jack L. Tilley of Riverview, Fla.; Gary Wilson of Carlsbad, Calif.; Liza Biggers of New York City; Pam Estes of Dayton, Md.; Caroline Maney of Shalimar, Fla.; Kimberly Hazelgrove of Lorton, Va.; Michael Ayoub of Ashburn, Va.; Rocky McPherson of Tallahassee, Fla.; John Sommer of Annandale, Va.; Dennis Donovan of Atlanta; Frances Hackett of South Plainfield, N.J.; Paul F. Livengood of Manassas, Va.; Tim McClain of Alexandria, Va.; and Chris Yoder of Baltimore.

People seeking more information about the committee or who wish to register to make a statement of up to five minutes should contact VA’s Tiffany Glover by e-mail at tiffany.glover@va.gov.

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VA Benefits System for PTSD Victims is Criticized

The government’s methods for deciding compensation for emotionally disturbed veterans have little basis in science, are applied unevenly and may even create disincentives for veterans to get better, an influential scientific advisory group said yesterday.

The critique by the Institute of Medicine, which provides advice to the federal government on medical science issues, comes at a time of sharp increases in cases of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among veterans and skyrocketing costs for disability compensation. The study was undertaken at the request of the Department of Veterans Affairs amid fears that troops returning from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan will produce a tidal wave of new PTSD cases.

Between 1999 and 2004, benefit payments for PTSD increased nearly 150 percent, from $1.72 billion to $4.28 billion, the report noted. Compensation payments for disorders related to psychological trauma account for an outsize portion of VA’s budget — 8.7 percent of all claims, but 20.5 percent of compensation payments.

VA officials said they welcomed the report. “VA is studying the findings, conclusions and recommendations of the report to determine actions that can be taken to further enhance the services we provide,” spokesman Matt Burns said in a statement.

The report suggested changes to VA policies, but the panel could not say whether those changes would result in more or fewer PTSD diagnoses, or in greater or lesser expense for taxpayers. “PTSD has become a very serious public health problem for the veterans of current conflicts and past conflicts,” said psychiatrist Nancy Andreasen of the University of Iowa, who chaired the panel. Noting the shortcomings of the VA system, Andreasen added that “a comprehensive revision of the disability determination criteria are needed.”

She said the current VA system, in which PTSD compensation is limited to those who are unable to hold a job, places many veterans in a Catch-22.

“You can’t get a disability payment if you get a job — that’s not a logical way to proceed in terms of providing an incentive to become healthier and a more productive member of society,” she said.

The practice is especially wrong, she added, because it is at odds with VA policies for other kinds of injuries. To determine the compensation a wounded veteran should get, the government assigns one a disability score. Veterans who are quadriplegic, for example, can be assigned a disability level of 100 percent even if they hold a job, whereas veterans with PTSD must show they are unable to work to get compensation.

Andreasen said the policies are “problematic, in the sense that they require the person given compensation to be unemployed. This is a disincentive for full or even partial recovery.”

One solution suggested by the panel was to set a minimum compensation level for veterans disabled by PTSD, which would allow those who can seek work to do so.

“This is the report the VA didn’t want,” said Larry Scott, founder of the group VAWatchdog.org, who applauded the conclusions. If the IOM’s recommendations are implemented, he said, they will cost VA “billions of dollars — more staff, more staff training, more data collection, more clinical evaluations and higher awards.”

The report identified problems with both arms of VA’s evaluation and compensation procedures: A veteran currently undergoes an evaluation to determine if he or she has PTSD, and the results are used by other raters to determine the level of disability and the amount of compensation.

The Institute of Medicine panel said the scale used to evaluate veterans is outdated and largely designed for people who suffer from other mental disorders. Andreasen and other members also said they had heard from veterans who had received wildly different kinds of evaluations — some lasting 20 minutes while others took hours. The scientists said VA should standardize the evaluations using state-of-the-art diagnostic techniques.

While VA requires its experts to determine what proportion of a veteran’s disabilities were caused by particular traumatic experiences, and to what extent overlapping symptoms are related to particular disorders, the IOM said there is no scientific way to classify symptoms in this manner.

“The VA’s disability policies for veterans with PTSD were developed over 60 years ago and now require major, fundamental reform,” said Chris Frueh, a former VA clinician who is now a psychologist at the University of Hawaii at Hilo and was not involved with producing the new report. But even though better care is needed for veterans, Frueh said, it is important not to assume that trauma always results in a mental disorder.

“Scientific evidence indicates that resilience is the most common human response to trauma,” he said. “Even for the most severe forms of trauma, such as rape or combat, most people do not develop PTSD.”

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VCS Weekly Update: 60,000 U.S. Casualties from Iraq and Afghanistan Wars

May 8, 2007

Dear VCS Supporters: 

This week’s update talks about the human cost of war for America. Television reports and Congressional hearings often report the number of casualties from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars as 20,000. That is wrong.

Here are the facts. The grand total of all U.S. service members ever killed, wounded, injured, and ill during their deployment to the Iraq War and to the Afghanistan War surged past 60,000, according to the latest official Department of Defense statistics.

The grand total of all U.S. veterans ever provided medical treatment by the Department of Veterans Affairs after their service in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars rose sharply to nearly four times that amount – 229,000. Of those, 37 percent were diagnosed with a mental health condition.

However, these numbers are not regularly reported in the press. Furthermore, requests by VCS to VA for updated statistics about Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans are frequently ignored.

Most reporters fail to ask the most simple questions, such as this: what is the total number of all types of casualties for DoD and VA?

The exceptions are the New York Times, Associated Press, Army Times, and Knight Ridder plus some small alternative papers who don’t care about losing their access to White House briefings or book deals.

Thus, when most network TV news stations and your local newspapers refuse to discuss the facts, Veterans for Common Sense provides you with the accurate and staggering human cost of the two wars.

Please send this update to your friends, fellow veterans, and reporters. Post this on blogs everywhere.

Some Americans rush to go shopping to soothe the pain of war. Others walk the mall with their credit cards and remain blissfully ignorant of the war.

In either case, let no one say we veterans did not do our utmost to publicize the true amount of human suffering among our service members and veterans now sent to their third, fourth, and fifth deployment to these wars.

Your support for VCS makes our research and these unique updates possible. Will you please send $50 or $100 so we can keep the pressure on reporters and Congress to discuss the facts about the major issues involving national security, civil liberties, and veterans benefits.

Thank you,

Paul Sullivan
Executive Director
Veterans for Common Sense

Spread the Word About VCS. Please let your friends know about VCS and ask them to sign up for our weekly updates.

VCS Seeks Supporters. Your tax deductible donation of $50 or $100 keeps our advocacy alive.

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Are Iraq War Costs Spinning Out of Control?

The tab is $423 billion and rising, prompting economists to reassess US military and homeland security costs.

The invasion of Iraq was launched four years ago with a “shock and awe” display of American military might. As bombs fell, Baghdad’s skyline lit up.

Today, United States taxpayers are faced with a bill for the war that could also inspire shock and awe.

Through Sunday, the war’s cost was $423 billion, according to an online cost meter posted by the National Priorities Project, a Washington advocacy group.  The last five digits on the meter are spinning far faster than the electricity meter in your home. Last Wednesday, the bill was $422 billion.

The mounting financial burden is prompting various think-tank experts to reassess the nation’s military and homeland security costs.

Reviewing what Congress has approved so far for war spending, Steven Kosiak, an analyst at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments in Washington, reckons $370 billion for Iraq, $100 billion for Afghanistan, and $30 billion for homeland security activities. That adds up to $500 billion for the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT).

Last week President Bush vetoed a $124 billion war-spending bill because it contained timetables for troop withdrawal. Of that amount, some $93 billion was for the Iraq war in fiscal 2007.

Mr. Bush’s new budget asks for $142 billion to fund war efforts in fiscal 2008. Of this, about $110 billion would be for Iraq, says Mr. Kosiak.

These numbers are huge. The National Priorities website reckons the money spent on the war could have alternatively paid for more than 20 million four-year scholarships at public universities or 3.7 million public housing units.

Even if the war were to end in days, its costs to taxpayers will drag on for decades. A study by Linda Bilmes, an economist at Harvard University, and Columbia University’s Joseph Stiglitz last fall estimated total costs could reach $2.2 trillion – “and counting.” That was before the president’s recent “surge” plan.

Such calculations are rough and depend on assumptions. Nonetheless, the sum is miles away from the administration’s original estimate that the war would cost $50 billion. Lawrence Lindsay, a White House economic adviser at that time, lost his job after suggesting the war might cost $200 billion.

Professors Bilmes and Stiglitz put the long-term budgetary costs, assuming the US maintains a small presence in Iraq through 2016, in the $1.4 trillion range. If all troops are home by 2010, the Iraq operations would cost $1 trillion.

These numbers include veterans’ healthcare and disability compensation. In addition, there are demobilization costs. And the military will have to replace or refurbish much worn-out equipment. For instance, the Army’s tanks were not built for sandy desert conditions and deteriorate rapidly in Iraq.

On top of budgetary costs, Bilmes and Stiglitz (a top economic adviser to President Clinton) add costs borne by individuals and families, or by nonfederal government agencies. These, for instance, involve the loss of productive capacity of American soldiers and contractors killed or seriously wounded in Iraq – an amount put at $16.9 billion. Economists and private insurance firms commonly refer to this as the “value of a statistical life.”

Bilmes and Stiglitz further assume the war has boosted the cost of oil. The extra cost, if that increase is $10 a barrel, reaches $125 billion over five years.

Last week another liberal economist, Dean Baker, codirector of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, found that the jump in US military spending associated with the GWOT (a jump that amounts to 1 percent of our gross domestic product) stimulates the US economy at first. But starting around the sixth year from the start of the war, the impact turns negative. After 10 years, there would be 464,000 fewer jobs than otherwise, he estimates.

To make federal spending on defense and security more effective and cost efficient, a task force managed by the Institute for Foreign Policy last month recommended a unified security budget that would pull together spending on offense (military forces), defense (homeland security), and prevention (nonmilitary international engagement). As it is, the proposed $623 billion military budget for fiscal 2008 will mean a higher military bill (in inflation-adjusted dollars) than at any time since World War II.

The task force report holds that such a unified budget would support a less militarized, less unilateral approach to US security, with greater emphasis on diplomacy. But as one author, Lawrence Korb, senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, notes, this change has been suggested for a few years – to no effect.

Robert Hormats, author of “The Price of Liberty: Paying for America’s Wars,” released last week, complains that the Iraq war has been paid for by adding to US foreign debt, not by national sacrifices as has usually happened in the past. He warns that rising entitlement program costs, such as those for Social Security and Medicare, will make it more difficult for the US to pay for the GWOT in the future, even after the Iraq war has ended.

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Doctors Urge Better Pain Care for Troops

WASHINGTON (AP) – They call it the coming tsunami, veterans returning from Iraq who will suffer chronic pain years from now. Get ready, military doctors are warning pain specialists, even as they hope that slowly improving battlefield pain control may stem the tide.

The idea: Block the agony faster, and the body’s pain network may not go into the overdrive that sets up the injured for lingering trouble long after they’re officially healed.

“It’s going to take the military to stop thinking of pain as a symptom, a consequence of war,” says Lt. Col. Chester “Trip” Buckenmaier III, an acute pain specialist at Walter Reed Army Medical Center who is pushing for that change. “Pain really is a disease. If you don’t manage it early, it leads to serious consequences.”

At risk aren’t just troops who suffered severe wounds such as loss of a limb, but others with varying types of pain that goes untreated, or undertreated.

Why? “If you don’t ask, they don’t report” pain, says Dr. Robyn Walker, a psychologist at the James A. Haley Veterans Affairs Hospital in Tampa.

Troops with traumatic brain injuries, a signature of the war, may not be able to express pain adequately. More common is a tough-it-out mentality, she says, a fear that admitting pain might block return to duty _ or hesitancy because they know wounds could have been worse.

Remarkably, Walker says it’s not unusual to discover fractures or shrapnel previously missed because a soldier didn’t acknowledge continued pain until her office pushed for details.

“Most pain doctors won’t see the severely injured. The VA will keep them,” says Dr. Michael Clark, chief of chronic pain rehabilitation at the Tampa VA.

But other veterans eventually will seek community care, Clark warned an American Pain Society meeting last week: “This is going to impact you for decades to come.”

Doctors have long known that suppressing acute pain aids short-term recovery. But it’s also a factor in whether patients develop a long-term misery, chronic pain.

Consider: Injured nerves send distress signals to the brain. If those signals go unabated, the brain can essentially memorize pain and become hypersensitive. An infamous example is the phantom limb pain that often strikes amputees. But less severe injuries can spur chronic pain, too, which in turn is linked to post-traumatic stress disorder, other anxiety disorders, and disability.

At the war’s beginning, “we were using Civil War-era pain management, ” is Buckenmaier’s grim assessment. Morphine was the main option as the wounded were evacuated to Germany on excruciating plane flights. But many were deemed too vulnerable for doses in the air, where nurses could do little if the drug depressed their breathing, he explains.

While morphine is a crucial painkiller, it doesn’t actually block pain signals from reaching the brain.

What can? Continuous nerve blocks, developed at civilian hospitals using increasingly portable drug-infusion pumps. Doctors trace the roots of nerves signaling certain pain, such as from arm or leg wounds. They insert tiny catheters that allow drugs to bathe those nerves and block that signal. It requires an anesthesiologist or other specialist trained in nerve anatomy.

Buckenmaier delivered the first battlefield nerve block in October 2003. A rocket-propelled grenade tore out a chunk of a soldier’s lower leg; eventually, it would be amputated. But minutes after receiving the nerve block at a field hospital, he said he was pain-free. He sat up and joked with buddies instead of being in the usual post-surgery drug stupor. The infusion pumps lasted through evacuation to Landstuhl, Germany, and on to Walter Reed, including several operations over 16 days.

Hundreds of troops now have received nerve blocks, although Buckenmaier says they’re “applied inconsistently” in battlefield hospitals with few acute-pain specialists. Last month, he helped open an acute pain center in Landstuhl to expand pain-control options there.

Does that early care truly prevent chronic pain after such extreme wounds? Buckenmaier and Dr. Rollin Gallagher of the University of Pennsylvania are beginning to track injured troops to find out.

Immediately after the injury isn’t the only vulnerable time, and nerve blocks aren’t the only solution. A recent Johns Hopkins University study tracked pain after leg trauma and amputations, and found that patients who took narcotic painkillers for three months after leaving the hospital were less likely to develop chronic pain.

Nor is severe trauma the only concern. Clark is seeing lots of chronic knee pain; perhaps jumping out of trucks wearing 60-pound packs is too hard on the joints, especially for older troops. Here you will get best option to decrease your knee pain from exercise, do visit us.

Then there are those high-powered blasts, where bystanders can walk away seemingly unscathed. Doctors are increasingly concerned that they may suffer nerve damage, perhaps signaled by headaches. Any doctor seeing an Iraq veteran should ask about headaches, Clark told last week’s pain meeting.

“The usual course of pain treatment is failure, failure, failure, then go to a pain specialist,” laments Pennsylvania’s Gallagher. “We want early intervention.”

Lauran Neergaard covers health and medical issues for The Associated Press in Washington.

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The Cost of War, Unnoticed

Why Iraq and Afghanistan Haven’t Squeezed the Average American’s Wallet

The global war on terror, as President Bush calls the fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan and related military operations, is about to become the second-most-expensive conflict in U.S. history, after World War II.

Since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Congress has approved more than $609 billion for the wars, a figure likely to stand as lawmakers rework their latest spending bill in response to a Bush veto. Requests for $145 billion more await congressional action and would raise the cost in inflation-adjusted dollars beyond the cost of the wars in Korea and Vietnam.

But the United States is vastly richer than it was in those days, and the nation’s wealth now dwarfs the price of war, economists said. Last year, spending in Iraq amounted to less than 1 percent of the total economy — about as much as Americans spent shopping online and less than half what they spent at Wal-Mart. Total defense spending is 4 percent of gross domestic product, the figure that measures the nation’s economic output. In contrast, defense spending ate up 14 percent of GDP at the height of the Korean War and 9 percent during the Vietnam War.

And this time, the war bill is going directly on the nation’s credit card. Unlike his predecessors, Bush is financing a major conflict without raising taxes or making significant cuts in domestic programs. Instead, he has cut taxes and run up the national debt. The result, economists said, is a war that has barely dented the average American’s pocketbook and caused few reverberations in the broader economy.

“This war is easier to manage because it’s a very small portion of GDP compared to the past,” said Robert D. Hormats, a managing director at Goldman Sachs and a former Reagan administration official who recently published a history of war financing. “Even the borrowing of money is relatively small compared to past wars, so the impact on the economy is relatively minor.”

Like all debts, however, the bill for Iraq and Afghanistan will eventually come due. While it is unlikely to cause economic upheaval, such as the devastating inflation that followed the Vietnam War, economists foresee substantial increases in government spending to rebuild the nation’s exhausted armed forces, care for its disabled veterans and cover rising interest payments.

Administration officials say those payments will be easier to afford because Bush’s tax cuts strengthened the economy and boosted tax collections. But even many conservative economists are skeptical. Some worry that the bill for Iraq will come just as the baby-boom generation starts retiring, further straining a budget that will require deep cuts, higher taxes or bigger deficits.

“When you borrow to pay for the war, you feel it less,” said Alan D. Viard, a former Bush White House economist who is now a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. “But if you do borrow, it may be future needs you’re sacrificing. There’s always a sacrifice.”

Borrowing is common in wartime. According to Hormats, virtually every U.S. war has required some debt. The title of his book, “The Price of Liberty: Paying for America’s Wars,” comes from a 1790 report by the nation’s first Treasury secretary, Alexander Hamilton. Hamilton wrote that the heavy debt that helped finance the Revolutionary War was “the price of liberty” and insisted that the new nation scrupulously repay it to preserve its ability to borrow in the future.

Hamilton won that argument, and the government’s commitment to repaying its debts has become a bedrock American principle. At the same time, most wartime presidents have tried to cover at least part of the cost of their conflicts by means other than debt, Hormats writes, often pushing radical changes in fiscal policy aimed at restraining deficits and inflation.

To help pay for World War II, by far the nation’s most expensive, Franklin D. Roosevelt expanded the number of taxpayers from 4 million to 42 million, tripled tax collections as a percentage of GDP and slashed spending on his treasured New Deal programs. As the military budget devoured more than a third of the economy, Roosevelt also called for mass sacrifice, rationing food and gasoline, capping prices and wages and exhorting Americans to spend any money they could spare on war bonds and stamps.

Heavy government spending on the Korean War set off a bout of inflation that neared 8 percent in 1951. To pay for the war, President Harry S. Truman raised the top tax rates to 91 percent for individuals and an all-time high of 70 percent for corporations, while imposing wage and price controls.

Lyndon B. Johnson, who tried to protect a 1964 tax cut and his Great Society programs while escalating U.S. involvement in Vietnam, eventually signed both a tax increase and spending cuts in 1968 — too late to avoid touching off more than a decade of inflation.

Bush, in contrast, has allowed domestic spending to rise and cut taxes repeatedly since taking office, adding more than $3 trillion to the national debt. He signed a huge stimulus package two months after marching on Baghdad in March 2003. A few months later, he signed legislation to create a Medicare prescription drug benefit, the biggest expansion of the federal health program for the elderly since its creation in 1965.

That combination is unprecedented, Hormats and others said.

“This may be the first war in history — in the history of the world — in which there was a tax cut rather than a tax hike,” said Alan S. Blinder, a Princeton University economist who was vice chairman of the Federal Reserve in the Clinton administration.

Administration officials say the 21st-century economy is different from that of the 1960s, when the U.S. government had no easy access to cheap capital. To the extent that fighting in Iraq has contributed to higher oil prices, it has added to inflationary pressures, economists said. But they added that military spending alone has not done so. And the low cost of borrowing today makes a rising debt worth the investment “in the safety and security of Americans,” said White House spokesman Tony Fratto.

Though the administration has not cut domestic spending, it has managed to hold the budget for discretionary programs relatively flat in recent years, Fratto said. After the 2001 terrorist attacks, a tax increase to pay for the ensuing war could have devastated the economy, he said.

“Could it have been paid for by tax increases? I suppose it could have been,” Fratto said. “But at what cost to the economy?”

Grover Norquist, a Bush adviser and anti-tax lobbyist, argued that the tax cuts have helped create millions of jobs and trillions of dollars in new wealth, which will ultimately make the debt easier to pay off.

“If you’re going to finance a war, it’s better to finance it through growth and higher revenue” than through raising taxes, Norquist said. “Would you be better off spending less money? Yes. But my argument is that economic growth that creates jobs is a fine policy whether we’re at daggers drawn or at peace with the world.”

Norquist was among the few analysts willing to offer a spirited defense of the administration. Many conservatives said they are troubled by Bush’s inability to restrain non-military spending.

“In their defense, I think they would say they wanted to do that, but were basically unable to because Congress wouldn’t comply,” said Kevin A. Hassett, director of economic policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute.

Hormats called Bush’s war financing “shortsighted,” not only because of the potential fiscal consequences but also because it bypassed an opportunity to engage the support of the public, which has grown increasingly skeptical of the war.

“They tried to do this on the cheap and without a candid conversation with the American people about the cost,” Hormats said. “But the irony is the great wartime leaders have seen it in the opposite way,” theorizing that a call to sacrifice would “tie people to the war effort.”

Joseph E. Stiglitz, a Columbia University professor who was chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Bill Clinton and who was among the winners of the 2001 Nobel prize for economics, said Bush has undertaken a “deceptive policy of saying you can have both guns and butter” — a strategy similar to Johnson’s in the early years of Vietnam. In December, Stiglitz co-authored a study that predicts the Iraq conflict alone will eventually cost taxpayers more than $1 trillion, counting military rebuilding and health care for wounded veterans.

“It’s actually turning out to be a very expensive war,” Stiglitz said. But “it has been designed to be a war the American people don’t feel.”

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Editorial – The Fear Industry

May 6, 2007 – George Tenet made patently ridiculous claims about weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in Iraq, while serving as CIA director, and was eventually fired. Former Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz made patently ridiculous claims about WMD in Iraq and was promoted to president of the World Bank.

Both men are back in the news, with Mr. Wolfowitz in trouble for getting his girlfriend a tax-free $50,000 raise, and Mr. Tenet pushing a book describing himself as a scapegoat for the Iraq war.

If the former CIA director can’t be held accountable for issuing an amateurish CIA report on WMD in Iraq, who can? White House officials may have wanted to invade Iraq anyway, as Mr. Tenet says, but the WMD hoax allowed them to do so.

Neither gentleman has been at all apologetic about his role in grossly exaggerating the likely risks of biological terrorism. Mr. Wolfowitz once claimed Iraq had enough ricin to kill a million people, enough botulism to kill tens of millions and enough anthrax “to kill hundreds of millions.”

Terrorists throughout the world have managed to kill only five people with anthrax, one with ricin and zero with botulism or aflatoxin (added to the list by former Secretary of State Colin Powell). This not because terrorists don’t want to kill people, but because killing is much easier to accomplish with bombs, guns and crashing airplanes. Even today, however, bureaucrats and politicians still remain easily persuaded to assign a higher priority (and bigger budgets) to extremely unlikely risks than to mundane but palpable threats to health and safety.

I wrote a series of columns about the formidable obstacles to effectively delivering biological weapons, often quoting Mr. Wolfowitz or the CIA as examples of extreme gullibility or deception. I revealed many holes in the WMD fable before the Iraq invasion in, “The economics of war,” “Hazy WMD definitions” and “The duct tape economy.” Those were followed by “Intelligence without brains” in June 2003, “The CIA and WMD” in June 2004, “WMD Doomsday distractions” in April 2005 and “The cost of war in retrospect” in March 2006. Those columns can be found by sifting through archives under my bio at cato.org.

The legacy of the 2002 WMD hoax lives on today in “Operation Bioshield” and other federal programs for doling out tax dollars to the multibillion-dollar fear industry.

The fear industry begins by hiring lobbyists and subsidizing academics who, in turn, persuade journalists to write scary stories about hypothetical weapons.

This science fiction game is not played for fun. It is played for money. It involves what Dale Rose of the University of California at San Francisco described as, “A cottage industry of risk analysts, disaster preparedness experts, psychologists, and others [who] have produced an array of theoretical work and conceptual grids around the issue of low probability, high consequence events.”

In response to pressure from academic centers whose main mission was to hype bioterrorism (including the infamously erroneous “Dark Winter” scenario of mid-2001), President Bush warned of “the use of the smallpox virus as a weapon of terror” in December 2002. The administration then spent hundreds of millions of dollars on smallpox vaccine for first responders and the military, but both groups (notably, physicians) shunned the risky shots.

That was the most costly fiasco of its type since the swine flu vaccination program of 1976, which killed more people than swine flu did. Continuing the tradition, the U.S. government just contracted with Sanofi Pasteur to produce $100 million worth of avian flu vaccine — of dubious effectiveness against avian flu acquired from birds, much less from any hypothetical pandemic strain that leaps to humans.

Whether or not these programs save even one life per $100 million spent is irrelevant. The point is the millions spent. After most federal loot from research grants and vaccine stockpiles has been received, the mission is accomplished and the fear industry moves on to greener pastures. The scare stories about Danger A disappear, replaced with new stories about Danger B, then C and so on.

The most reliable cash cow for the fear industry has been the five deaths from inhaling anthrax in October 2001. For those in the business of providing high-cost solutions to minuscule risks, this has been an endless bonanza.

A recent news item provides a typical tip for fear investors: “Emergent BioSolutions of Rockville (Md.) said the U.S. government planned to order as many as 22.75 million doses of its anthrax vaccine.” The government has spent at least $877 million on anthrax vaccine so far, or $175.4 million per death from anthrax. Sensing that sum may be pressing the limits, the fear industry is busily assembling new threats to scare up some more cash.

The Health and Human Services Department reportedly plans to up its spending by more than $100 million on additional anthrax and smallpox vaccines. And it plans to spend more than $100 million to deal with radiation poisoning — not even on this luxury list until former Russian spy Alexander Litvinenko was assassinated. Compared with anthrax vaccine, $100 million per death sounds cheap, even if he wasn’t an American. But they did say “more than” $100 million, didn’t they?

The plan also “listed as a near-term priority the development of antibiotics for threats such as the plague or tularemia.” Sure, why not? There was one unconfirmed case of plague in Texas in 1956. And in the summer of 2000, an outbreak of tularemia from lawn mowing in Martha’s Vineyard resulted in one fatality.

Whenever you hear the word “bioterrorism” in connection with large sums of federal money, just remember “WMD.” Bioterrorism is just a different word for the same old WMD story retold in purely hypothetical terms, without even pretending someone actually has such agents or knows how to kill more than five people with them.

If the United States continues to waste too much attention and money on these extreme long shots, that just increases the risk of being hit again by the real weapons real terrorists actually use.

Alan Reynolds is a senior fellow with the Cato Institute and a nationally syndicated columnist.

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Iraq War Veteran Gets Help Renovating Home

May 7, 2007 – Reyno, AR — Vietnam Veteran Robert Reed, with help from friends, community members, and fellow soldiers spent the weekend lending a helping hand.

“We got word that there was an Iraqi vet that needed some help on a house and this is what we do,” said Reed. You’ve decided you need a new roof. Several contractors have given you estimates. How do you know which is right for you? It is important to understand exactly what the contractor is proposing when making a decision on your roof replacement. There are usually several products/services included on most re-roofing quotes. According to the northernhillspool, The primary item on a roof replacement estimate is the actual roofing material. The estimate will list the manufacturer and type of shingles the contractor intends to use. It will also show the style of shingle. Architectural or dimensional shingles are the most popular. They create more interest and often mimic the look of other roofing materials such as slate or tile. It may include color choice or options if design was part of the initial discussion. The estimate will also indicate the length of the manufacturer’s warranty for that type. Replacing your roof is an essential part of maintaining your home.  JAGG roofing helps you in the best roof replacement . A damaged or improperly maintained roof can cause thousands and dollars in damage to other parts of the home. Repairs only go so far, and eventually it will be time to replace your roof entirely. Replacing your roof can seem like a daunting task for the first time homeowner. Choosing between hundreds of professional roofing contractors can be confusing. Well roofing, guttering in Glasgow is not that much confusing as you can have quality firm to serve. Thankfully, the project of getting a new roof is not too complicated, and it helps to know what to expect.

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“It makes me feel light–you know, everyone has just sort of lifted me up. My wife and I are just sort of floating along and everyone has just been so great,” said Corporal Christopher Shelhamer.

Since Christopher’s return to Arkansas from Iraq in April, he’s been spending a lot of time working on his house….now, with help from others, he’ll soon be able to call it home.

“The ball started rolling and now people are just kicking it down the road…..so it’s nice,” said Shelhamer.

In addition to renovations on the house, they work diligently on a new workspace Christopher plans to use for customizing motorcycles.

They are nearly tripling the size of his shed–just so that Christopher will have plenty of room to work…..but  there’s more going on than just construction.

These veterans are sharing experiences and comparing stories.

“War has not changed that much and it’s good to find people that have experienced some of the same things.  There’s a comradery that never fails and never ends no matter how old you are,” said Shelhamer.

It’s that comradery that keeps the men and women working  for hours on end in effort to make his transition back to civilian life a little easier.

“You can’t necessarily put it into words, I like to put it into actions. “Thank you” just doesn’t really cut it. I really would like to thank them any way that I can,” said Shelhamer.

“You’ve got to do something to get something. Everyone is here because they want to be here,  they don’t have to be here.  This is a decent day that they would be doing other things. They showed up yesterday, they showed up today, and we’ll have probably a few more work sessions and I am sure we’ll have more people showing up,” said Reed.

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Suicide Attacks and Gunfight in Afghanistan Kill 10 Police Officers

KABUL, Afghanistan, May 5 — A wave of suicide attacks in four provinces of Afghanistan on Saturday killed two police officers and wounded a NATO soldier and two other Afghan policemen, and eight other Afghan police officers were killed in a gun battle with the Taliban, officials said.

A suicide bomber struck on Saturday morning in Nad Ali District in Helmand Province in the south, killing two policemen, an Interior Ministry statement said. The policemen were guarding a checkpoint, local television reported.

Half an hour later, the police became suspicious of a man in Samkani District of Paktia Province in the southeast and shot him. The man then blew himself up; he was killed and two policemen were wounded.

“Another man who accompanied him escaped, and the police are still looking for him,” said the provincial police chief, Abdul Rahman Sarjang.

The eight policemen were killed in a gunfight that lasted for hours and broke out after dozens of Taliban fighters opened fire on an Afghan police convoy in the western province of Farah, according to Reuters.

Also on Saturday morning, a suicide bomber attacked while a NATO convoy was passing in Urgun District in the border province of Paktika, killing himself and wounding a soldier. American forces are operating in Paktika Province.

“We can confirm the attack and what we know is one ISAF soldier was injured,” said a NATO spokesman, Maj. John Thomas, referring to the NATO force, the International Security Assistance Force.

In the western province of Farah, Afghan police officers followed a man driving a car that they suspected was rigged with explosives. The police fired on the car as the driver tried to escape and the car exploded, killing the driver, a statement from the Afghan Interior Ministry said.

Taliban insurgents meanwhile announced they were extending the ultimatum for a French hostage and his three Afghan colleagues until after the French presidential elections.

The United States military in a statement from Bagram Air Base said coalition forces killed 10 Taliban commanders during fighting in the Shindand District of Herat on April 27 and 29.

Afghan officials have said at least 42 civilians were killed in the battles.

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Propaganda Fear Cited in Account of Iraqi Killings

Recently unclassified documents suggest that senior officers viewed the killings of 24 Iraqi civilians in Haditha in late 2005 as a potential public relations problem that could fuel insurgent propaganda against the American military, leading investigators to question whether the officers’ immediate response had been intentionally misleading.

Col. R. Gary Sokoloski, a lawyer who was chief of staff to Maj. General Richard A. Huck, the division commander, approved a news release about the killings that investigators interviewing him in March 2006 suggested was “intentionally inaccurate” because it stated, contrary to the facts at hand, that the civilians had been killed by an insurgent’s bomb.

According to a transcript of the interview, Colonel Sokoloski told the investigators, “We knew the, you know, the strategic implications of being permanently present in Haditha and how badly the insurgents wanted us out of there.”

But Colonel Sokoloski told them he believed that the news release was accurate as written. “At the time,” he said, “given the information that was available to me and the objective to get that out for the press” before insurgents put out their own information, “that is what we went with.”

The documents also show that derailing enemy propaganda was important to senior Marine commanders, including Col. Stephen W. Davis, a highly regarded regimental commander under General Huck, who played down questions about the civilian killings from a Time magazine reporter last year, long after the attacks and the civilian toll were clear to the military.

“Frankly, what I am looking at is the advantage he’s giving the enemy,” Colonel Davis said of the reporter, Tim McGirk, whose article in March 2006 was the first to report that marines had killed civilians in Haditha, including women and children. In their sworn statements, General Huck and his subordinates say they dismissed Mr. McGirk’s inquiries because they saw him as a naïve conduit for the mayor of Haditha, whom the Marines believed to be an insurgent.

Four officers were charged with failing to properly investigate the civilian killings. The first hearing against one of the officers, Capt. Randy W. Stone, is set for Tuesday morning, in a military courtroom at Camp Pendleton, Calif. Three enlisted marines are charged with the killings. Their hearings, to determine whether the charges warrant general courts-martial, are set to begin in the coming weeks. As Marine Corps prosecutors prepare their evidence against Captain Stone and his fellow officers, the unclassified documents suggest that senior Marine commanders dismissed, played down or publicly mischaracterized the civilian deaths in ways that a military investigation found deeply troubling. The documents suggest that General Huck ignored early reports that women and children were killed in the attack, and later told investigators that he was unaware of regulations that required his staff to investigate further.

The documents, including a report by Maj. Gen. Eldon A. Bargewell of the Army, copies of e-mail messages among Marine officers in Haditha and sworn statements from several ranking officers, focus only on how the Marine chain of command handled the killings and have not been made public. Portions of the report and commanders’ reactions to the killings were reported by The Washington Post in January and April. The documents were provided to The New York Times by people familiar with the investigation only on condition that they not be identified.

Captain Stone, 34, of Dunkirk, Md., is accused of failing to investigate reports of the civilian deaths. In an interview that repeated similar frustrations voiced by lawyers for other accused officers, Captain Stone said he did not investigate the killings because his superiors told him not to.

“The regimental judge advocate informed me that we don’t do investigations for ‘troops in contact’ situations,” said Captain Stone, referring to the regiment’s lawyer, Maj. Carroll Connelly. Troops in contact is military language for combat against enemy fighters.

“That’s my understanding of what higher wanted,” Captain Stone said, referring to his superior officers, “and that’s why there was no investigation.”

“I don’t think I did anything wrong,” he went on. But he added, “There is a certain level of disappointment that the Marine Corps decided that, in the entire chain of command, that I am the one who should be held accountable.”

Major Connelly, who was not charged with any crime, has been granted immunity to testify at the coming hearings, said Captain Stone’s civilian lawyer, Charles W. Gittins.

After weighing evidence and arguments from prosecutors and defense lawyers, an investigating officer presiding over the hearing will determine whether there is sufficient evidence to recommend a general court martial. The other three officers facing dereliction charges are: Capt. Lucas M. McConnell, the company commander; First Lt. Andrew A. Grayson, a Marine intelligence officer; and Lt. Col. Jeffrey R. Chessani, the battalion commander.

The Haditha investigators pored over thousands of e-mail messages, slide presentations, sworn statements and field reports, sifting through sometimes contradictory information and conflicting points of view to determine what officers at each level knew and when they knew it.

The documents and interviews produced in the Bargewell investigation indicate that investigators had suspected possible wrongdoing, at least initially, at even higher levels.

“As you go up the chain of command, the question always becomes, ‘Where do you stop?’ ” said John D. Hutson, a former Navy judge advocate general, now the dean of the Franklin Pierce Law Center in New Hampshire. “You have to be reasonably certain that you’ll get a conviction.”

Intangible considerations can also influence military lawyers in deciding whether to recommend charges when wrongdoing is more ambiguous. “If you know the guy and he’s done well and he’s never done anything dishonest before,” Mr. Hutson said, “you might give him the benefit of the doubt.”

Documents declassified by the military last week include an e-mail message within three hours of the Haditha attack from a battalion operations officer to the regiment, a superior command, saying that 15 civilians had been killed, “seven of which were women and kids.”

Senior commanders told investigators that such early field reports were passed on to General Huck’s staff.

In a statement he gave at Camp Lejeune, N.C., in April, nearly five months later, General Huck told investigators that he could not recall being informed of reports that 15 civilians had been killed. He said he was overseeing several combat operations at the time, and that he had no reason to believe that the civilians killed in Haditha were not enemy fighters.

“I didn’t know at the time whether they were bad guys, noncombatants, or whatever,” General Huck said, according to a transcript of the interview. Later in the interview, he added, “They may have been guys pulling the trigger, for all I know.”

General Huck, who is expected to testify at the accused officers’ hearings, told investigators he did not recall orders, called commanders critical information requirements that required him to alert his superiors and investigate the circumstances of any attack that killed at least three times as many civilians as American forces.

General Huck said that three days after the Haditha episode, in the midst of two combat operations, he visited Colonel Chessani, the battalion commander, who showed him an electronic slide show of the attacks that, according to investigators, did not mention the civilian deaths.

“I sat there and took the brief and no bells and whistles went off,” General Huck told investigators.

The bells, the general said, sounded two and a half months later, on Feb. 12, after he sent his boss, Lt. Gen. Peter W. Chiarelli, the commander of ground operations in Iraq at the time, an e-mail message with Colonel Chessani’s slide presentation attached to it.

“I support our account and do not see a necessity for further investigation,” General Huck wrote in the message to General Chiarelli in Baghdad, adding: “Allegedly, McGirk received his info from the mayor of Haditha, who we strongly suspect to be an insurgent.”

Less than five hours later, records show, General Chiarelli forwarded the e-mail message to his chief of staff, Brig. Gen. Donald Campbell, with a note.

“Don: We need to get together at the first possible moment tomorrow morning,” he wrote. “We’re going to have to do an investigation.”

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