Veterans Link Health Problems to Chemical Warfare Agent Tests at Dugway Proving Ground, Utah

December 28, 2008 – Dwight Bunn easily becomes breathless and says he has lung scarring from exposure during chemical tests conducted in secrecy on troops while he was stationed at the Army’s Dugway Proving Ground in Tooele County from 1962 to 1963.

David W. Davidson tried to hold his breath while being gassed at Dugway back in 1961. But he now has a laundry list of health maladies, any one of which may be connected to that day 47 years ago.

A doctor told Samuel Waller Anderson Jr. that the peripheral neuropathy in his feet and numbness in his hands was caused by some kind of exposure to chemicals. Anderson was stationed at Dugway from 1952 to 1956 and also was a guinea pig during tests at the isolated 1,300-square-mile Army base.

Government records show there may be hundreds, possibly thousands, more veterans like Anderson and Bunn — soldiers who were told shadowy military tests at Dugway and elsewhere wouldn’t hurt them but who decades later can’t explain what’s happening to their bodies.

The claims made by Bunn, Davidson and Anderson are also the type of stories that the Department of Defense and Department of Veterans Affairs want to hear. Both departments in September set up a Web site, fhp.osd.mil/CBexposures, which is partly intended to jog the memories of former soldiers, most of whom are now in their 60s and 70s.

The Web site details what types of chemical and biological agents were used in myriad tests at Dugway and other military bases and even at sea. The tests all took place toward the end of World War II and during the Cold War from the 1950s to the 1970s.

Back then, subjects used in the tests were told to keep quiet, and for decades, most stayed true to their government’s heavy-handed request. In some tests, soldiers simply weren’t told what was happening at the time, and to this day, they still don’t know much about what went on.

As of this month, the Defense Department had received e-mails from 119 individuals who had visited the Web site. Department officials had responded to 107 of the inquiries, in some cases directing vets to VA sources for help with filing claims.

A telephone hotline listed at the site has drawn 43 calls. Out of 614 benefit claims filed with the VA attempting to link old military tests with current health issues, 39 have been granted, according to Charlene Reynolds, a Virginia-based Defense Department spokeswoman over health affairs.

Washington-based VA spokesman Jim Benson said that vets need to be patient as the VA works with the Defense Department, which has the records on all those old tests.

“They should be encouraged that the VA is very much on their side,” Benson said. The key, he added, is starting with the Defense Department to get the process rolling.

Reynolds said her department is working closely with the VA to provide that agency with information about decades-old tests, many of which until only recently were classified. Some of the information the departments need is hard to come by.

“The investigation at Dugway is not done,” said Dr. Michael Kilpatrick, Defense Department Military Health System director of strategic communications.

All of the unclassified testing has been identified, and most of all of those names are collected, he said this month. “They are really just getting started with the classified testing, so it may be a year before that work is done,” he said. “There’s no way to estimate how many tests or how many people.”

Kilpatrick said that if there is a “preponderance of evidence,” or a 50 percent chance or more, that a claim might be connected to military service, that person will get help through the VA.

But at least a few former soldiers say they feel like lab rats again, giving the government what it wants but getting little in return.

A chemical-weapons race

As of this past June, the U.S. Force Health and Readiness Programs counted 10,500 veterans who may have been exposed to toxic chemicals during more than two decades of tests, which government officials say are no longer conducted on humans.

The tests during the 1950s and 1960s came after the world had already seen the horrors of chemical warfare. The U.S. government estimates there were 90,000 deaths and over 1 million casualties during World War I from chemical agents. By the end of WWII, the U.S., Russia and Germany were fully engaged in a race to develop the nastiest types of chemical and biological agents they could find to use against their enemies.

“As part of this accelerated program, experiments used service members as human volunteers to determine the effects of chemical agents, as well as to develop therapeutics and prophylactics,” Defense Department officials now admit on their new Web site.

Real health problems, regardless of whether they are proven to be service-connected, are not going away for soldiers who were part of the tests at Dugway and elsewhere.

Bunn, 64, doesn’t figure the Defense Department or VA will come through for him, but he’s trying, hopeful he’ll get the benefits he thinks he deserves.

He now lives in North Bend, Wash. Decades ago, he took part in Project 112, which spawned Project SHAD (Shipboard Hazard and Defense). Those projects were designed to test defenses against chemical and biological warfare on land and at sea. Many of Project 112’s tests were conducted at Dugway.

Bunn said he’s been trying since 2002 to get the VA to pay for tests on his lungs that will determine the best treatment options. His lung scarring makes it hard for him to exhale, although he inhales with relative ease.

To date, he has had to pay about $3,000 out of pocket for tests. A simple walk to the mailbox or playing with his granddaughter leaves the former private first class struggling to breathe. He wants relief.

Bunn said the VA has told him that his condition is related to exposure to asbestos during childhood. He disagrees, pointing to a time at Dugway when he spent a week in the hospital after one test.

“I’m not even sure what they were testing,” Bunn said. “They told me when they let me out that my lungs would not function correctly. But they had the greatness to write it up as an upper respiratory infection.”

On Nov. 5, Bunn contacted someone at the phone number listed on the new Web site. A month later, he was still waiting to hear about something that will help him.

“All I want is my medical benefits,” Bunn said. “I want this service-connected so that they’ll pay for all these tests. I’m still a guinea pig. They’re getting the information they want from my body, but I have to pay for it … I’m still a lab rat.”

Health problems

Samuel Anderson, 78, was a pilot in charge of shadowing a drone aircraft that sprayed nerve gas during tests at Dugway in 1955. A photographer on board his plane was supposed to record the drone’s activity. During one flight, Anderson received an alarming call over his radio.

“They kept yelling at me, ‘Return to base, return to base,”‘ Anderson recalled. “I wasn’t really certain what the situation was. Someone told me I had flown through the (nerve gas) cloud.”

Right after he landed, Anderson and the photographer stripped to their underwear and were sprayed with a decontaminant. “I thought: This is serious business. This is not play time,” Anderson said.

In the years that followed his honorable discharge from the Army as a first lieutenant in 1956, Anderson, who now lives in Knoxville, Tenn., said his feet burned after exercise. He eventually was diagnosed as having neuropathy, which long term means he may completely lose feeling in his feet or even be forced to amputate one or both of them.

After Medicare covers some of Anderson’s medication, he pays about $7,000 a year of his own money to treat the neuropathy. He and his wife live on the stocks they have invested in over the years, and with the downturn in the economy, a lot of that money is disappearing, making the increasing cost of medication more of a worry for them.

Because Anderson didn’t serve overseas, he never felt worthy of approaching the VA for benefits. The new Web site and his worsening financial situation have changed his opinion.

“I can’t get it out of my mind that … this is related to what happened to me at Dugway,” Anderson said.

Anderson told his buddy Amos E. Long about the new Web site. They were at Dugway at the same time in 1955. They now keep in touch.

Long, 76, lives in Alabama. For years, he has suffered problems with his feet. One doctor told him he has nerve damage.

“When I wake up, it feels like my ankles are the size of volleyballs,” said Long, who left the Army as a first lieutenant.

Long’s job was in meteorology, to go out into the field at about 2 a.m. and test surface wind direction and speed prior to tests, as well as during or after tests. He recalled a road being closed when one cloud of chemicals drifted off base.

“I don’t have any idea where it went,” Long said about the cloud. “All we had to do was to protect our people.”

Long had his own experience with being exposed to something, he doesn’t know what, and being decontaminated afterward. He has been unsuccessful so far in getting the VA to pay for testing and treatment for his feet.

“I have no idea what I was exposed to,” Long said. “They should have let us know what we were close to.”

‘Chemical School’

Despite what went on at Dugway and the risks soldiers took during tests, at least one man isn’t claiming any related health problems. For the best ip chemistry tuition in Singapore visit us.

Jerry Reed finished “Chemical School” in Alabama in 1959 near the top of his class, earning him a trip to Dugway in June 1959. He can still remember arriving.

“When they put us on that old Army bus and took us out past Saltair and down Skull Valley, I was convinced it was the end of the world and I would never go home again,” he said.

Reed, 67, contrasted growing up in rural Arkansas surrounded by green trees and waist-deep grass with coming to a “forbidding” place at Dugway.

“The NCO that met us at the main gate said, ‘We don’t worry about you going AWOL, we just watch you walk away for three days and then go out and pick you up,”‘ he said.

Reed and Anderson have stories about tests using mosquitoes and fleas. Neither man knew exactly how the insects were being used, but they guess it may have had to do with finding a way to spread chemical or biological agents.

For other tests, Reed donned a rubber suit and would decontaminate an area where animals had been exposed to nerve agent and had died within seconds or minutes. He said the animals were doused with gasoline, burned and buried in a trench.

Reed said he’s still trying to get his mind around how naive the soldiers were to allow themselves to be used as “guinea pigs.” But it was a different climate back then, he said. “I guess we just totally believed that they would not do anything that could harm us.”

Reed, who in the Army reached the rank of staff sergeant, said his “health issues” now are more related to age and weight and that he enjoyed 40 years of good health after Dugway.

“I have no ax to grind with the Army,” he said. “I am proud of my service, strange as it was.”

Gas and ‘volunteers’

Davidson, 72, of West Haven, spent about nine months at Dugway in 1961, and he remembers how so-called volunteers were chosen for tests.

“They just said, ‘You, you, you and you,”‘ Davidson said.

For one test, the former sergeant remembers everyone being lined up without gas masks in a field and being gassed by something, forced to gut it out until the gas cloud went away.

“We had to stay in it and then report back,” Davidson said. “I tried to hold my breath as long as I could. When I took a breath, it took me right to my knees.”

He isn’t sure what the gas was and didn’t dare ask back then.

“We were in the service,” Davidson said. “We just obeyed. You did what you were told to.”

When asked what health problems he has today, Davidson has to retrieve a list written on a piece of paper. Prostate cancer, kidney failure, skin cancer and congestive heart failure appear to be the worst among his maladies.

About a month ago, Davidson contacted the VA for help in paying for tests and treatments for his health conditions. But he has run into a glitch: He has been told there are no records of what sort of gas was used in 1961.

“Good grief! They used to take us out and gas us,” he said.

E-mail: sspeckman@desnews.com

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Dec 30 VCS Update: Our Successes in 2008 and Our Plans for 2009

In 2008, Veterans for Common Sense continued our strong track record of providing publicity and pragmatic solutions for government policies you care about: national security, civil liberties, and veterans. With your continued support, we plan more successful advocacy efforts during 2009.

This year your support helped make healthcare for our service members a top national security issue, where VCS was frequently featured on the national news. Your donations helped with uncovering torture documents. Your active involvement helped us win key legislative victories for veterans in 2008, including the start of disability claims reform. VCS also led the national fight for voting rights for our veterans residing in VA facilities.

Our most important acomplishment this year was our lawsuit against VA. After we sued VA, VA established a toll-free suicide prevention hotline that received 85,000 calls and performed more than 2,100 rescues in its first 15 months. Thank you for changing VA policy so we could save veterans’ lives.

Here is what VCS plans for 2009:

—> Our civil liberties goals include closing the Guantanamo Bay facility, ending torture, and ending domestic spying. We can make this happen in 2009 !

—> Our national security goals include better healthcare for our troops, including mandatory medical exams for post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), traumatic brain injury (TBI), and military sexual trauma (MST), as well as ending the Iraq War fiasco. We can fight to reduce stigma and improve access to care for our Iraq and Afghanistan war soldiers.

—> Our goals for veterans include advocating an overhaul of the Department of Veterans Affairs, as described in our November 5 report to President-Elect Obama. This means streamliniing the disability claim process, bringing VA claims workers to our veterans, and eliminating the adversarial claims atmosphere for PTSD and TBI.

—> Our VCS lawsuit (with Veterans United for Truth) against VA is now on appeal. We need your support to keep this issue alive in 2009. We work closely with the blue chip law firm of Morrison – Foerster and the outstanding attorneys at Disability Rights Advocates to keep our lawsuit alive. We wish to thank them again for their fantastic pro bono diligence on our lawsuit.

VCS asks you to do two things at the end of 2008.

—> First, you can start making a difference now. Please send your views about national security, civil liberties, and caring for all of our veterans to President-Elect Barack Obama at www.Change.govThe combined voices of our more than 14,000 voices can make a difference on important issues – that’s what grass roots democracy is all about.

—> Second, please take a moment to set up a monthly contribution today. We need your help in 2009 to continue our string of major news stories and major legislative victories. We are making a difference because of you.

We hope you have a Happy New Year! Thank you for your support!

Paul Sullivan
Executive Director
Veterans for Common Sense

VCS provides advocacy and publicity for issues related to veterans, national security, and civil liberties. VCS is registered with the IRS as a non-profit 501(c)(3) charity, and donations are tax deductible.

Please consider a year-end donation of $50 or $100 to assist VCS.

There are Five Easy Ways to Support Veterans for Common Sense

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Dan Rather’s Lawsuit Against CBS News May Deal President Bush’s Legacy a New Blow

December 28, 2008, Los Angeles, California – As George W. Bush prepares to leave the White House, at least one unpleasant episode from his unpopular presidency is threatening to follow him into retirement.

A $70m lawsuit filed by Dan Rather, the veteran former newsreader for CBS Evening News, against his old network is reopening the debate over alleged favourable treatment that Bush received when he served in the Texas Air National Guard during the Vietnam war. Bush had hoped that this controversy had been dealt with once and for all during the 2004 election.

Eight weeks before the 2004 presidential poll, Rather broadcast a story based on newly discovered documents which appeared to show that Bush, whose service in the Texas Air National Guard ensured that he did not have to fight in Vietnam, had barely turned up even for basic duty. After an outcry from the White House and conservative bloggers who claimed that the report had been based on falsified documents, CBS retracted the story, saying that the documents’ authenticity could not be verified. Rather, who had been with CBS for decades and was one of the most familiar faces in American journalism, was fired by the network the day after the 2004 election.

He claims breach of contract against CBS. He has already spent $2m on his case, which is likely to go to court early next year. Rather contends not only that his report was true – “What the documents stated has never been denied, by the president or anyone around him,” he says – but that CBS succumbed to political pressure from conservatives to get the report discredited and to have him fired. He also claims that a panel set up by CBS to investigate the story was packed with conservatives in an effort to placate the White House. Part of the reason for that, he suggests, was that Viacom, a sister company of CBS, knew that it would have important broadcasting regulatory issues to deal with during Bush’s second term.

Among those CBS considered for the panel to investigate Rather’s report were far-right broadcasters Rush Limbaugh and Ann Coulter.

“CBS broke with long-standing tradition at CBS News and elsewhere of standing up to political pressure,” says Rather. “And, there’s no joy in saying it, they caved … in an effort to placate their regulators in Washington.”

Rather’s lawsuit makes other serious allegations about CBS succumbing to political pressure in an attempt to suppress important news stories. In particular, he says that his bosses at CBS tried to stop him reporting evidence of torture at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. According to Rather’s lawsuit, “for weeks they refused to grant permission to air the story” and “continued to raise the goalposts, insisting on additional substantiation”. Rather also claims that General Richard Meyers, then head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the top military official in the US, called him at home and asked him not to broadcast the story, saying that it would “endanger national security”.

Rather says that CBS only agreed to allow him to broadcast the story when it found out that Seymour Hersh would be writing about it in the New Yorker magazine. Even then, Rather claims, CBS tried to bury it. “CBS imposed the unusual restrictions that the story would be aired only once, that it would not be preceded by on-air promotion, and that it would not be referenced on the CBS Evening News,” he says.

The charges outlined in Rather’s lawsuit will cast a further shadow over the Bush legacy. He recently expressed regret for the “failed intelligence” which led to the invasion of Iraq and has received heavy criticism over the scale and depth of the economic downturn in the United States.

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Iraq War Veteran Arrested After Two-Hour Standoff with Police in New Jersey

December 27, 2008, Mansfield Township, New Jersey – A mentally disturbed Iraq War veteran who dialed 911 Friday morning claiming he’d shot two people kept officers at bay during an ensuing two-hour standoff, police said.

Richard Toth, 30, made the 911 call — determined to be a fabrication — at 9:53 a.m. from his second-floor Mansfield Village apartment, township police Detective Sgt. Robert Emery said.

Police responded and evacuated the building and neighboring apartments in the sprawling complex off Route 57 and established a security perimeter. Bail bonds and the bail bond process stays pretty consistent with the processes established throughout California by the CA Department of Insurance. When it comes to common arrests for petty crimes, the bail bonds process will only really vary based on the location of the arrest. While the actual bail bonds process remains the same, wait times for release will vary, depending on if the arrestee is being held at a local city jail within a police station or has been transferred to a county jail. Wait times can also vary based on how busy the particular police station or jail is and how the staff is being utilized that particular day. For the most part, bail cost and other details will remain constant. But there are instances throughout the state where the bail process will differ in ways that aren’t contingent on the particular location of arrest. Here are 7 different bail forms that vary slightly depending on the actual crime a suspect is charged with and the nature of their citizenship. You can read more here for the 24Hour Bail Bonds Financing. Bail bonding is likely the most misunderstood profession in our legal system. Lawyers, clerks, even magistrates within the criminal justice system who are exposed to bail bonds on a daily basis can often on give the most basic explanation of the process. Compound this with the fact that most citizens who find themselves in the position of needing a bail bondsman (or at least thinking they do) will often be in a confused state due to the stress of having a loved on incarcerated. Needless to say bail bondsman tend to enjoy more than a competitive edge when it comes to negotiating the terms of their service, if any negotiating is done at all. So how does an individual without any knowledge about what is really involved with this mysterious profession make sure they are not paying more than what is reasonable? Let me start by clearly stating that the intent of this article is to explain only enough about bail bonding itself to give the reader enough knowledge to get the best price. I do not intend to outline the entire bail bonding process because, in reality, it is not necessary to understand the details to get the best price. In addition we are talking about LARGE bail bonds. No bail bondsman is going to be interested in getting into a heated negotiation over a $1,000 bail bond. You either pay the fee or your bailee will likely just stay incarcerated. There is one mandatory subject that must be covered so that you limit your negotiations to bail bonding companies that are in a position to actually help you and that is the difference in Surety and Property bail bondsman. That will be covered shortly, first lets look at the typical bail bond. The generally accepted price for a bail bond is 10{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of the bond amount, so for example a bondsman will charge you $100 to post a $1,000 bail bond. It’s common practice in this industry to tell clients that this price is completely non negotiable because the percentage rate is set by law and cannot be altered. This is only partially true. This is where the importance and understanding the two types of bail bonding companies comes into play and it has everything to do with collateral.

The Warren County Tactical Response Team also responded and township Patrolman Jeffrey Conklin, who had had past contact with Toth, talked to him via telephone during negotiations that led to his noontime surrender, Emery said.

Toth allegedly threatened to shoot police and take his own life during phone conversations with a 911 operator.

Police said they did not recover any weapons except for a large kitchen knife Toth held when tactical response officers entered Toth’s apartment to arrest him.

Toth did not threaten the officers with the knife, police said.

Authorities had no details immediately available on Toth’s military service. Efforts failed to reach family for comment.

“There wasn’t anyone there who wasn’t touched by this situation,” Emery said of the incident. Toth “was over there fighting for his country and now this.”

Police reportedly responded to Toth’s apartment Wednesday for a psychiatric emergency call. Details about that call were not released.

Police and rescue squad members transported Toth to Warren Hospital, Phillipsburg, for a mental health evaluation after his surrender.

He is charged with making terroristic threats, and a judge set bail at 10 percent of $50,000. The mental health evaluation is a bail condition, and the judge will review the results of that evaluation before Toth is released, authorities said.

Emery said no victims were in the apartment where Toth lives alone, leading police to conclude he didn’t shoot anyone.

Police said no one was injured during the incident.

Emergency responders transported tenants temporarily displaced by the evacuation to a shelter set up at the nearby Tri-County Fire Department.

Officers from the Hackettstown, Independence Township and the Washington Township, Morris County, police department assisted Mansfield Township police.

Members of the Warren County Prosecutor’s Office responded, as did a field communications unit from the Warren County Department of Public Safety.

Tri-County and Hackettstown firefighters also responded, along with township rescue squad members.

Reporter Tom Quigley can be reached at 610-258-7171, Ext. 3574, or by e-mail at tquigley@express-times.com

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News Analysis: Will Current Proselytizing in Military Continue Under President Obama?

December 27, 2008 – President-Elect Barack Obama’s decision to have the evangelical megachurch leader Rick Warren conduct the invocation at next month’s presidential inauguration proves that fundamentalist Christians still wield enormous power within the federal government and will likely continue to be a dominating force under an Obama administration.

Nowhere is this  more apparent than in the U.S. military where, for the past several years, in apparent violation of the Establishment Clause of the U.S. Constitution, chaplains have openly proselytized to thousands of active-duty soldiers and, in some cases, have tried to convert Iraqis and Afghans to Christianity.

The U.S. Military is barred from enacting or supporting policies that advance, promote or endorse religion. Prayer  sessions in the military “must have a secular purpose; the primary effect  of the prayer must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion; and  finally, the prayer must not foster an excessive government entanglement with religion,” according to a 2003 U.S 4th Circuit Court of Appeals decision that struck down meal-time prayer at the Virginia Military Institute as a violation of the Establishment Clause of the Constitution.  

But, now that Obama has decided to keep Robert Gates on as Secretary of Defense—and he’s embraced Warren—it is virtually guaranteed that fundamentalist Christianity will continue to permeate throughout the military just as it has during George W. Bush’s eight years in office.

Despite being named in several lawsuits filed against the Pentagon for allowing military chaplains to proselytize to soldiers fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the numerous letters he has received  from civil rights organizations and government watchdog groups since he was tapped as Defense Secretary two years ago, letters demanding that he launch investigations into widespread proselytizing, Gates has failed  to issue a response of any kind to these groups and has refused to take steps to address the matter. Meanwhile, soldiers continue to have fundamentalist Christianity shoved down their throats.

Of the nearly 11,000 soldiers that have lodged complaints about proselytizing with just one of the various government watchdog groups, the Military Religious Freedom Foundation, reports that about 96 percent have identified themselves as Christian, however, there are numerous cases in which atheist and Jewish soldiers have said they were subjected to  Christian prayer sessions and proselytizing by chaplains despite their objections.

One recent example of proselytizing began last June, when two Army chaplains and one Air Force chaplain led mandatory Christian prayer sessions and Bible study as part of daily shift change briefings in  the 3rd Expeditionary Sustainment Command (ESC), Iraq. The 3rd ESC works 12-hour shifts, meaning mandatory Christian worship and ritual, occurred at least twice a day.

A non-commissioned officer, who identified himself as an atheist, objected to the denominational prayers. He was told by one of the chaplains, Lt. Col. Chaplain Harrison, that he could be “excused” from the Christian prayer sessions and the chaplain advised the non-commissioned officer that his goal was to turn soldiers into “his congregation.”

The chaplain’s remark led the non-commissioned officer to write to the Freedom From Religion Foundation, a Madison, Wisconsin-based watchdog group. In an e-mail to the organization, the  non-commissioned officer wrote that he was not seeking help out of  “self-interest.”

“I’m doing this because, as a non-commissioned officer, part of my job is to look out for the interests of soldiers of lesser rank than me,” the officer wrote. “This is not a Christian-exclusive club, but a group of highly diverse individuals with varying religious beliefs.”

In 2006, the Air Force adopted new religion guidelines, in the aftermath of a proselytizing scandal at the United States Air Force Academy in Colorado Springs, that said the Air Force will “remain officially neutral regarding religious beliefs, neither officially endorsing nor disapproving any faith belief or absence of  belief.”

Those guidelines specifically state that prayer cannot “usually be a part of routine official business.”

Yet, according to  a non-commissioned officer, one of the Christian prayer sessions led by the Air Force and Army chaplains included the verse, “Lord Jesus, give us  the strength to trust in your will. Help us live this day according to your Holy word.”

Rebecca Kratz, a staff attorney with the Freedom From Religion Foundation, said, in an interview, that the non-commissioned officer’s name was being withheld for fear of retribution.

Kratz sent a four-page legal brief to Gates on Nov. 5, stating that the  non-commissioned officer informed her organization that Lt. Colonel Harrison also told the non-commissioned officer that he was not forced to enlist in the U.S. Army and that he should just accept the fact that Christian prayer sessions will be conducted on a routine basis for the 3rd  ESC.

“Our complainant informs us that [chaplains] continually read verses from the Bible, particularly Psalms and Proverbs, which are followed by a prayer,” Kratz’s legal brief says. It also called on Gates to launch a probe into the matter. “On Sundays’ shift change  briefings, our complainant informs us the prayer and Bible readings are  similar to a whole sermon.

“The current practice of offering official chaplain-led prayers during mandatory nonreligious shift change  briefings violates the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The chaplains’ actions during these routine staff meetings effectively send the message that the U.S. military endorses religion,” specifically  favoring “Christianity over other religious faiths. In addition, holding Bible readings and prayers during mandatory briefings unlawfully compels religious and nonreligious personnel to participate in religious  exercises.”

Gates has not responded to Kratz’s letter. A Pentagon spokesman said last week he could not comment because he was unfamiliar with the matter and was unaware whether Gates or the Pentagon’s legal  counsel had received Kratz’s letter. Attempts to reach the chaplains who led the mandatory Christian prayer sessions were  unsuccessful.

Mikey Weinstein, founder and president of the  Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF), has written to the Secretary of Defense and his most senior staff at least half-a-dozen times since Gates was tapped as Secretary of Defense, November of 2006. Recently, MRFF and Army Spc. Dustin Chalker sued Gates and others, claiming the Army has subjected soldiers to fundamentalist Christian prayer ceremonies against their will, during mandatory military events.

On at least three  occasions, beginning in December 2007, Chalker alleges he was directed to attend military events, one of which was a barbecue, where an Army battalion chaplain led a Christian prayer ceremony for military personnel. Chalker, who said he is an atheist, asked his superiors for permission to leave the prayer sessions, and on each occasion, his request to be excused was denied, according to the lawsuit.

Despite Chalker’s objections to being ordered to attend fundamentalist Christian prayer sessions, his Army superiors continued, forcing him to attend other military  events where the prayer ceremonies continued.

“This federal litigation by MRFF is actually far more expansive,” Weinstein said. “The central theme of the MRFF-Chalker lawsuit is to once and for all expose a pervasive and pernicious ‘pattern and practice’ of essentially unconstitutional rape of the religious liberties of our United States armed forces personnel, stationed at nearly a thousand military installations, in 132 countries around the world.”

Two weeks ago, MRFF exposed the Pentagon’s involvement in the production of two cable programs, one of which featured two so-called “extreme” missionaries embedded with a U.S. Army unit in Afghanistan trying to convert Muslims to Christianity.

The popular reality series, “Travel the Road,” aired on the Trinity Broadcasting Network, featuring  Will Decker and Tim Scott, the two so-called “extreme” missionaries who  travel the globe to “preach the Gospel to the ends of the earth and  encourage the church to be active in the Great Commission.”

The other cable program, green-lit by the Pentagon, was “God’s Soldier,” which aired in September on the Military Channel and was filmed at Forward Operating Base McHenry in Hawijah, Iraq. It featured an Army chaplain openly promoting fundamentalist Christianity to active-duty U.S. soldiers in Iraq.

Weinstein, the author of With God on Our Side: One Man’s War Against an Evangelical Coup in America’s Military, and a former White House attorney under Ronald Reagan, general counsel for H. Ross  Perot, and an Air Force Judge Advocate (JAG), has exposed scores of cases in which the Department of Defense has promoted and sanctioned fundamentalist Christian proselytizing among U.S. soldiers in violation of  the U.S. Constitution, its subsequently established federal case law and  military regulations. Weinstein is a 1977 honor graduate of the Academy. His sons and a daughter-in-law are also Academy graduates.

The most egregious case of the Pentagon’s close ties with Christian fundamentalist groups was formally investigated by the Pentagon’s inspector general, as a result of a highly publicized complaint lodged by Weinstein’s group in 2006: High-ranking Defense Department military and civilian officials appeared in a video promoting the fundamentalist organization Christian Embassy. The military officials were in uniform, inside the Pentagon, during duty hours, in this evangelical promotional video.

In a 45-page inspector general report, Air Force Maj. Gen. Jack Catton, Army Brig. Gen. Bob Caslen, Brig. Gen. Vincent Brooks, Maj. Gen. Peter Sutton, and a colonel and lieutenant colonel whose names were redacted were all found to have “improperly endorsed and participated with a non-Federal entity while in uniform.”

Caslen was formerly the deputy director for political-military affairs for the war on terrorism, directorate for strategic plans and policy, joint staff. Following this  report, he was initially reassigned to the prestigious position of West Point Commandant of Cadets, overseeing 4,200 cadets at the US Military Academy at West Point. Currently, he commands the  famous 25th Infantry Division at Schofield Barracks in Honolulu. Caslen told DOD investigators he agreed to appear in the video upon learning other senior Pentagon officials had been interviewed for the promotional video.

At least one senior military official defended his  actions, according to the inspector general’s report, saying the “Christian Embassy had become a ‘quasi-Federal entity,’ since the DoD had endorsed the organization to General Officers (i.e., all officers at the  rank of General) for over 25 years.”

Perhaps no other fundamentalist Christian group has been as successful as Military Ministry, when it comes to infiltrating the military. Military Ministry is  a national organization and a subsidiary of the controversial fundamentalist Christian organization Campus Crusade for Christ. Military Ministry’s national web site boasts that it has successfully “targeted” basic training installations, or “gateways,” and has  successfully converted thousands of soldiers to evangelical Christianity.

Military Ministry says it has six “strategic” objectives: 

Pillar 1 – Evangelize and disciple enlisted U.S. military members throughout their military careers.
Pillar 2 – Build Christian military leaders and influence our nation for Christ as a result.
Pillar 3 – Stop the unraveling of the military family and provide Christ-centered solutions for those suffering from the destructive effects of combat trauma, and especially PTSD.
Pillar 4 – Arm troops in harm’s way with spiritual resources. Provide Bibles and devotional materials to chaplains and directly to troops.
Pillar 5 – Wage Christian outreach, discipleship and training on the Internet to military members across the world.
Pillar 6 – Change continents for Christ. Train, equip and support indigenous military leaders as they build Christian ministries in their own nations.
Weinstein is credited with exposing the Pentagon’s relationship with Military Ministry.

But despite the high-profile nature of Weinstein’s complaints, he has been unsuccessful in his attempts to get Congress to  enact reforms or, at the very least, hold hearings on the  issue.

“After nearly five bloody years in the thick of this fight  to the death, to stop the U.S. military from using its might to force fundamentalist Christianity on its service men and women, we at MRFF have  learned one thing about most politicians; they’re about as useful as a  baseball bat in a football game,” Weinstein said. “They view the very real national security threat of our armed forces having morphed into the “Christian Taliban” as a radioactive tar-baby that will only cause them to lose campaign contributions and votes if they even remotely engage. The tragic price of this near universal congressional abandonment and indifference is consequentially measured in the precious splattered blood of our American military personnel.

“Indeed, who will be left to tell the stories of those U.S. Soldiers who have been maimed and killed by a Wahhabi-fuelled Islamic enemy immeasurably emboldened, off the Jihad Richter Scale, by a U.S. military that has carefully crafted its battle image as 21st Century Crusaders for Christ? Who will stand up to  fight?”

Still, someone at the Pentagon must have read Kratz’s legal  brief.

Two weeks ago, the Freedom From Religion Foundation received  an e-mail from the non-commissioned officer.

“There is no more  mandatory prayer,” the officer wrote. It was replaced with “This day in history” and “a moment of reflective silence.”

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Former VA Doctor: Veterans Deserve Better Care

December 26, 2008, Roseburg, Oregon – Lack of adequate funding has led to lack of adequate staffing which in turn has decreased the quality of care and level of services at the Veterans Affairs hospital in Roseburg. The Roseburg facility is labeled a hospital but has not been adequately funded. Last year the budget was about three quarters of a million short. I have been told that there is a much larger shortfall this year.

Even with well respected physicians like Theodore A DaCosta picking up the slack, working short staffed has led to significant problems. Numerous resignations have been occurring over the last several months. Many physicians have resigned their leadership positions and many nurses have left. The morale is quite low. A group of hospital employees formed an organization health committee which identified numerous areas of opportunity for change. But no significant results so far.

If you are a veteran in an ambulance, do not be surprised if your ambulance is told to go to Mercy Medical Center instead of the VA. Review of the last two months statistics from logs in the Emergency Department reveal an approximately 60 to 70 percent chance of diversion. Unfortunately you the veteran may be responsible for a significant portion of the bill due to this diversion.

Veterans deserve to be informed about the kind of care and the services available at the VA Roseburg. Surgical services have been diminished and gastroenterology coverage is at times sporadic. This has led to increased transfers. If you are hospitalized, your care during the day hours may be on par with the local community hospital. However, at night many of the services that are standard of care at community hospitals are significantly delayed at the Roseburg VA. For example, lab studies are drawn and sent to the Mercy lab at night. X-ray services are on call after day tour hours. Frequently there is only one physician at night providing care for the hospital, emergency department, psychiatric unit, and long term care unit. Many would argue that this is not safe.

There are a number of excellent physicians, nurses, and caring staff at the Roseburg VA. Employees have been frustrated in their attempts to make the VA Roseburg a better place. The combination of lack of funds and low employee morale significantly reduces effective recruiting efforts. Unfortunately, the VA regional leadership (VISN) is unwilling or unable to provide the funding required to adequately support this facility as a hospital.

If funding remains inadequate, maybe it is time to close the hospital aspects of VA Roseburg (inpatient beds, ICU, and Emergency Department) and convert to a completely ambulatory care center. The problem with this solution is that veterans would be more financially responsible for their hospital care unless they travel to Portland (which frequently is full). Maybe it is time to combine the VA hospitals with the private sector and have a system of universal health care coverage where everyone receives the same benefits as is the case with most every other industrialized country in the world.

Before more of these employees choose to work elsewhere, further reducing the quality of care … write your legislators or the VA director and let them know your thoughts. Veterans deserve better.

Charles S. Ross was director of the Emergency Department at the Roseburg Veterans Affairs Medical Center from November 2007 to July 31, 2008. He has been a practicing physician in Oregon for 31 years and a Roseburg resident for 11 years. He is board certified in emergency medicine and family practice. He now provides locum tenens coverage at the Roseburg VA, Three Rivers Community Hospital in Grants Pass and Bay Area Hospital in Coos Bay in addition to working part time at Evergreen Urgent Care in Roseburg.

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Vice President Cheney Admits He ‘Signed Off’ on Waterboarding Torture for 33 Prisoners of War

December 22, 2008 – Vice President Dick Cheney, in another stunning admission during his campaign to burnish the Bush administration’s legacy, said he personally authorized the “enhanced interrogations” of 33 suspected terrorist detainees and approved the waterboarding of three so-called “high-value” prisoners.

“I signed off on it; others did, as well, too,” Cheney said about the waterboarding, a practice of simulated drowning done by strapping a person to a board, covering the face with a cloth and then pouring water over it, a torture technique dating back at least to the Spanish Inquisition. The victim feels as if he is drowning.

Cheney identified the three waterboarded detainees as al-Qaeda figures Abu Zubaydah, Khalid Sheik Mohammed and al Nashiri. “That’s it, those three guys,” Cheney said in an interview with the right-wing Washington Times.

Other detainees at secret CIA prisons and at Guantanamo Bay were subjected to harsh treatment, including being stripped naked, forced into painful stress positions, placed in extremes of heat or cold and prevented from sleeping – actions that international human rights organizations, and previously the U.S. government, have denounced as torture and illegal abuse.

“I thought that it was absolutely the right thing to do,” Cheney said of what he called the “enhanced interrogation” of the detainees. “I thought the [administration’s] legal opinions that were rendered [endorsing the harsh treatment] were sound. I think the techniques were reasonable in terms of what they [the CIA interrogators] were asking to be able to do. And I think it produced the desired result.”

Cheney also took issue with the notion that waterboarding was torture.

“Was it torture? I don’t believe it was torture,” Cheney said. “The CIA handled itself, I think, very appropriately. They came to us in the administration, talked to me, talked to others in the administration, about what they felt they needed to do in order to obtain the intelligence that we believe these people were in possession of.”

Other experts, including some military and intelligence interrogators, have disputed Cheney’s claims of success in extracting reliable information through waterboarding and other harsh techniques. Much of the confessed information turned out to be dubious or incorrect.

The First Case

Zubaydah was the first “war on terror” detainee to be subjected to the Bush administration’s waterboarding, according to Pentagon and Justice Department documents, news reports and several books written about the Bush administration’s interrogation methods.

However, according to author Ron Suskind who interviewed CIA and other insiders, Abu Zubaydah was not the “high-value detainee” that the Bush administration had claimed. Rather, Zubaydah was a minor player in the al-Qaeda organization, handling travel for associates and their families, Suskind wrote in his book The One Percent Doctrine.

Nevertheless, Suskind said President George W. Bush became obsessed with Zubaydah and the information he might have about pending terrorist plots against the United States.

“Bush was fixated on how to get Zubaydah to tell us the truth,” Suskind wrote. Bush questioned one CIA briefer, “Do some of these harsh methods really work?”

Abu Zubaydah’s captors soon discovered that their prisoner was mentally ill and knew nothing about terrorist operations or impending plots. That realization was “echoed at the top of CIA and was, of course, briefed to the President and Vice President,” Suskind wrote.

But Bush did not want to “lose face” because he had stated Zubaydah’s importance publicly, according to Suskind.

Zubaydah was strapped to a waterboard and, fearing imminent death, he spoke about a wide range of plots against a number of U.S. targets, such as shopping malls, the Brooklyn Bridge and the Statue of Liberty. Yet, Suskind wrote, Zubaydah’s information under duress was judged not credible.

Still, that did not stop “thousands of uniformed men and women [who] raced in a panic to each … target,” Suskind wrote. “The United States would torture a mentally disturbed man and then leap, screaming, at every word he uttered.”

Cheney Unapologetic

Last week, in an interview with ABC News, Cheney was unapologetic about the waterboarding and other harsh techniques used against the detainees. But Cheney’s matter-of-fact response to the Washington Times’ questions on Monday provided the most detailed look yet at the administration’s highly classified interrogation program.

In the interview, Cheney defended the interrogation program by claiming the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) drafted legal memorandums stating Bush had the authority to suspend the Geneva Convention and order harsh interrogations of prisoners in the “war on terror.”

But the memos were written after Cheney, then-National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, then-White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales and other high-ranking Cabinet officials known as the Principals Committee met in July 2002 to discuss specific interrogation techniques — including the outlawed technique of waterboarding — to be used against “war on terror” detainees.

The OLC attorneys fashioned the legal arguments that then gave legal cover for the interrogation strategies that the White House wanted to carry out.

The Aug. 1, 2002, opinion, widely referred to as the “Torture Memo,” was written by Jay Bybee, an assistant attorney general at the OLC, and John Yoo, Bybee’s deputy. It was addressed to Gonzales and stated that unless the amount of pain administered to a detainee during an interrogation results in injury “such as death, organ failure, or serious impairment of body functions” than the technique could not be defined as torture.

Additionally, the memo said CIA interrogators would not be prosecuted for violating anti-torture laws as long as they acted in “good faith” while using brutal techniques to obtain information from suspected terrorists.

“To validate the statute, an individual must have the specific intent to inflict severe pain or suffering,” the memo said. “Because specific intent is an element of the offense, the absence of specific intent negates the charge of torture.”

The memo was drafted the same month Abu Zubaydah was subjected to waterboarding.

Jack Goldsmith, who succeeded Bybee as head of the OLC in October 2003, quickly determined that the Aug. 1, 2002, memo was “sloppily written” and “legally flawed” and withdrew it.

Administration critics also have noted that actions are not made legal simply by having friendly lawyers give favorable opinions.

“You can’t just suddenly change something that is illegal into something that is legal by having a lawyer write an opinion that saying it’s legal,” said Sen. Carl Levin, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee  whose panel spent two years investigating the Bush administration’s interrogation policies.

Jameel Jaffer, director of the American Civil Liberties Union National Security Project, said Cheney used the Justice Department to “twist” the law “and in some cases ignored it altogether, in order to permit interrogators to use barbaric methods that the U.S. once prosecuted as war crimes.”

Michael Ratner, president of the Center for Constitutional Rights, said, “there must be consequences for [these] illegal activities.” He added, “A special prosecutor should be appointed. To do otherwise is to send a message of impunity that will only embolden future administrations to again engage in serious violations of the law.”

The Justice Department’s Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) is close to wrapping up a formal investigation to determine whether agency attorneys, including Yoo and Bybee, provided the White House with poor legal advice when they drafted the legal opinions.

The waterboarding of Abu Zubaydah, Al Nashiri and Kalid Sheikh Mohammed was videotaped, but those records were destroyed in November 2005 after the Washington Post published a story that exposed the CIA’s use of so-called “black site” prisons overseas to interrogate terror suspects.

John Durham, an assistant attorney general in Connecticut, was appointed special counsel earlier this year to investigate the destruction of that videotape as well as destroyed film on other interrogations.

Despite the torture criticism, Cheney said he has no regrets about the interrogation methods that he signed off on, claiming they were “directly responsible for the fact that we’ve been able to avoid or defeat further attacks against the homeland for seven and a half years.”

Cheney added, “I feel very good about what we did. I think it was the right thing to do. If I was faced with those circumstances again, I’d do exactly the same thing.”

Cheney’s remarks to the Washington Times were part of a two-week media blitz that has sought to highlight the Bush administration’s “accomplishments.”

The White House has published two lengthy reports, “Highlights of Accomplishments and Results of the Administration of George W. Bush,” and “100 Things Americans May Not Know About the Bush Administration Record” in an attempt to change the emerging historical consensus about a failed presidency.

However, Cheney’s blasé responses to questions about torture have instead fed growing demands for a criminal investigation against Cheney and other Bush administration officials.

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Despite Uproar, Army Officials Say All is Well at Warrior Transition Units

December 23, 2008 – At a recent gathering in a small auditorium at Fort Lee, Va., wounded soldiers listened as everyone in their chain of command up to a full colonel reassured them that life in the post’s Warrior Transition Unit remained good.

Capt. David Payne, their company commander, reminded them that Fort Lee had ranked in the top five of 35 WTUs for 15 straight months, according to monthly online polls. The barracks are “rated the top in the Army.” Three members of the cadre are former wounded soldiers themselves. You can find all the latest updates at aboriginalbluemountains.

Lt. Col. Robert Lather told them the hospital is being revamped, with more space dedicated to active-duty soldiers so they don’t have to wait in long lines with troops going through Advanced Individual Training.

“Your mission is to heal,” said Col. Donna Diamond, head of Fort Lee’s Kenner Army Health Clinic. “We’re here to make sure your needs are addressed.”

In the back of the room, Sgt. Loyd Sawyer shook his head.

“We’re having another dog-and-pony show,” he said.

Before the meeting, troops were told their attendance was mandatory, and they needed a doctor’s note to get out of going. After the meeting, soldiers seen talking to reporters — or even surreptitiously passing notes with phone numbers — said they were called in by their chain of command and asked about what they had said.

“The town hall meetings are never like that,” said 1st Lt. Rebecca Ludwick, one of about 70 injured soldiers assigned to the WTU. “I’ve never seen all those officers there.”

The disparities didn’t end there. As officers from the unit explained that they were fully staffed, that the cadre is well-trained and cares, and that the troops consider their chain of command friends, the soldiers offered a different story: They can’t get appointments; they are forced to perform 24-hour duty while on sleeping medications; they say they are treated as whiners trying to get over on the system; they say training injuries are treated as less important than combat injuries, even though by law, both require the same medical care.

Two said they sought off-post counseling to help them deal with the stress of being in the WTU. One with severe post-traumatic stress disorder went back to the hospital as an inpatient after a cadre member yelled at him for playing with his unit patch.

One said she was named the executive officer of the unit, even though she injured herself during initial training and had no command experience. Another faced an Article 15 for oversleeping — even as he was going through a sleep study that eventually diagnosed him with narcolepsy.

They say that when they ask for help — through an ombudsman, the Wounded Warrior hotline or through the Inspector General office — they are admonished for violating the chain of command.

The Army created Warrior Transition Units after the scandal at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, Washington, D.C., in early 2007 after investigations showed that soldiers working their ways through the military medical retirement system had to fight through a thick bureaucracy of lost paperwork, incorrect documents, untrained lawyers and counselors, and unfair ratings that left them with a lifetime of injuries and little or no compensation.

It was revealed that sick and injured soldiers served as platoon sergeants and squad leaders even as they took medications or dealt with mental health issues. Some spent months — even years — in medical hold units. Ultimately, many signed whatever they were handed so they could go home.

The 35 Warrior Transition Units, formed about a year and a half ago, include professional cadre pulled in to provide stability; nurse case managers assigned to monitor soldiers’ progress and appointments; a doctor just for the soldiers in the unit; and family resources. They have ombudsmen and case managers. Everyone, officials say, has been trained in the special needs for soldiers with PTSD or traumatic brain injury.

But in recent months, the Army realized it does not have the manpower to staff the units, the rules changed about who would be allowed in, and the focus shifted to those with combat injuries rather than those who injure themselves preparing to deploy. Those who don’t go to a Warrior Transition Unit remain in their home units, where unfit soldiers fill deployable slots — leaving line units understaffed as they prepare for deployment to Iraq or Afghanistan.

The offshoot, Fort Lee soldiers say, is that those without combat injuries are treated as if they are a waste of resources.

Payne disagreed. “They’re treated the same,” he said. “From what I understand, everyone’s treated exactly the same.”

Brig. Gen. Gary Cheek, director of the Army’s Warrior Care and Transition Office, told a meeting of the Association of the U.S. Army in October that “our focus is on soldiers with complex medical needs.”

‘I’m sick of being hassled’

Retired Army Lt. Col. Mike Parker, who has worked as an advocate for wounded soldiers by helping them through the medical retirement process, said he sees the same recurring issues in the Army’s WTUs. “Fort Lee’s probably one of the worst of the bunch, but it’s happening all over the place,” he said.

He and other veterans’ advocates say they see errors in medical retirement paperwork, incorrect information about what benefits soldiers are eligible for, and soldiers being forced out for pre-existing mental health conditions and disciplinary problems that directly relate to their military service.

Some of Parker’s concerns surfaced at the Fort Lee town hall meeting.

Ludwick asked why all of her medical conditions were not properly documented on her medical form. Lather explained that he had called for guidance and been told that only medically unacceptable conditions should be on the form, and that the Physical Evaluation Board at Walter Reed was kicking back packets that listed all conditions.

That’s wrong, Parker said, after talking with board officials. All conditions should be listed.

Sgt. Stanley Craig stood up at the meeting to ask why he was given 24-hour staff duty when he was on sleeping medication.

“Many people … function on the same medications you take,” Lather replied. Payne told him to talk with a platoon sergeant.

Diamond said her staff is doing a good job. “I’ve not heard any complaints on the cadre at all,” she said. “I think people understand they genuinely care.”

Payne is a former patient who broke his leg after stepping in a gopher hole at Fort Riley, Kan. A Medical Evaluation Board found him fit for duty. He had two surgeries to repair the leg.

“When I got here, I was still dealing with my own issues,” he said. “I didn’t really have specific Warrior Transition training.”

He did have his cadre train online, and had substance abuse and mental health counselors give classes.

Because the WTU is not a typical unit — no arms room, no motor pool — he feels his role is more akin to that of a parent.

And the soldiers say they often do, in fact, feel like children.

One soldier who asked not to be named said he had a meltdown one day because of his PTSD and asked his nurse case manager to make him a mental health appointment.

But she didn’t. Rather, she had him committed to the Veterans Affairs mental health clinic at Portsmouth, Va., where he was immediately released, he said, because the doctors said there was no need for him to be committed.

He began seeing a counselor, but was told he couldn’t go to his second appointment because he had made the appointment himself, rather than having his case manager do it.

When he arrived at Fort Lee from another unit, he said it took 6½ weeks to restart his physical therapy, and then a month to get an appointment for an MRI.

Then, he said, his nurse case manager told him she was too busy and that he needed to make his own appointments for anything not related to his medical retirement case.

“They’re blaming me for prolonging my medical care,” he said. “I’m ready to go home. I’m sick of being hassled. I can’t stop shaking.”

Craig arrived at the WTU after serving two tours at Aberdeen Proving Ground, Md., as a mortuary affairs specialist. He blew out his knee on an obstacle course 2½ years ago. Then, in October 2007, while training to deploy, he fell off a truck and suffered multiple herniated discs. Doctors realized immediately he was not deployable.

At Fort Lee, he said he hasn’t seen his nurse case manager for more than a month, but was told he can’t make his own appointments.

When he stepped in a hole Labor Day weekend and broke a bone in his ankle, he received a referral for a doctor’s appointment from the unit’s primary care physician. He gave it to his nurse case manager, who told him to make the appointment himself, he said. He finally got the appointment in mid-November.

The paperwork related to his Medical Evaluation Board was a disaster, he said, and when he tried to explain it to the cadre, they didn’t understand what he was talking about.

His original separation date was August. He’s been extended until Dec. 30 because of his medical retirement case. He just received his final paperwork for his medical evaluation board. He was rated at 10 percent for his knee and 10 percent for his back, which his paperwork states he hurt picking up a footlocker several years ago — a noncombat-related injury. His training injury that caused the herniated discs had been left off.

“I specifically remember falling out of a truck,” Craig said sarcastically. “I’m so fed up with this place.”

He said he just signed the paperwork to get it over with.

‘They want you to give up’
Sawyer’s wife, Andrea, begged for her husband to be admitted to the hospital when he didn’t get the help he needed for his severe PTSD. He had been at Joint Base Balad in Iraq on the day a Turkish airliner crashed and killed 45 people about 1,000 yards from the mortuary where he worked. The staff spent hours cataloging belongings and lining up bodies in the parking lot.

“Some of them were still hot and burned through the bags,” he said. “I saw a lot of that. That was a rough three days.”

When he returned home, he couldn’t sleep, dealt with anger issues, jumped at noises and spent hours on the living room floor crying with his dogs. He spent three weeks as an inpatient in a psychiatric ward, and then was transferred to the Fort Lee WTU. On his third day there, Sawyer was playing with his new unit patch when his platoon sergeant began yelling.

“I ended up with a sergeant first class in my face yelling at me for disrespecting the people who died for that patch,” Sawyer said. “He didn’t know me from Adam. He’s lucky that morning I was very heavily medicated.”

Andrea Sawyer said the platoon sergeant made her husband “write a five-page paper on the importance of the patch.”

“Loyd went back to the psychiatric ward because he couldn’t deal with the people at the WTU,” she said. “That was his third day at the WTU.”

He was supposed to see his nurse case manager weekly, but didn’t. “They billed me for appointments when I wasn’t even there, just to pad the books,” he said. “They had me down one day for an 8 a.m. appointment at Portsmouth, a 9:30 a.m. appointment at Fort Lee and a 10 a.m. back at Portsmouth.”

He said it took three months after he received a referral to get an orthopedics appointment. “The only thing you get is what you fight tooth and nail for. They want you to give up so they can just process you out or wait for you to screw up so they can get you gone immediately.”

When an inspector general visit was scheduled, soldiers spent five hours cleaning their rooms, Sawyer said. “God knows they’re not allowed to say anything,” he said of soldiers in the WTU.

He said the soldiers were told to speak only if asked questions. If they spoke up on their own, the “retribution is s— duty,” he said.

Spc. Elizabeth Sartain had PTSD after serving as a mortuary affairs specialist in Kuwait. “Anyone who dies in Iraq, those bodies come through Kuwait,” she said.

When she got home, she tried to commit suicide. She poured pots of boiling oil over her arms and legs to try to match what she felt inside with what she felt outside.

“I was devastated,” she said. “I wasn’t getting the help I needed.”

After spending time as an inpatient at a psychiatric ward, she transferred to the WTU. She immediately began working eight hours a day as Payne’s orderly room clerk.

“It was overwhelming,” she said. “It was too hard to recover and be his secretary.”

She said she wasn’t allowed to make her own appointments, but did anyway because she needed help. “The case manager says she’ll call you back, but never does,” she said. “Weeks would go by. I’d check in, and it hadn’t been done. They’ve told us they’re overwhelmed.”

She said she also was berated for jumping the chain of command — for talking to the WTU ombudsman.

Ultimately, she received a disability rating of 50 percent for PTSD and was discharged.

Pvt. Aaron Howard began his tour at the WTU as a sergeant. In Iraq, he had his big toe shot off by another soldier who reacted poorly when an Iraqi family didn’t stop at a checkpoint. He also suffers from PTSD.

Before his injury, he had hoped to start law school and become an officer. But at the WTU, he said he was demoted for missing too many formations.

He said he received one Article 15 while he was waiting for results of a study that showed he has sleep apnea, narcolepsy and hypersombulance (excessive daytime sleepiness).

He received another Article 15 when he missed an appointment because he got the time wrong. He said his chain of command told him he “made up” his ailments.

“I’m getting counseling statements every 15 minutes,” he said. “I made E-5 in six years, no troubles. I come to Fort Lee and I’m the biggest turd in the Army.”

Recently, he said he was told he could get out administratively on a psychiatric discharge. That would end his time in the WTU — but he would leave with no medical benefits or retirement pay. He said his chain of command also tried to get him out for “continued misconduct.”

Ludwick said her biggest surprise came when she arrived at the WTU as a patient and was assigned duty as the unit’s executive officer. She was injured in February 2007 during a land navigation course when she fell down a hill in full battle rattle. She said she was told to “suck it up — you’re an officer.”

She did — and received her commission — but “there were days when I could barely walk,” she said.

Still, she continued her training, going to Fort Sill, Okla., for her officer leadership course. In her first week, she reinjured herself in combatives training.

“The other person yanked my leg up over her shoulder,” Ludwick explained. “She dropped me because she could hear it rip.”

Ludwick ended up in a leg immobilizer, and the second part of her training was waived. She went to Fort Lee for her officer basic course, but no one cut her formal orders for that. When she arrived in December 2007, she received orders attaching her as the WTU’s executive officer.

“They said, ‘We’re going to make you the XO,’” she said. “I can’t even walk. The cadre were like, ‘You need to be a patient.’”

So instead of performing XO duties, she worked at the post museum, leaving the XO slot empty. She remained in the museum position until October.

The first time she saw an orthopedic specialist since her injuries was at Fort Lee. “The surgeon at Portsmouth wouldn’t help me because it had been too long since the injury,” she said.

She discovered she had three herniated discs, a torn muscle in her back, stress fractures and nerve damage on one side of her body, and a broken ankle.

When it came time to do her paperwork for her medical retirement, only the herniated disc was put on it, even though she was using a wheelchair.

Her disability rating came back at 20 percent.

“It was a total joke,” she said. “They said, ‘Here’s $8,000 in severance pay — good luck.’”

She filed an IG complaint, which declared that everything had been done properly, she said.

Then she sent a letter to her congressman, after which she said she was told she could no longer talk with her Physical Evaluation Board liaison officer.

“They told me I was causing trouble,” she said.

Ludwick said she sank into depression and stayed away from the unit. She sought outside mental health help to deal with the panic attacks she said were caused by the people at the WTU.

She also talked to the Military Officer Association of America, who recommended that Parker look at her case. With his help, she appealed her case and ended up with a disability rating of 50 percent.

“My case is horrible, but when people come into the WTU, they’re all horrible,” she said. “I’m sure people are busy, but that’s the whole reason this unit was put in place. I’ve never been so much as asked if I need anything.”

Ludwick said she often sees people sign their paperwork without appealing it — or without understanding that they need to because their cases were handled improperly.

“People just get so frustrated,” Ludwick said. “They just sign and get out. I don’t have the luxury to just go out and get a job — I can barely walk.”

‘We’re at 100 percent’

Diamond said she has an open-door policy, but has had only three soldiers come through that door in the past few months.

She receives weekly updates from commanders and the ombudsman, and her office is in the clinic where soldiers go for appointments.

Diamond insisted staffing is not an issue. “We’re at 100 percent,” she said, adding that the unit has four case managers, though one is out on maternity leave.

“In the beginning, I think everyone was having problems,” she said. “I think we were overwhelmed. That should not be an issue so much today.”

She said the command keeps a timeline noting when appointments have been activated, and she hasn’t seen any problems with the timeline.

Diamond seemed unclear on some of the WTU’s policies.

“We have not used patients to oversee other patients,” she said, adding that privacy laws would prevent that. “They’ve got their own medical care to see to — that’s kind of a conflict.”

But Payne said some patients are given “leadership roles.”

“I expect them to lead,” he said.

Army WTU regulations state that patients will not be placed in roles overseeing other soldiers, but Payne said he ensures the wounded soldiers who fill squad leader positions do not write counseling statements or conduct UCMJ actions, and they are not rated for those duties. But he said only three noncommissioned officers were willing to perform those duties without being rated — two as team leaders and one as a squad leader.

“We’re not going to push them to do that,” Payne said.

When Craig was asked to fill such a role, he declined. “As an NCO, you’re supposed to know where your soldiers are at,” he said. “When the cadre’s gone, the team leader becomes a squad leader. There is nothing I can do for a wounded soldier for support. What are we actually going to do as patients for other patients?”

During the day, the soldiers are expected to attend 6:30 a.m. formations, work four hours minimum, and then attend a 1 p.m. formation. They may miss work for appointments, and Payne said supervisors know what medications they’re on.

But Craig said the rules can and do change, and they’re not always clear. As of mid-October, he said he was told his four-hour day has been switched to an eight-hour day, to be used for warrior tasks and drills.

“If I wanted to go do battle drills and reinjure myself, I’d go back to my old unit,” he said.

But the rules sometimes do differ from soldier to soldier. For example, while most have to appear for formation every day, some don’t. Staff Sgt. Jimmie Fedrick, one of the soldiers Payne offered for an interview to Military Times, was injured in Baghdad July 29, 2007, by a roadside bomb. It ripped apart 75 percent of his muscle in his back and leg, and he was diagnosed with a traumatic brain injury.

“I’m always in pain,” he said. “I’m always depressed. Always. I don’t come in that often. When I call here, there’s always someone to help.”

No one forces him to attend the 6:30 a.m. formations, and he said cadre and commander are willing to spend time with him when he needs it. “If I don’t come in, they call to ask if I’m OK.”

When Payne and Diamond were asked if Fort Lee should have a WTU, both paused for a long time.

“It’s served its purpose, given the mission that it had,” Diamond finally said. “I think the overall sense is that we’re doing a good job. I think there’s always going to be some conflicts, and if it doesn’t come up the chain, it’s hard to address.”

Cheek said the WTU situation has improved across the Army, and compared the WTU barracks to the “best hotels.”

However, he also said it’s “very likely” that some of the smaller WTUs will be consolidated. He said the biggest complaint for soldiers is the amount of time and bureaucracy they still must endure to get through the process, but that those delays “are really in the best interest of the soldier.”

“It’s not perfect,” he said, but added: “I have great confidence that we take good care of our soldiers.”

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Guantánamo Prisoner’s Lawyers Accuse Defence Secretary Gates of ‘Flagrantly False’ Affidavit on Torture

September 23, 2008 – Lawyers for a British resident held at Guantánamo Bay have accused Robert Gates, the US defence secretary, of signing a “flagrantly false” affidavit to avoid having to disclose evidence of torture.

In a sworn affidavit to a district court in Washington, Gates says the US authorities have provided Binyam Mohamed’s lawyers and the British government with all the information they possess relating to Mohamed’s treatment while held in secret prisons. Gates declared his affidavit to be the truth “under penalty of perjury”.

Clive Stafford Smith, Mohamed’s lawyer and director of Reprieve, the charity that fights miscarriages of justice and human rights abuses, has told the court that Gates’s affidavit is “flagrantly false”. He has asked the court whether Gates was aware Mohamed was held incommunicado for three years in Pakistan, Morocco, Afghanistan and Guantánamo Bay. Stafford Smith says there seems to be only one explanation for the affidavit: the defence secretary has been “misadvised”.

The claims refer to what US officials knew about Mohamed’s treatment and where he was rendered to. They also refer to obligations under international law and US domestic law.

In a related development, lawyers for David Miliband, the foreign secretary, have rejected demands that documents in British hands that could prove the US was complicit in the torture should be disclosed to the media. In an unprecedented initiative, two British high court judges, Lord Justice Thomas and Mr Justice Lloyd Jones, invited the Guardian and other media to ask for the documents.

The moves are the latest in an increasingly bitter dispute over the fight to save Mohamed, 30, an Ethiopian national and British resident who faces a US military tribunal and the death penalty on unspecified terrorist charges.

Miliband’s lawyers have told the high court that the media cannot see US documents that have been passed to the foreign secretary as their disclosure would cause “real damage” to national security.

They say the US has threatened to stop sharing intelligence with Britain if Miliband agrees to disclose the documents.

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Linda Bilmes Interview: The $10 Trillion Hangover – Paying the Price for Eight Years of Bush’

December 22, 2008 – In a new article in Harper’s Magazine, Linda Bilmes and Joseph Stiglitz estimate that the cost of undoing the Bush administration’s economic choices, from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the collapse of the financial system, soaring debt, and new commitments to interest payments and Medicare, all add up to over $10 trillion.  Interview Transcript:

AMY GOODMAN: As we enter the final weeks of the Bush administration, we turn to a new report that calculates the economic costs of the past eight years. Linda Bilmes and Nobel economist Joseph Stiglitz have a piece in the January 2009 edition of Harper’s Magazine called “The $10 Trillion Hangover: Paying the Price for Eight Years of Bush.”

They estimate that the cost of undoing the Bush administration’s economic choices, from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the collapse of the financial system, soaring debt and new commitments to interest payments and Medicare, all add up to over $10 trillion.

Stiglitz and Bilmes write, “As bad as things are, though, this is just the beginning.” They add, “The Obama Administration, facing the most serious economic crisis in at least a generation, will need to mount an expansionary fiscal policy. The problem is how much the country’s debt mountain will crimp our ability to pay for the type of change we just voted for.”

Linda Bilmes is lecturer in public finance at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and co-author with Joe Stiglitz of The Three Trillion Dollar War. She joins us from Boston.  Welcome to Democracy Now!, Professor Bilmes. OK, explain the $10 trillion hangover.

LINDA BILMES: Hi, Amy. Nice to be on the show again.

You know, we were trying to understand the actual economic cost of the Bush administration. I think that when President Bush first was declared the winner in the 2000 election, a lot of us consoled ourselves by feeling that the much-vaunted system of checks and balances in this country would essentially protect the country from major changes. But we now know that actually there have been very considerable consequences of the past eight years, and we really wrote this article to try and look at what the economic consequences were.

I think that if you go back to 2001, when the President took office, you can remember there was a surplus, a budget surplus of about $150 billion and the congressional budget office at the time was projecting that that surplus would continue over the next several years. And since then, things have unraveled in every possible dimension that you can measure and certainly across every metric that economists measure. The budget deficit has disappeared. Our national debt has gone from about $5.5 trillion to between $10 and $15 trillion, depending on how much of the bailout you count. Inflation is higher. Unemployment is higher. Four million manufacturing jobs have been lost. Five million people have lost their health insurance. And the more you look into it, the more you see the very severe economic consequences that have been the result of errors and poor judgment during the past eight years.

AMY GOODMAN: And you also look at just people’s personal debt, the increase in credit card, automobile, mortgage and other forms of personal debt from around $8 trillion in 2000 to more than $14 trillion today, also, you write, looming behind the implosion of our financial system.

LINDA BILMES: That’s right. There is government debt, and there is household debt, you know, such as cars and mortgages and credit card debt, and this has also skyrocketed during the past eight years. So, the result is a kind of a mountain of debt, which has been one of the main drivers of the current economic virtual meltdown that we are experiencing.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you go through the various debts, from the increase in the national debt, the projected debt of 2009, Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, debt from other bailouts, debt from the war, Medicare Part D? Go right through it quickly.

LINDA BILMES: Right. Well, first of all, it’s important to know that we started with a debt that was about $5.7 trillion. And that debt had been growing for some period of time. But in the time since the President took office and now, that debt has more than doubled. So, in another words, we have amassed more debt over the past eight years than we have under all the previous forty-two presidents combined.

Now, where does that debt come from? It comes from a combination of tax polices, because we have had two massive inequitable tax cuts, which of course reduced revenues, and an increase in spending. The increase in spending has gone essentially for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, for a very significant military buildup unrelated to Iraq and Afghanistan, and for a number of commitments that are more expensive than they needed to be. For example, Medicare Part D, the idea of providing prescription drug benefits to seniors is a good idea, but this was done in a way that was much more expensive than it needs to be, because we—unlike in the [VA], for example, we don’t allow negotiation with drug companies to keep the prices low. So when you add up these things together, I mean, they result in, essentially, a doubling of the amount of debt that we have on the books.

Now, in addition, we have taken on the debts recently of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. And if you follow standard accounting practices, that $5 trillion of debt for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac should be counted as part of our debt. So we’ve essentially gone from $5 trillion in debt to $15 trillion of debt, and considering that our economy is a $14 trillion economy, you can quickly see that the ratio of debt to the economy has gone from something that looked relatively healthy to something that looks extremely unhealthy.

AMY GOODMAN: And veterans’ entitlements, if you could talk more about that, and then where you see—I mean, the inauguration happens on January 20th, new administration. How do they deal with all of this?

LINDA BILMES: The veterans’ entitlements, because of the fact that there have been such an enormous number of veterans who have been injured and wounded in this war—you know, in previous wars the ratio of those wounded and injured to those who were killed was about three-to-one. In this war, it’s fifteen-to-one. As a result of that ratio and the hundreds of thousands who have come back with post-traumatic stress disorder, mild traumatic brain injuries, vision loss and other types of injuries, you know, there have been over 300,000 who have already sought medical care at the VA.

Now, when you actually add up the present value of the cost of providing medical care and disability compensation for veterans who have been injured or wounded in the war, I mean, that is another major entitlement program, which is not even really fully reflected in this article in Harper’s, because the overall cost of providing for our veterans will eclipse even the operating costs of the war to date, because these are costs that go on for many, many, many decades, and we’re just at the very beginning of that cost. So, in other words, one of the major costs of the Iraq war, which we outline in our book, The Three Trillion Dollar War, is that the cost of replenishing military equipment that’s been used up and the cost of providing for our veterans is a cost that continues over the next fifty years.

And sorry, Amy, what was your next question?

AMY GOODMAN: And one other question, on the issue of the corporate bailouts. We always say the $700 billion bailout. You say it’s well over that.

LINDA BILMES: Well, you know, there are various elements of the bailout. There is the TARP, the Troubled Asset Relief Program, which has already been enacted. And there is the stimulus package, which will be enacted, which will be another $700 or $800 billion. And then there is the—essentially the takeover of the Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac debts. Now, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, because they’re mortgage companies—and I would say that one of the important things to understand about the responsibility of the Bush administration for the economic mess is the fact that they encouraged Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to get into and to expand their subprime mortgage business.

You know, they also, essentially, had a philosophy of lax regulation, and in which they actually blocked efforts by thirty different states to clamp down on predatory lending. All of that contributed to the fact that the government has had to take over the balance sheet of Freddie and Fannie. And that is essentially $5 trillion of debt. Now, of cours, not all of those debts will go sour, and many of them will be fine. But if you add the liability on the government balance sheet that we have taken on for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, that’s another $5 trillion of debt.

AMY GOODMAN: We’re going to have to leave it there. Linda Bilmes, I want to thank you for being with us, teaches at Kennedy School of Government. Her piece with Joe Stiglitz is “The $10 Trillion Hangover: Paying the Price for Eight Years of Bush.”

Linda Bilmes, Lecturer in Public Finance at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and the co-author, with Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, of The Three Trillion Dollar War.

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