Pakistan Militants Target NATO Supplies

December 1, 2008, Islamabad, Pakistan – A suicide car bomber killed nine civilians in northwest Pakistan Monday, while militants elsewhere in the violence-plagued region attacked trucks that carry supplies to NATO troops in Afghanistan.

 The suicide bombing took place in the town of Mingora in the Swat Valley. The motorist detonated explosives when police tried to stop him from crossing a security checkpoint, said police officer Dilawar Khan.

The blast also wounded 50 others, including 10 who were in critical condition, Khan said.

In the second attack, militants fired rockets at a supply terminal in Peshawar that sits along a route from Pakistan to Afghanistan. The attack left two people dead, two others wounded and 12 trucks ablaze, Peshawar police spokesman Mohammad Rasool said.

Because Afghanistan is landlocked, many supplies for NATO-led troops fighting Islamic militants there have to be trucked in from Pakistan — and the swath of tribal areas in northwest Pakistan has become a haven for militants who mount regular attacks in both countries, U.S. officials have said.

 Pakistan’s central government has long exerted little control in the area, but it launched an intense military offensive in late July to flush out militants. As retaliation for the military presence, the Taliban has carried out a series of deadly bombings — and said the attacks will continue until the troops pull out.

Convoys carrying food and military supplies to U.S. troops in Afghanistan have regularly come under attack.

Last month, Pakistani officials suspended travel through a key mountain pass — the Khyber Pass — citing security concerns. They reversed their decision a day later.

The Swat Valley, where the suicide bombing occurred, was once Pakistan’s biggest tourist destination.

But in recent months, militants bent on imposing fundamentalist Islamic law have unleashed a wave of violence across the North West Frontier Province, where Swat is located, that has claimed hundreds of lives, many of them security personnel.

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Divorce Rate Increases in Marine Corps, Army

December 3, 2008 – The divorce rate among soldiers and Marines increased last year as military marriages suffered continuing stress from America’s two ongoing wars. There were an estimated 10,200 failed marriages in the active duty Army and 3,077 among Marines, according to figures obtained by The Associated Press for the budget year ended Sept. 30.

That’s a divorce rate of 3.5 percent among more than 287,000 married troops in the Army, up from 3.3 percent in the previous fiscal year, according to Defense Department figures.

“With increasing demands placed on Army families and soldiers — including frequent deployments and relocations — intimate relationships are tested,” said Army spokesman Paul Boyce.

The new data shows 3.7 percent of more than 84,000 married Marines divorced in fiscal year 2008, up from 3.3 percent in 2007. The Marine Corps called the increase statistically small and said officials would need to examine them farther.

“That said, Marine Corps leadership is keenly aware of the burden military families carry in a time of war,” said Col. Dave Lapan, a spokesman. “Our leaders, from the commandant on down, are paying serious attention to the strain.”

Some veteran and family groups question whether Pentagon figures are too low, saying they do not take into account many who divorce after leaving the service. The groups are unable to offer other estimates.

“Divorce rates are up — no doubt about it — a kind of predictable ripple effect of this pace of operations,” Paul Rieckhoff of the Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America said in a recent interview. “And that’s not even taking into account the number of marriages that are strained” but still holding together.

But defense officials say they are holding divorces down below what they might otherwise be with a myriad of efforts in recent years to support couples enduring unprecedented separations and other hardships because of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The long and repeated deployments required of many troops have been widely blamed for unprecedented stresses on military couples. Spouses at home must manage families and households without their partner. The strain also has contributed to higher suicide rates and more mental health problems among troops.

The Marines and soldiers have been the bulk of the land force fighting the two wars.

The divorce rate stayed at 3.5 percent this year for the Air Force and went down slightly to 3 percent from 3.2 percent for the Navy.

Women in the military usually suffer higher rates of failed marriages than men and that trend held true again last year. Army women divorced at a rate of 8.5 percent compared to 2.9 percent for men. Female Marines divorced at a rate of 9.2 percent, compared to 3.3 percent of the married men.

There is no comparable system for tracking civilian divorces. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said the divorce rate for the general population was 3.6 per 1,000 people in 2005 — the most recent statistics immediately available; that was the lowest rate since 1970.

The per capita divorce rate is different from a second method of calculation — the percentage of marriages that eventually will end in divorce or separation. The CDC said that year that 43 percent of all first marriages end in divorce within 10 years.

The military numbers also do not speak to troubled but intact marriages. In mental health surveys taken in Iraq, some 15 percent of troops have said they intended to divorce when they got home.

All the services have started programs to help couples weather wartime stresses.

“Military families continue to stand behind their soldiers and help those in need,” Boyce said, noting that 58 percent of soldiers in today’s Army are married. “America is now in the third-longest war in its history. This is the first extended conflict since the Revolution fought with an all-volunteer Army.”

Military programs aimed at helping couples include the Army chaplains’ Strong Bonds, which helps single-soldiers choose mates wisely and build lifelong relationships; a couples course, and a family course that trains couples with children to stay close and parent well.

Officials also have worked to improve the quality of life for families by funding various programs and services such as health care, better schools, youth services and child care.

The Marines have offered workshops to teach couples to manage conflict, solve problems and communicate better. The Navy started a similar program, using weekend retreats for couples.

Troops also get mental-health training in a program called Battlemind that teaches about common problems to expect at home as they readjust to domestic life.

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Requirements Identical for Defense, VA Health Record System

December 3, 2008 – Development of a joint inpatient electronic health records system will satisfy almost all the requirements of the Defense and Veterans Affairs departments, according to a long sequestered report obtained by Nextgov.

The report, prepared by Booz Allen Hamilton in January, said Defense and VA share a common definition of an inpatient electronic health record and both share similar functional requirements to manage patient care. Booz Allen analyzed more than 1,800 functional requirements and determined that 97 percent of them were similar and only 3 percent were specific to each department. The differences primarily involved admission, discharge and transfer capabilities.

“This overwhelming level of jointness confirms the main hypothesis of this study that DoD and VA care for patients in a similar manner and thus have similar functional requirements,” the report concluded.

Defense is working with VA to develop a system architecture to manage both inpatient and outpatient electronic health records, Charles Campbell, the chief information officer at the Military Health System said in September. The fiscal 2009 Defense Authorization Bill requires Defense and VA to adopt technology-neutral guidelines and standards so the two agencies can share electronic health records and soldiers’ health records can move seamlessly with them from the battlefield to hospitals and clinics run by VA.

Defense operates an outpatient electronic health record system called the Armed Forces Health Technology Longitudinal Application, but it does not operate an inpatient system. VA has an inpatient record system called the Computerized Patient Record System, which is a component of an electronic health care system called the Veterans Health Information System and Architecture. Booz Allen reported that VA needs to modernize this latter system.

The need to update CPRS and the requirement to deploy an inpatient electronic health record in the Military Heath System presents a “unique opportunity” for both departments to investigate the feasibility of a common system, the Booz Allen report noted.

Even though Defense has unique requirements for battlefield or theater medicine that VA does not have, the study determined there were few differences in the kind of system needed to help care for a patient at the Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington or on the battlefields of Iraq or Afghanistan.

Booz Allen interviewed military theater health experts and concluded that there were few differences in the functional requirements for a battlefield health system and a system used at Walter Reed. “The main functional differences are actually features that are not needed in theater,” the report noted.

Booz Allen received input on its study from 24 commercial organizations, including electronic health record companies. The industry urged Defense and VA to shift from building a customized in-house electronic health record systems to one based on commercial systems.

The IT consulting firm Gartner, working on Booz Allen’s behalf, examined electronic health record systems from seven vendors and said only health system developers Epic Systems Corp. and Cerner Corp. have fully integrated systems that support all Defense’s and VA’s requirements. Epic fielded a $3 billion electronic health record systems for Kaiser Permanente, the nation’s largest private hospital company, and Cerner won a contract in 2005 to deploy its laboratory information system to Defense hospitals and clinics worldwide.

Joseph Dal Molin, founder of e-cology Corp. in Toronto and who works on deployments of electronic health record systems, said instead of looking to commercial sources for a joint inpatient electronic health record, Defense and Veterans Affairs should upgrade VA’s inpatient system, which meets a key requirement of the Booz Allen study, user satisfaction.

Steve Arnold, chairman of the global electronic health record task force for the Healthcare Information and Management Systems Society, said Defense and VA should develop a converged electronic health record system that can follow a patient through the continuum of care from a battlefield aid station to care in a VA hospital.

Arnold said such a converged system should be developed on commercial electronic health record systems because VA’s system aging. Dal Molin disagreed, and said it would be less expensive to upgrade VA’s Veterans Health Information System and Architecture than to build one from scratch.

Booz Allen estimated it would cost between $1.4 billion and $5.2 billion to develop the joint system and take from six to 17 years to deploy.

Booz Allen recommended that Defense and VA conduct a cost/benefit analysis of various options to integrating electronic health record systems, including maintenance of the present systems as is, procuring and deploying commercial systems, and leveraging the capabilities of existing Defense and VA systems.

In July, S. Ward Casscells, assistant secretary of Defense for health affairs said he favored a “converged evolution” of the Veterans Health Information System and Architecture and the Armed Forces Health Technology Longitudinal Application into one system.

A spokeswoman for the Military Health System said Defense and VA have not decided how to adopt the Booz Allen recommendations and does not expect a decision until January.

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Editorial Column: Bush’s Interview With Charlie Gibson Marks the Start of His Effort to Revise History

December 3, 2008 – The inevitable campaign to revise the history of the George W. Bush presidency has apparently begun. In an interview with ABC’s Charlie Gibson broadcast on Monday, the soon-but-not-soon-enough-to-be ex-president made several eye-roll-inducing statements that feel like the first salvo in a war to completely recast the Bush years.

I’m all for Barack Obama’s mantra of looking forward. I was even fine with his decision to let Joe Lieberman back into the fold. But sometimes it’s okay to look backwards, and we have to make sure our history is accurate so that we decrease the chances of repeating our mistakes. And the eight years of Bush’s presidency were chock full of sins, mortal and otherwise. That’s why I think it’s essential that, as a country, we are vigilant about not letting Bush or his team of enablers prevent us from remembering what actually happened when he was president.

For example, in discussing the existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, Bush claimed: “I wish the intelligence had been different, I guess.” He makes it sound as if he was a passive receiver of the reports on the subject, and that the existence of WMDs was the real reason he started the war in Iraq. We know now that neither of those claims are true; that the president cherry-picked intelligence information to make his case for war in Iraq, and that the weapons of mass destruction were merely a pretense for that war. As former CIA director George Tenet told Scott Pelley on 60 Minutes last April, as early as the day after the 9/11 attacks, the White House had started using the tragedy to justify action in Iraq, with Pentagon advisor Richard Perle telling Tenet, “Iraq has to pay a price for what happened yesterday, they bear responsibility,” even though Tenet knew that Iraq had nothing to do with the attacks.

The Iraq war must be remembered as being a result of Bush’s foreign policy objectives, not as an unfortunate byproduct of Bush getting bad intelligence on WMDs.

What really bugged me about the Gibson interview was Bush’s effort to portray himself as a compassionate advocate for the American people. He said at one point: “One of the things about the presidency is you deal with a lot of tragedy — whether it be hurricanes, or tornadoes, or fires or death — and you spend time being the comforter-in-chief.” But it was Bush’s disdain for government and the people it serves, as evidenced by his policy of appointing unqualified political cronies to run agencies like FEMA, that helped intensify the effects of Hurricane Katrina, the biggest natural disaster his administration faced. People died while Bush and his administration did nothing. That should be the take-away point from the Bush administration’s handling of crises, not that he was some kind of “comforter-in-chief.”

Similarly, Bush made wholly ludicrous claims to Gibson about trying to change how partisan Washington was. He said he “knew that the president has the responsibility to try to elevate the tone, and, frankly, it just didn’t work, much as I’d like to have it work.” He would have liked to have it work? This is the president whose Justice Department asked nonpolitical appointees about their political allegiances (and researched their political activities). This is the president who treated the Justice Department like his personal law firm, ensuring that it protected his administration’s officials rather than the rights of the American people. This is the president whose administration outed the identity of an undercover CIA agent as retribution for her husband writing (accurately) that a claim made in Bush’s State of the Union address was false. And this is the president who commuted the sentence of an official in his administration who had been convicted for lying and obstructing justice in the investigation of the identification of the CIA agent.

In short, this was the most political, divisive president in recent history, who took the approach that “working together” meant doing exactly what he wanted. For him to now claim that he wanted to “elevate the tone” of political discourse is absolutely laughable. Bush said, “9/11 unified the country, and that was a moment where Washington decided to work together. I think one of the big disappointments of the presidency has been the fact that the tone in Washington got worse, not better.” But nobody was more responsible for the deterioration in the tone in Washington than the president himself.

I was also struck by Bush’s effort in the Gibson interview to absolve himself of blame for the subprime mortgage crisis and near collapse of the financial system. He said:

    “You know, I’m the president during this period of time, but I think when the history of this period is written, people will realize a lot of the decisions that were made on Wall Street took place over a decade or so, before I arrived … And when people review the history of this administration, people will say that this administration tried hard to get a regulator.”

Look, by no means was Bush the only one responsible for what happened. The Clinton administration also moved to free the financial industry from regulation. But it is certainly false that Bush “tried hard to get a regulator,” with recent reports (like this one from, of all places, Fox News) revealing that the administration ignored warnings about the imminent dangers posed by the rampant practice of extending of unwise mortgages. To me, the big point here is that no president (maybe even no political figure) has stood as more of a towering symbol of the leave-corporations-alone, the-free-market-cures-all approach to governing than Bush. And the recent economic collapse has been a total repudiation of this position. For Bush to portray himself now as someone who sought to limit the abuses on Wall Street is nothing short of absurd.

Bush also made silly statements in the interview on topics like immigration and how he “kept (Americans) safe for eight years” (conveniently forgetting that he was the president during the 9/11 attacks and how his administration ignored warnings that some kind of terrorist action was imminent, including a memo entitled “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in US” ), but you get the general drift.

We need to push back on efforts like this interview to recast the Bush presidency. It’s important that we remember that Bush is not the “comforter-in-chief,” but the guy who oversaw and/or was directly responsible for illegal wiretapping, the demise of habeas corpus, the adoption of torture, denying and then ignoring global warming, failing to address America’s dependence of foreign oil and failing to develop any kind of energy policy that didn’t involve putting more money into the pockets of oil companies, blocking advances in stem-cell research, eschewing competence in government in favor of ideology and religion, the subprime mortgage scandal, numerous government failures in areas ranging from FEMA to mining to product safety, the politicization of the Justice Department, the shoddy treatment of veterans, deteriorating relationships with the rest of the world, and, most of all, the unnecessary, financially draining, national-reputation-staining, poorly managed war and occupation in Iraq, which will stand as one of the greatest foreign policy blunders in American history and resulted in the loss of thousands of soldiers, the disruptions of the lives of tens of thousands of military personnel and their families, the placement of U.S. military preparedness at a dangerously low level, and the expenditure of approaching a trillion dollars (including the disappearance of billions of dollars for which there is no accounting).

The colossal failures of the Bush administration should be what is remembered about Bush’s eight years in office, not some feeble attempt to show what a principled guy he was.

When asked by Gibson what advice Bush had for Obama, Bush said: “One of my parting words to him will be: ‘If I can help you, let me know.'” For the sake of the country, I hope Obama never calls on Bush to help with anything. After eight years of failure leading to the dire circumstances in which the country finds itself, I’m not sure we can stand any more of Bush’s help.

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For Bush – and Obama – A Gut Check

December 2, 2008 – George Bush’s candid interview with ABC News’ Charles Gibson has one moment of awful truth – when the president, asked if he’d have gone to war had he known there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, stated: “That’s a do-over that I can’t do.” If only he could.

More than 4,207 US service members, 314 coalition troops (including 176 British fatalities) and tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of Iraqis might be alive, including, of course, Saddam Hussein, the former ruler of Iraq whom Bush promised to disarm together with America’s “friends of freedom”. Saddam, Bush proclaimed in the weeks leading up to his decision to invade, and subsequently occupy, Iraq, was “a dangerous, dangerous man with dangerous, dangerous weapons.” The Iraqi dictator was “a danger to America and our friends and allies, and that is why the world has said ‘disarm'”.

Bush, in his revealing interview, claimed he wished “that the intelligence had been different”, but that was never really the point. Bush, like so many others, had made up his mind regarding Saddam independent of the facts of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Try as he might to spread responsibility for his actions by pointing out that “a lot of people put their reputations on the line and said the weapons of mass destruction is a reason to remove Saddam Hussein,” the fact is WMD was simply an excuse used by the president to fulfil his self-proclaimed destiny as a war-time president who would avenge his father’s inability (or, more accurately, sage unwillingness) to finish the job back in 1991, in the aftermath of the first Gulf war.

As pre-war British government discussions with Bush administration officials reveal, there was never a solid case to be made on Iraq’s possession of WMD in the months leading up to the decision to invade, simply a sophomoric cause-effect relationship linking regime change (the preferred policy) and WMD (the excuse) “in the sense that it was the regime that was producing the WMD” (quoting Blair).

The intelligence on Iraq’s WMD was whatever the president and his cronies (including his erstwhile ally at 10 Downing Street) wanted it to be. Over seven years of UN-mandated weapons inspection activity, conducted from 1991 until 1998, had produced a well-defined (and documented) record of disarmament which, while not providing absolute verification of the disposition of every aspect of Saddam’s WMD programmes, did allow any observer interested in the facts to ascertain that Iraq was fundamentally disarmed from a qualitative perspective. This, coupled with the presence of the world’s most technologically advanced and intrusive arms control regime monitoring the totality of Iraq’s industrial infrastructure, provided a high degree of confidence that Saddam had neither retained nor reconstituted his WMD programme.

There was a gap in inspection coverage of Iraq from December 1998 until November 2002, brought on by the removal of weapons inspectors at the behest of the United States (during the administration of Bill Clinton). However, no verifiable intelligence emerged during this time to credibly suggest that Iraq had sought to reconstitute its WMD programme. Instead, the Bush administration developed arguments that spoke of a “re-examination” of the “facts” from the perspective of a “post-9/11 world”.

But the diversionary tactic of bait and switch, where the so-called global war on terror was used to justify an attack on Iraq, did not in any meaningful way alter the reality that Iraq had been disarmed. The Pentagon tried to provide glossy satellite images and hyped-up speculation about what Saddam was up to in September 2002 (and the British followed suit, publishing their since-discredited “dossier”), but by that November UN weapons inspectors were back in Iraq, and by January 2003 had discredited the entire intelligence case the Pentagon (and the British) had so clumsily cobbled together.

I and others did our very best to highlight the factual vacuum in which Bush and Blair operated while making their case for war, but to no avail. The decision to invade had been made months before the UN weapons inspectors returned to Iraq. Their work, and the intelligence they provided, was not only ignored, but indeed was never relevant to the larger issue, centred as it was on regime change, not disarmament.

The most important aspect of Bush’s interview rests not in what he admits, but rather in what he avoids, when he stated that the failure to find WMD in Iraq was “the biggest regret of all the presidency.” He doesn’t regret the decision that led America to war, or the processes that facilitated the falsification of a case for war. He doesn’t regret the violation of international law, the deaths of so many innocents, the physical destruction of Iraq or America’s loss of its moral high ground. He merely regrets the fact that his “gut feel” on Saddam’s WMD arsenal was wrong.

In this, truth be told, Bush is no different from the majority of society in both America and Great Britain. It is easy to moralise today, armed with the certainty of 20/20 hindsight, that the invasion of Iraq was wrong, the case for war a fabrication. But how many people will admit that Iraq was better off under Saddam than it is today, ruined by conflict generated by the destruction of Iraqi society prompted by the toppling of the Iraqi dictator? How many people will decry the kangaroo court and the lynch mob that convicted and executed Saddam as a travesty of both law and justice? Unless one is willing to repudiate all aspects of the US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq, inclusive of the termination of Saddam’s regime, then any indignation shown over the so-called intelligence failure represents nothing more than hypocrisy.

American policy in Iraq must not be viewed in isolation, but rather as part of a larger problem set, one that Barack Obama will have to deal with if he is to avoid repeating Bush’s mistakes. America, and indeed the world, may very well have serious issues with the governments of nations such as Syria, North Korea and Iran. However, the solutions to these problems rest not in the form of unilateral policies formulated and implemented from Washington DC. That is how we got into Iraq to begin with. Rather, Obama must put action to his promise to embrace multilateral solutions to the problems of the future.

This means foregoing ideologically (or politically) driven pressure to act void of international consensus driven by a collective appreciation of international law (ie, no regime change, unless the world properly mandates it). It means trusting in the integrity and ability of organisations such as the UN Special Commission (the UN weapons inspectors), even if their product contradicts US intelligence sources. It also means trusting such organisations enough to share such intelligence so that it might be thoroughly investigated. And, if and when a rogue regime is overthrown and its leaders brought to justice, it means supporting an international court of law in which to try them for any of their alleged crimes.

The latter is of particular importance, especially when it comes to Obama, given his proclivity for announcing his intention to “hunt down and kill Osama bin Laden”. Such bravado could become his undoing, just as gunning for Saddam was the undoing of Bush. America seemed content to let the perpetrators of the Srebrenica atrocities, who murdered some 8,000 Bosnian men and boys, be apprehended in accordance with accepted international practice, and be tried in an international court. Yet somehow the murderer of 3,000 Americans deserves special, unilateral American justice. There is an inherent inconsistency here.

In order for a multilateral solution to be genuine, it must be the product of a multilateral consensus driven by accepted ideals and principles, and not simply a unilateral dictate imposed on others by the strong. Let there be no doubt, the Iraq war was a product of American bullying, not just of Iraq, but the entire world. The current conflict in Afghanistan, threatening as it is to spill over into neighbouring Pakistan, is no different.

The unilateral desire of the US to exact revenge disguised as justice for the crimes committed on 9/11 has overshadowed the mission of creating a stable and moderate government in post-Taliban Afghanistan, to the detriment of both missions and the people of the region. Obama’s singular focus on bringing bin Laden to heel will simply perpetuate this failure.

Obama would do well to embrace those international multilateral institutions, such as the UN and the International Court of Justice in the Hague, which his predecessor eschewed. Subordinating the American desire for revenge in the interest of regional and international stability would represent the living manifestation of the multilateralism Obama has stated he wants to pursue. Leadership is the product of much more than simple rhetoric, and simply saying something “is” does not make it so. Putting action to words is the challenge, and the mark, of any true leader. I am hopeful Barack Obama can be the genuine leader he aspires to be. America, and the world, will much better for it.

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Bush Still Lies About Iraqi Inspections

December 2, 2008 – In what’s been called George W. Bush’s first exit interview, the outgoing President continues a lie that he first unveiled several months after launching the Iraq War, justifying the invasion by claiming that Saddam Hussein didn’t let the U.N. inspectors in.

Like previous times when President Bush has used this lie, it went unchallenged by the journalist who heard the false claim, in this case ABC News anchor Charles Gibson.

According to the text of the ABC News interview, which was released Dec. 1, Gibson asked Bush, “If the [U.S.] intelligence had been right [and revealed no Iraq WMD], would there have been an Iraq War?”

Bush answered, “Yes, because Saddam Hussein was unwilling to let the inspectors go in to determine whether or not the U.N. resolutions were being upheld.”

Of course, the historical record is clear: Hussein did let U.N. arms inspectors into Iraq in the fall of 2002 to search any site of their choosing. Their travels around Iraq in white vans were recorded daily by the international news media, as they found no evidence that Iraq had WMD stockpiles, even at sites targeted by U.S. intelligence.

Hussein and his government also declared publicly that they didn’t possess WMD, including providing the United Nations a 12,000-page declaration on Dec. 7, 2002, explaining how Iraq’s stocks of chemical and biological weapons had been destroyed in the 1990s.

However, still set on invading, Bush forced the U.N. inspectors to leave Iraq in March 2003, a departure that was followed within days by his “shock and awe” attack on Iraq, beginning March 19.

Several months later, with Hussein’s government ousted and with the U.S. military coming up empty in its search for WMD caches, Bush began his historical revisionism by insisting publicly that he had no choice but to invade because Hussein supposedly had barred U.N. inspectors.

On July 14, 2003, Bush told reporters:

“We gave him [Saddam Hussein] a chance to allow the inspectors in, and he wouldn’t let them in. And, therefore, after a reasonable request, we decided to remove him from power.”

Facing no contradiction from the White House press corps, Bush continued repeating this lie again and again in varied forms.

On Jan. 27, 2004, for example, Bush said, “We went to the United Nations, of course, and got an overwhelming resolution – 1441 – unanimous resolution, that said to Saddam, you must disclose and destroy your weapons programs, which obviously meant the world felt he had such programs. He chose defiance. It was his choice to make, and he did not let us in.”

Color of Truth

As the months and years went by, Bush’s lie and its unchallenged retelling took on the color of truth.

At a March 21, 2006, news conference, Bush again blamed the war on Hussein’s defiance of U.N. demands for unfettered inspections.

“I was hoping to solve this [Iraq] problem diplomatically,” Bush said. “The world said, ‘Disarm, disclose or face serious consequences.’ … We worked to make sure that Saddam Hussein heard the message of the world. And when he chose to deny the inspectors, when he chose not to disclose, then I had the difficult decision to make to remove him. And we did.”

At a press conference on May 24, 2007, Bush offered a short-hand version, even inviting the journalists to remember the invented history.

“As you might remember back then, we tried the diplomatic route: [U.N. Resolution] 1441 was a unanimous vote in the Security Council that said disclose, disarm or face serious consequences. So the choice was his [Hussein’s] to make. And he made a choice that has subsequently caused him to lose his life.”

In the frequent repetition of this claim, Bush never acknowledged the fact that Hussein did comply with Resolution 1441 by declaring accurately that he had disposed of his WMD stockpiles and by permitting U.N. inspectors to examine any site of their choosing.

Prominent Washington journalists even have repeated Bush’s lie as their own. For instance, in a July 2004 interview, ABC’s veteran newsman Ted Koppel used it to explain why he – Koppel – thought the invasion of Iraq was justified.

“It did not make logical sense that Saddam Hussein, whose armies had been defeated once before by the United States and the Coalition, would be prepared to lose control over his country if all he had to do was say, ‘All right, U.N., come on in, check it out,” Koppel told Amy Goodman, host of “Democracy Now.”

In the real history, Hussein did tell the U.N. to “come on in, check it out.” But faux reality had become the trademark of the Bush presidency — and its supporters in the press corps.

Choosing War?

The Washington conventional wisdom eventually embraced another fake belief, that Hussein provoked the war by misleading people into believing that he still possessed WMD.

In line with this bogus version of history, “60 Minutes” correspondent Scott Pelley asked FBI interrogator George Piro, who had debriefed Hussein in prison, why the dictator kept pretending that he had WMD even as U.S. troops massed on Iraq’s borders, when a simple announcement that the WMD was gone would have prevented the war.

“For a man who drew America into two wars and countless military engagements, we never knew what Saddam Hussein was thinking,” Pelley said in introducing the segment on the interrogation of Hussein about his WMD stockpiles, which aired Jan. 27, 2008. “Why did he choose war with the United States?”

This “60 Minutes” segment never mentioned the fact that Hussein and his government did disclose that it had eliminated its WMD. Instead Pelley pressed Piro on the question of why Hussein supposedly was hiding that fact:

“Why keep the secret? Why put your nation at risk, why put your own life at risk to maintain this charade?”

After Piro mentioned Hussein’s lingering fear of neighboring Iran, Pelley felt he was close to an answer to the mystery: “He believed that he couldn’t survive without the perception that he had weapons of mass destruction?”

But, still, Pelley puzzled over why Hussein’s continued in his miscalculation.
Pelley asked:

“As the U.S. marched toward war and we began massing troops on his border, why didn’t he stop it then? And say, ‘Look, I have no weapons of mass destruction,’ I mean, how could he have wanted his country to be invaded?”

It apparently never matters to the major U.S. news media (nor to President Bush) that Hussein and the Iraq government did declare that they had no WMD and did let the U.N. inspectors in to check.

Now, with the new ABC News interview, it looks as if that pattern – of Bush lying about the circumstances of the Iraq War and the Washington press corps nodding along – will continue until Bush’s last days in office.

Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The Disastrous Presidency of George W. Bush, was written with two of his sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at neckdeepbook.com. His two previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & ‘Project Truth’ are also available there. Or go to Amazon.com.

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End of Immunity Worries U.S. Contractors in Iraq

November 30, 2008 – The thousands of American contractors in Iraq who have been above Iraqi law since the war began are suddenly facing a new era in which their United States passports will no longer protect them from arrest and imprisonment.

When the Iraqi government ratified an agreement last week setting new terms for a continued American presence in Iraq, private contractors working for the Pentagon faced the inevitability that they would be stripped of their immunity from Iraqi law. That immunity had been granted by the Coalition Provisional Authority before a postwar Iraqi government was established.

Now that the contractors’ legal protection is to lapse, officials in the defense contracting industry are trying to come to grips with how their operations will change in Iraq, how many of their American employees will be sent home, and whether the weak and often corrupt Iraqi judicial system will become an impediment to recruiting Western workers. If it is approved by Iraq’s Presidency Council, as expected, the agreement will go into effect on Jan. 1.

So far, no major company working in Iraq has announced plans to withdraw from the country. Some industry experts said that while the corporations would stay, they would be forced to rely much more on Iraqi employees, rather than on Americans and other foreigners who might fear working without legal protection.

Spokesmen for many of the major contracting companies declined to comment on the change in legal status in Iraq, while others said it was premature to predict the impact. Some said Americans working in Iraq would be watching how the Iraqi government dealt with its new power, and would wait and see whether there were arbitrary arrests or court rulings tainted by corruption before deciding whether to stay.

“I think the question of what this means for recruiting American employees is complicated,” said one official close to the contracting industry who was not authorized to speak on the record about the issue. “I think it will depend on the first case, and whether it is handled in a responsible fashion, or whether someone is left in an Iraqi jail without recourse. If that happens, word will get around, and that could have a chilling effect on recruiting.”

More than 170,000 contractors now work for the military and other American agencies in Iraq, more than the total number of American troops in the country. Only about 17 percent of the contractors are Americans, according to administration figures; about half are Iraqis, and one-third are workers from third countries. The proportion of Americans could drop quickly with the loss of legal immunity.

One of the biggest concerns for contractors is the lack of details on how the security agreement with Iraq will work.

The legal immunity for contractors was eliminated in negotiations between the Bush administration and the Iraqi government on the agreement, which set the terms for the continued American military presence while also establishing a withdrawal date. Contractors were not involved in the talks.

A major question is whether under the pact the Iraqi government will be able to prosecute Americans for past crimes. The Iraqi government’s insistence on an end to legal immunity for contractors was fueled largely by the shootings of Iraqi citizens by guards working for private security firms, including Blackwater Worldwide, which has a contract to protect United States diplomats in Baghdad.

In September 2007, Blackwater security guards were involved in a shooting in downtown Baghdad in which at least 17 Iraqis were killed. After the shooting, the Iraqi government demanded that Blackwater be expelled from the country and that its guards be held accountable.

Despite the protests, the State Department has continued to use Blackwater in Baghdad, although the Justice Department has been conducting a criminal investigation of the shooting.

The fact that Blackwater continued to operate in Iraq contributed to the Iraqi government’s hard-line stance on the legal immunity issue in the negotiations. Whether the Iraqi government will now begin its own criminal investigation of the Blackwater shooting is unclear, administration officials and contracting industry executives said.

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One in Four Vets Suffers Gulf War Illness

December 3, 2008 – Effectively debunking years of government denials, Gulf War veterans suffering a host of neurological problems scored a huge victory last month in their struggle to legitimize their medical claims – thanks in part to public health experts at BU.

Comprising leading scientists, medical experts, and military veterans, a congressionally mandated panel charged with shaping federal health research related to the 1991 Middle East conflict has concluded that Gulf War syndrome is a real medical condition and that it afflicts at least one in four of the 697,000 U.S. veterans who fought in Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. The landmark report, presented two weeks ago by the Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Veterans’ Illnesses to Secretary of Veterans Affairs James Peake, calls on Congress to appropriate $60 million for treatment of Gulf War vets.

“Veterans of the first Gulf War have been plagued by symptoms of ill health, including fatigue, problems with thinking, skin lesions, and gastrointestinal upset, since their return 17 years ago,” says Roberta White, the committee’s scientific director and chair of the department of environmental health at BU’s School of Public Health. “Despite their persistence and severity, these symptoms have often led to no diagnosis in a substantial portion of the war’s veterans.”

The 450-page report, which was prepared under the leadership of Lea Steele, the committee’s former scientific director, and released under White, brings together for the first time the full range of scientific research and government investigations on Gulf War illness. The report found that the condition fundamentally differs from stress-related syndromes seen after other wars and states that scientific evidence “leaves no question that Gulf War illness is a real condition.”

The report lays the blame for several health problems on the troops’ exposure to toxins, primarily in two self-inflicted contexts. In anticipation of a chemical attack, the drug pyridostigmine bromide was given to hundreds of thousands of troops. And to battle desert insects, living and dining areas, as well as tents and uniforms, were sprayed with pesticides.

The report also suggests that the U.S. demolition of an Iraqi munitions dump may have exposed 100,000 troops to nerve gas stored at the facility. Gulf War veterans have shown significantly higher rates of amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, a neurodegenerative disease also known as Lou Gehrig’s disease, than veterans of other wars. And troops that were stationed downwind from the demolitions have died from brain cancer at twice the rate of other Gulf War veterans.

For almost two decades, the government and the military have downplayed veterans’ complaints, often referring to it as another form of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). For its report, the research committee evaluated hundreds of studies of Gulf War veterans, extensive research in other human populations, studies on toxic exposures in animals, and government investigations related to exposures in the Gulf War.

“The illness is probably controversial because it’s symptom-based and most veterans don’t have a common medical diagnosis that fits all of their symptoms,” White says. “It may also be controversial because people feel that it’s obvious that war is stressful and therefore stress must be causing the health symptoms, even though this has never been proven. In fact, it’s been discounted in quite a few studies.”

White has been studying Gulf War illnesses since 1993 and served as research director of one of the three initial VA-funded centers on Gulf War illness. Since the early 1990s the U.S. Department of Defense and Department of Veterans Affairs, among other federal entities, have funded SPH studies of Gulf War veterans and the effects of exposure to low-level sarin, pesticides, and pyridostigmine bromide.

The Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Veterans’ Illnesses has been based at BU since last year.

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Documentary on Veteran Suicides Airs Tonight

December 3, 2008 – IN THEIR BOOTS is releasing a documentary on the Jeff Lucey story.  It will be available online at www.intheirboots.com.  Spread the word and help us bring attention to this issue.

A Marine Reservist seeks help from the  Department of Veterans Affairs to heal his invisible wounds. But like too many Iraq and Afghanistan veterans, his condition worsens, his medical needs go un-met, and he ultimately takes his own life. For the past four years, his family has been advocating to prevent other veterans from experiencing a similar fate.

Log on to www.InTheirBoots.com on Wednesday, December 3rd  at 7pm EST/4pm PST to watch the latest webcast of IN THEIR BOOTS. This 30-minute show profiles the challenges American service members and their families face before, during and after deployment. This show is not about war but the people experiencing it.

After the “real story,” our host, Jan Bender, will speak with an expert on the issue of service member suicide.

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Some Veterans Tapping Into Chinese Healing

November 30, 2008, Tucson, AZ – Can ancient Chinese healing rites help Iraq war veterans cope with combat trauma?

A Tucson-area therapist believes they can, and is offering free treatments for local Iraq vets to test an approach that involves tapping on the acupuncture points used in Chinese medicine.

The Emotional Freedom Technique, or EFT, is relatively little known and not widely embraced in traditional therapy circles.

But recent articles in psychology and traumatology journals say it has been used to successfully treat crime victims, disaster responders and witnesses to the World Trade Center attacks.

It also is being used to treat troops for combat stress at a handful of veterans’ hospitals around the country, though not in Tucson.

Mary Stafford of Oro Valley is 1 of a dozen or so therapists nationwide taking part in a clinical trial of the method to assess its effectiveness on returning veterans.

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