Karzai: Obama Promises to Fight Terror in Region

November 23, 2008, Kabul, Afghanistan – U.S. President-elect Barack Obama pledged in a telephone conversation with Afghan President Hamid Karzai to increase U.S. aid to Afghanistan and said fighting terrorism in the region would be a top priority, Karzai’s office said Sunday.

The phone call between Obama and Karzai on Saturday is the first reported contact between the two leaders and comes more than two weeks after the Nov. 4 U.S. election, despite the fact Obama spoke to at least 15 other world leaders in the three days after the U.S. vote.

The United States has some 32,000 American forces in Afghanistan, a number that is to be increased by thousands next year. The current NATO commander, U.S. Gen. David McKiernan, has requested an additional 20,000 troops.

Fighting terrorism and the insurgency “in Afghanistan, the region and the world is a top priority,” Karzai’s office quoted Obama as saying during the conversation.

Afghanistan has long pressed the U.S. to tackle what it calls the bases of terrorism in neighboring Pakistan, and Obama’s reported pledge will likely please Karzai, who has accused Pakistan’s intelligence service of supporting the Taliban in plotting bombings and other attacks in Afghanistan. Pakistan, a key ally in the U.S. war on terror, flatly denies the allegation.

Obama in the past has expressed frustration with Pakistan’s efforts to go after militants in its territory. During the presidential campaign he said that, “If Pakistan cannot or will not act, we will take out high-level terrorist targets like (Osama) bin Laden if we have them in our sights.”

Cross-border U.S. missile strikes as well as ground operations by U.S. forces along the border have increased significantly in recent months.

Last week U.S. troops launched a barrage of artillery at insurgents attacking their position from inside Pakistan’s volatile tribal region, and since mid-August, the United States is suspected of launching at least 20 missiles from unmanned drones based in Afghanistan, killing scores of suspected extremists and angering the Pakistani government.

Over the past month, NATO and Pakistani forces have been cooperating in so-called Operation Lion Heart — a series of complementary operations that involve the Pakistani military and Frontier Corps, and NATO on the Afghan side.

The top spokesman for the NATO-led force in Afghanistan, Brig. Gen. Richard Blanchette, said Sunday that cooperation between Afghan, NATO and Pakistani troops is “the best it has ever been.”

“You finally have those who are really conducting the operations, the soldiers who know exactly where on the other side the operations are happening, so you can have a movement which you could compare to the movement of a hammer and an anvil,” Blanchette said.

In the phone call, Obama pledged to increase U.S. assistance to Afghanistan, according to a statement from Karzai’s office. An aide to Karzai said the increase would include economic and military assistance.

It was not clear why it took more than two weeks for Obama to speak with Karzai.

Obama has chided Karzai and his government in the past, saying it had “not gotten out of the bunker” and helped to organize the country or its political and security institutions.

In the latest violence, U.S. and Afghan troops killed 17 militants in the Shah Wali Kot district of Kandahar province on Saturday, the U.S. military said. A statement Sunday said that helicopters carried the troops into “a known insurgent safe haven” to attack “enemy supplies and personnel.”

Elsewhere in Kandahar province, Afghan and coalition troops killed 11 militants traveling in two vehicles on Saturday, provincial police Chief Matiullah Khan said.

In neighboring Helmand province, NATO-led troops killed a senior Taliban commander, Mullah Assad, on Wednesday, a NATO statement said Sunday. Assad was linked to attacks in Helmand’s Garmser district, an area of southern Afghanistan rife with insurgent activity.

The U.S. also said it killed two militants and a female civilian in Zabul province on Thursday, according to a statement Sunday. It did not provide details on how the civilian was killed.

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Veterans of Modern Warfare Calls VA Report on Gulf War Veterans’ Illnesses “Bittersweet”

November 23, 2008, Washington, DC – On Monday, November 17, 2008, Veterans of Modern Warfare hosted a national press conference to discuss the finding of a report issued by the Congressionally chartered Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Veterans’ Illnesses and provided to U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs Secretary James Peake, M.D. in a public meeting in Washington, DC earlier today. The report called for, “a renewed federal research commitment…to identify effective treatments for Gulf War illness and to address other priority Gulf War health issues,” for the one-fourth to one-third of 1991 Gulf War veterans who remain ill following their Gulf War service with chronic multi-symptom illness.

The report strongly implicated pills taken by Gulf War troops to protect then believed to provide protection against nerve exposures, pesticide use during deployment.  Other Gulf War exposures could not be ruled out, including low-level exposure to chemical warfare agents, close proximity to oil well fires, receipt of multiple vaccines, and effects of combinations of Gulf War exposures.

The report noted the association of significant, diverse biological alterations that most prominently affect the brain and nervous system in Gulf War veterans ill with chronic multi-symptom illnesses, as well as significantly higher rates of amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) and brain cancer.  Most significantly, the report noted the lack of effective treatments for those ill with Gulf War illness.

Gulf War veterans reacted today to the report’s release in a press conference held at the National Press Club in Washington, DC.

 “This report clearly represents a scientific victory in definitively showing what caused Gulf War veterans’ illnesses, why so many tens of thousands remain chronically ill, and what can be done to help them, bringing to a close a dark chapter in the legacy of the 1991 Gulf War” said Anthony Hardie, VMW National Secretary and Legislative Chair.

“But today’s report is also a bittersweet victory because it simply highlights in greater detail what Gulf War veterans have known to be true all along – that their chronic illnesses are the direct result of unique toxic exposures during the 1991 Gulf War,” said Hardie, of Madison, Wisconsin, who is also a Gulf War veteran member of the VA’s Research Advisory Committee on Gulf War Veterans’ Illnesses.

“There has been poor, if any, correlation between the federal government’s research efforts and the treatment provided to ill Gulf War veterans in our nation’s VA medical facilities,” Hardie said.

 “Our veterans deserve recognition, health care, and compensation for Gulf War Illness,” said Julie Mock, VMW President.  Mock, a Gulf War veteran from Seattle, Washington, testified before the U.S. Senate Committee on Veterans’ Affairs in 2007 about Gulf War Illness.  “Enough time has gone by, and this nation must not allow any further injustice with regards to our Gulf War veterans,” she said.

“We recognize that Congressional intent in the 1990s was to aid and compensate ill, disabled Gulf War veterans.  However, due to the failure of VA to implement these provisions, benefits delayed are benefits denied,” said Donald Overton, Jr., of Greenville, North Carolina, who was seriously wounded in the Gulf War and who now serves as VMW’s Executive Director.

Vietnam veterans were also present in support of the veterans of the 1991 Gulf War.

“Vietnam Veterans of America pledged that never again shall one generation of veterans abandon another,” said Rick Weidman, VVA Government Relations Director.  “While we have continued to strongly support our fellow generation of veterans, I’m deeply disappointed that the injustices in the health treatment of veterans of Vietnam War have continued to veterans of the 1991 Gulf War and beyond,” said Weidman, a decorated Vietnam War veteran.

Speaking at the Research Advisory Committee on behalf of the United Kingdom, The Right Honorable Lord Morris of Manchester and the United Kingdom’s first Minister for the Disabled, calling the report, “exhaustively researched,” said the research funding of the United States is key to assisting British Gulf War veterans who are also afflicted by Gulf War Illness and to ensuring the protection of future military service members and civilians.

“They are victims of the war, as much as one struck by a bullet or a shell, said Lord Craig of Radley, in a statement at a joint presentation in the United Kingdom made simultaneously with the RAC’s report release.

Earlier, during today’s report presentation to VA Secretary James Peake, M.D. by the Research Advisory Committee in a public meeting at the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs in Washington, DC, Sec. Peake said, “I neither deny nor trivialize these issues.”

“This is not an issue we can wish away,” said Secretary Peake after receiving the RAC’s report.  “We need to continue to have inquiries to ensure we have insight to learn the lessons we need to learn to help our veterans,” said Peake. 

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Gates: Follow Law on PTSD-Disability Rating

November 22, 2008 – Defense Secretary Robert Gates has issued a policy stating that the military will follow a new law requiring that service members being medically retired for post-traumatic stress disorder be rated at least 50 percent disabled, a provision of the 2008 Defense Authorization Act.

But the Pentagon is ignoring another provision of the Act that requires a review board to be set up for medical evaluation cases, and has even added some pain to service members who feel they have been wronged: Decisions by the board, whenever it is formed, will not be retroactive.

The Physical Disability Board of Review was mandated by Congress to check the fairness and accuracy of troops’ disability cases. The Defense Department decided that the board will review only conditions found unfitting – which advocates for service members say leaves out any diagnosis that should have been included but wasn’t.

They say it also excludes cases in which lower-rated conditions were found unfitting while higher-rated conditions were found fitting – allowing the military to spend less money on medical separation cases.

Now a new memo states that decisions of the board, which was supposed to be set up in April, will not be retroactive. The memo, posted on the Military Health System Web site, states: “Any change to the rating is effective on the date of final decision by the service secretary.”

In other words, service members will not receive back pay for incorrect ratings.

Retired Army Lt. Col. Mike Parker, who has worked as an advocate for troops going through the medical retirement system, said the situation is maddening because the longer the Defense Department takes to set up the new board, the less back pay it will have to hand out.

Parker said the new memo on PTSD ratings is better news. According to the 2008 Defense Authorization Act, all the services are required to follow the rules of the Veterans Affairs Schedule for Rating Disabilities.

According to those rules, anyone being medically discharged with a diagnosis of PTSD must receive a disability rating of 50 percent and then be re-examined six months later.

In the past, according to Army documents, many soldiers with PTSD have been found unfit for service, rated 10 percent disabled and immediately booted out. Not long ago, rumors were rampant that defense officials soon would issue guidance stating that this was, in fact, how those cases should be handled.

But after the threat of a lawsuit and calls from veterans’ groups for the Pentagon to obey the letter of the law, an Oct. 14 policy was incorporated into Defense Department Instruction 1332.38, stating that the military will abide by the VASRD rules.

The rules state: “When a mental disorder that develops on active duty as a result of a highly stressful event is severe enough to bring about release from active military service, the rating agency shall assign an evaluation of not less than 50 percent and schedule an examination within the six-month period following discharge to determine whether a change in rating and disposition is warranted.”

The only exceptions will be those found to have a permanent and stable condition and a rating of 80 percent or higher, who will be permanently retired.

The memo, signed by David Chu, undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness and effective immediately, also states that troops in the Disability Evaluation System may request an impartial physician or other health care professional not involved in his or her case to review the medical evidence for a Medical Evaluation Board.

That was also mandated by Congress in the 2008 Defense Authorization Act.

The memo states: “In most cases, this impartial health professional should be the service member’s primary care manager,” and adds that the adviser has five days to review the evidence.

The new guidance also:

* Lays out time limits for how long each task should take to perform. For example, the entire process, from the date of the first medical summary for the Medical Evaluation Board to the final review board, excluding appeals review, “should not exceed” 70 days for active-duty members and 130 days for reserve-component members. Each appeal should take no longer than 30 days from the day the final Formal Physical Evaluation Board is completed.

* Asks the services to create a new Medical Evaluation Board or Physical Evaluation Board to process cases if they encounter backlogs.

* States that Physical Evaluation Board legal counselors will consult with the service members they counsel “at least one day in advance of the scheduled formal hearing.” Troops have complained that their counseling came just hours before their hearings, and often took place by phone.

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Nov 24: Our VCS Thanksgiving Message

VCS Asks Our Members to Take a Moment

Veterans for Common Sense wants our members to take a moment to be thankful this Thanksgiving for time spent with their loved ones, for service members and veterans across America who are also spending time with their families, and for our service members on duty everywhere.

This week’s update focuses on post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

First, we have a special Thanksgiving message from the parents of Jeffrey Lucey about their son’s tragic struggle with PTSD, and VA’s abject failure to assist him.

Next, PBS Newshour posted questions and answers about their story last week highlighting PTSD and suicide. The news segment featured both the military and VCS stating that PTSD and suicide are associated with Iraq and Afghanistan war deployment. However, VA denied any such link. Please read comments by James Peake, and Elspeth Ritchie, and me in response to viewers’ questions about PTSD and suicide.

VCS works tirelessly to publicize news about stigma and PTSD so we can change policies that lead to suicide. One of our goals is to reduce the stigma associated with PTSD so our soldiers and veterans will ask for help when they need it. Another of our goals is for VA to stop turning away verterans seeking mental healthcare.

For practical advice about dealing with VA, please read the new American Veterans and Servicemembers Survivial Guide, published this year.  I am honored to work with many experts on this important project, and I co-wrote the first chapter, “Basic Survival Skills.”

For this Thanksgiving, we want to make sure our veterans and soldiers know they can get help when they need it. Please make a gift to VCS today so we can continue this vital work.

Finally, VCS wants you to know VA’s new suicide prevention hotline recieved 85,000 calls in 15 months. Veterans for Common Sense has been relentless in our calls to VA to help our veterans suffering from PTSD and TBI. When we filed our lawsuit against VA to get them to stop turning away suicidal veterans, VA’s first response was to create the new suicide prevention hotline. We thank VA leaders for establishing the hotline and for the dedication of VA staff answering calls 24 hours per day, every day.

Your support of VCS advocacy made the new service possible – a service that saved more than 2,100 veterans’ lives since the end of July 2007.

Veterans for Common Sense needs your help. Please give a tax-deductible contribution today so we can continue our work for America’s veterans on this Thanksgiving and all year long.

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Blackwater Busted?

November 14, 2008 – After more than five years of rampant violence and misconduct carried out by the massive army of private corporate contractors in Iraq–actions that have gone totally unpunished under any system of law–the US Justice Department appears to be on the verge of handing down the first indictments against armed private forces for crimes committed in Iraq. The reported targets of the “draft” indictments: six Blackwater operatives involved in the September 16, 2007, killing of seventeen Iraqi civilians in Baghdad’s Nisour Square.

The notorious mercenary firm is now a one-stop shop for security outsourcing, offering CIA-like services to Fortune 500 companies.

The Associated Press reports, “The draft is being reviewed by senior Justice Department officials but no charging decisions have been made. A decision is not expected until at least later this month.” The AP, citing sources close to the case, reports that the department has not determined if the Blackwater operatives would be charged with manslaughter or assault. Simply drafting the indictments does not mean that the Blackwater forces are certain to face charges. The department could indict as few as three of the operatives, who potentially face sentences of five to twenty years, depending on the charges.

If the Justice Department pursues a criminal prosecution, it would be the first time armed private contractors from the United States face justice.

But that is a very big “if.”

“The Justice Department has had this matter for fourteen months and has done almost everything imaginable to walk away from it–including delivering a briefing to Congress in which they suggested that they lacked legal authority to press charges,” says Scott Horton, distinguished visiting professor of law at Hofstra University and author of a recent study of legal accountability for private security contractors. “They did this notwithstanding evidence collected by the first teams on the scene that suggested an ample basis to prosecute. The ultimate proof here will be in the details, namely, what charges are brought exactly and what evidence has Justice assembled to make its case. Still, it’s hard to miss Justice’s lack of enthusiasm about this case, and that’s troubling.”

Even if some Blackwater operatives face charges, critics allege it is the company that must be held responsible. “I am encouraged that the Justice Department is finally making progress in the investigation, but I am disappointed that it took over a year and a lot of pressure for the department to take any action,” says Illinois Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky, who introduced legislation that seeks to ban using Blackwater and other armed security companies in US war zones. (She was also the national campaign co-chair of Barack Obama’s presidential campaign and is a top candidate to replace him in the US Senate.)

“While it is important to hold these individual contractors accountable for their actions, we must also hold Blackwater accountable for creating a culture that allows this type of reckless behavior,” adds Schakowsky. “The indictments do nothing to solve the underlying problem of private security contractors performing critical government functions. The indictments will likely get rid of a few bad apples, but there will be no real consequences for Blackwater. This company is going to continue to do business as usual–the solution is to get them out of this business.”

News of potential indictments over the Nisour Square shootings comes as the State Department is reportedly preparing to hit Blackwater with a multimillion-dollar fine for allegedly shipping as many as 900 automatic weapons to Iraq without the required permits. Some of the guns may have made their way to the black market.

Blackwater has served as the official bodyguard service for senior US occupation officials since August 2003, when the company was awarded a $27 million no-bid contract to guard L. Paul Bremer, the original head of the Coalition Provisional Authority. To date, the company has raked in more than $1 billion in “security” contracts under its arrangement with the State Department.

Despite widespread accusations of killings of civilians and other crimes, not a single armed contractor from Blackwater–or from any other armed war corporation–has faced charges under any legal system. Instead, they have operated in a climate where immunity and impunity have gone hand in hand. At present, private contractors–most of them unarmed–outnumber US troops in Iraq by roughly 50,000 personnel.

There is no doubt that the Bush administration will continue enthusiastically to use armed private forces until the second Bush leaves office. This means that the future of Blackwater and the hundreds of for-profit war corporations servicing the Iraq occupation will lay with President-elect Barack Obama. This includes Blackwater and at least 300 other companies, which have been hired by the US government for privatized armed services in Iraq to the tune of about $6 billion in taxpayer money.

“One of the biggest problems that Barack Obama is going to have is turning the government back into a civil service and getting rid of all the private contractors,” says Washington Democratic Representative Jim McDermott. “The private contracting thing is the most erosive thing that this administration has done…. You look at all the things that are being run by private contractors, you simply cannot be handing money to a private contractor who is not under the law of that country or the law of this country and can do anything they want. They’re really–they’re rogue outfits.”

Obama has been a passionate critic of the war industry and is the sponsor of the leading Democratic legislation in the Senate to bring more effective regulation and oversight to it. But he has stopped short of supporting Schakowsky and Senator Bernie Sanders’s legislation seeking a ban on using Blackwater and other armed contracting companies in Iraq. One of his top foreign policy advisers told The Nation earlier this year that Obama “can’t rule out [and] won’t rule out” using these companies in Iraq.

In a brief interview with Democracy Now! in February, Obama explained his position when asked about the report in The Nation.

“Here’s the problem: we have 140,000 private contractors right there, so unless we want to replace all of or a big chunk of those with US troops, we can’t draw down the contractors faster than we can draw down our troops,” Obama said. “So what I want to do is draw–I want them out in the same way that we make sure that we draw out our own combat troops.”

As Obama’s inauguration day draws near, he is facing increased calls from Democrats who have spent years investigating Blackwater to ban the company. Most prominent among these is Henry Waxman, chair of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. He called on Obama to cancel Blackwater’s security contracts. “I don’t see any reason to have a contract with Blackwater,” says Waxman. “They haven’t lived up to their contract, and we shouldn’t be having these private military contracts. We should use our own military.”

As of now, Blackwater’s Iraq contract expires in April (it was extended for a year by the State Department despite numerous investigations). “I think there should be very strong handcuffs put on this whole outsourcing question, but particularly with these private security contractors like DynCorp and Blackwater,” says Vermont Democrat Peter Welch, who serves on the Oversight Committee with Waxman and supports the calls for Obama to cancel Blackwater’s security contracts. “It’s just an incredible waste of taxpayer money. It dishonors the Code of Military Conduct. Our soldiers are over there. They abide by rules. Blackwater doesn’t.”

But not all Democrats agree. Senator John Kerry, who is reportedly among the people being considered for Secretary of State in the Obama administration, shares the president-elect’s view. “I don’t think they should be banned,” says Kerry. “I think they need to operate under rules that apply to the military and everybody else.”

As of January 20, 2009, if Obama decides to keep Blackwater and other armed war corporations on the US payroll, these private forces would go from being Bush’s mercenaries in Iraq to Obama’s. As commander in chief, he would be responsible for their crimes. As for the accountability issue, many critics allege that the most serious problems in holding contractors responsible for their crimes stem from the Bush administration’s covering-up of their misconduct and immunizing them from prosecution, and the total lack of political will to bring them to justice. When Obama appoints a new attorney general, there will be more than five years’ worth of crimes to investigate–and prosecute.

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A Bomb Technician Fights Back After Iraq Explosion

November 22, 2008, San Antonio, TX – Mary Dague hears the catty whispers sometimes. “So ugly,” the strangers say when they think she can’t hear.

The 24-year-old has bright green eyes, a quick smile, and on the days she gets her husband’s help, perfectly applied mascara and blush.

But all the gawkers really see are her arms, each amputated above the elbow.

What they don’t suppose – with no fatigues or standard-issue Army T-shirt to clue them in – is that this chatty young woman, who likes to wear a little black dress to fancy parties as much as the next girl, is an Army sergeant whose arms were blown off as she dismantled a bomb in Iraq. She was awarded a Purple Heart.

In uniform, she’s often recognized as a wounded veteran and thanked for her service. Out of uniform, she pretends not to hear the careless whispers.

“At first, it kind of hurts, and then, it makes you sad,” she says.

Sad not for herself, but for those she sees wasting their youth and opportunities. “I’m 24, and I feel like I’ve lived a full, happy life already.”

It’s a life forever marred by an accident that has made even the simplest task a struggle, and rehabilitation is slow. But she’s eagerly looking beyond it, to the day she gets a sophisticated prosthetic arm and beyond that, to a time when she’s self-sufficient.

For all the talk of women on the warfront, soldiers like Dague remain extremely rare. Of the roughly 840 service members who have lost limbs since the start of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, only about 20 are women. The vast majority of those 21st century war amputees lost their legs or feet, often in roadside bombings. Only about one in five has lost upper extremities.

The job of a bomb technician, part of a team called in to detonate or dismantle explosive devices, is open to women because it’s considered a noncombat role, though few women enter the dangerous line of work. Armywide, 6 percent of bomb techs are women.

Dague didn’t plan on being a bomb tech when she enlisted. She was weary of waiting tables and working as a maid and just itching to get out of her tiny hometown of Superior in western Montana. She thought she might want to be a military policeman, since her dad is the undersheriff in Mineral County, but there were no slots for MPs.

She rolled her eyes when the recruiter suggested she become a “petroleum distribution engineer.” “I’m not going to pump gas for the Army, I’m sorry,” Dague said.

Explosive ordnance disposal. EOD. That was more like it.

“If I’m gonna do it, I’m gonna go all out,” she said.

Dague was talking about the Army, but she could have been talking about her life.

She married Jared Tillery in 2006 about 12 hours after they decided to date – including the time it took to find a skirt and blouse at Sears and to mobilize a friend ordained over the Internet.

Dague and Tillery had been friends in EOD school, where she was one of the few women.

Some people resented that, but Tillery, a lanky 23-year-old who grew up in Wisconsin, says he never thought much about it. The pair hung out together while in training and stayed friends even after she was stationed at Fort Lewis in Washington state and Tillery was assigned to a supply unit at Fort Hood in Texas.

During Tillery’s visit to Fort Lewis, their relationship moved from one that was platonic to romantic to, within hours, marriage. Both were deployed to Iraq with their units a few months after they married. They began life as a married couple in Iraq in early 2007.

Just weeks after Tillery had arrived in Iraq, his younger brother, 19-year-old Marine Lance Cpl. Jesse Tillery, was killed by an explosive device in Anbar province. After that, he was kept close to the base. “They wouldn’t let him go outside the wire,” Dague says.

Dague, on the other hand, was frequently out in dangerous territory with her teammate. They routinely blew up or dismantled explosive devices found by military patrols, trying to outsmart insurgents targeting American forces.

Nothing about Nov. 4, 2007, made her think the call they got that morning would be any different.

It shouldn’t have blown. It was just blasting cap, rubber and some wires sticking out, with a bit of explosive gunk stuck to it, not enough to do serious damage.

Dague and another EOD tech had already placed the plaster from the top of the device, most of the explosive material and the components in separate containers on the truck. All that was left was the 1 1/2-foot-wide cap.

Dague heaved it over to the truck by herself while the other guys made fun of her burly EOD teammate.

“You’re gonna let that little girl carry that big heavy thing?” they cackled.

“She can handle it,” he retorted, Dague remembers with a smile.

The cap teetered when she set it down, and instinctively, she put her hands out to steady it. “Boom! and I went flying,” she says.

Blood was everywhere. Other soldiers were frantically checking her wounds and applying tourniquets, shielding her eyes so she couldn’t see her arms, “but I already knew,” Dague says. A piece of shrapnel was wedged in her sunglasses.

She remembers someone saying he couldn’t tell where all the blood was coming from and needed to cut off her pants and boots. “Fine, do it,” she said, all the while asking whether everyone else was OK.

“I was trying to keep everyone from freaking out, and I wanted to keep myself from going into shock or falling asleep. I didn’t want to die,” she says.

A helicopter took her to a field hospital.

“Dude,” she said to the soldier standing next to her, “this sucks.”

Tillery had decided to skip lunch that day, so his office was nearly abandoned when about a dozen officers from his battalion walked in. “We’ve got some bad news,” they said.

A convoy took him to the hospital, where he waited as surgeons carefully removed shrapnel and treated the flash burns on his wife’s face to minimize scarring.

“I was just a complete wreck because you don’t know what you’re going to see,” Tillery says.

What was left of her arms was covered in bandages, a tube held her airway open, and “her face was so swollen, you could hardly recognize her,” he recalls.

They were taken to Germany, where Dague remembers the sedatives wearing thin enough for her to recognize something was wrong with her arms. Bandaged, they somehow seemed heavier than they ever had before.

“I just wanted to see home again,” she says.

They arrived a day later at Brooke Army Medical Center in San Antonio’s Fort Sam Houston, one of the Army’s primary medical treatment complexes for war amputees. Dague recalls her first few days there, staring out the window of her room, seeing people going about their lives.

“They have no idea what you lose in here, do they?” she mused to a nurse.

To understand what Dague has lost, consider what it would be like to eat, dress, bathe and use a computer without the aid of your lower arms – to have to pick up a cup or open the refrigerator door with your elbows.

Most everything becomes a mammoth task or requires assistance.

“You don’t realize how much you need your fingers,” says Tillery, now a reservist. “If I see her trying something, the best thing is to walk away and let her try it.”

Otherwise, the urge to step in and help her becomes overpowering.

Dague uses her toes to work the TV remote control and the computer mouse, and a pair of hooks on the bedroom wall help pull clothes up and down. She clutches a glass between her upper arms to take a drink. She’s practiced holding a pen the same way.

“I have horrible hand writing,” she jokes, gesturing to the notebook paper on the fridge that reads “I (heart) Jared” in shaky red marker lines.

At the home she and Jared share in suburban San Antonio, she can feed herself, but in public it simply draws too much unwanted attention. So her husband helps her in restaurants.

Many cuts after her first try, Dague can now shave her legs by holding a razor with her toes – not a skill rehab workers have to teach most other amputee veterans.

She still needs practice with a hook arm before she can be fitted for a prosthetic arm and hand. That gives her hope of “a semi-normal life,” she says.

But ask her whether she has any regrets about volunteering to be a bomb tech, and there is no hesitation.

“I love that job,” she says, swaying her damaged arms. “I miss it. I miss it terribly.”

For now, with months of physical therapy ahead of her, she relies on her husband for many basic tasks. He brushes her teeth, and she has taught him to apply her makeup.

“She’s trying to describe to me the strokes. She says, ‘Just grab that mascara.’ What’s that? This?” he says, with mock exasperation. “I just keep telling her she owes me so many breakfasts in bed.”

All of it has sorely tested their young marriage.

“He’s become everything she can’t be right now, and that’s a big job,” says Mike Johnson, Dague’s father. “I love him dearly.”

The couple plans a formal wedding in June. She’s already found a dress.

“She’s got like eight of them picked out,” Tillery teases. “You have no idea.”

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Despite Army’s Assurances, Violence at Home

November 22, 2008 – On Christmas Day two years ago, Sgt. Carlos Renteria, recently back from his first tour in Iraq, got drunk and, during an argument, began to choke his wife, Adriana. He body-slammed her. He threw her onto the couch, grabbed a cushion and smothered her, again and again – until, finally, he stopped, she told the police in San Angelo, Tex.

He was arrested and charged with assault, and she went to the hospital for her injuries, which included bruises and a severely swollen knee. It was his second domestic violence arrest. Assured by an Army officer that the military would pursue the case, the Texas prosecutor bowed out.

Yet Sergeant Renteria has faced no consequences. Instead, since his arrest, he has been redeployed to Iraq and promoted to staff sergeant.

“I was told it would be taken care of, in more than one instance, by the Army,” said Ms. Renteria, 30, referring to the assault charges. “That they would help me. And I believed them.”

For nearly two years, she has prodded Sergeant Renteria’s chain of command, the inspector general at Fort Riley in Kansas (where he was transferred), the base’s military lawyers and its domestic violence office, e-mail messages and letters show. But Sergeant Renteria has not received any counseling, and the military justice system has said it will not prosecute him. The couple divorced last month.

Ms. Renteria’s story illustrates the serious gaps in the way the Army handles domestic violence cases and the way it treats victims, despite promises to take such crimes more seriously.

More than five years ago, after a series of wife-killings by soldiers, a Pentagon task force investigation concluded that the military was doing a better job of shielding service members from punishment than protecting their wives from harm. The Department of Defense began to make noticeable improvements, including expanding protections and services for victims. But problems clearly remain.

The prosecutor in the Renteria case, Allen Wright, was so concerned by the Army’s inaction that in May, he moved to take back the case, issuing an arrest warrant for Sergeant Renteria.

The warrant remains outstanding. The Army acknowledged that Ms. Renteria’s case had been mishandled.

“I’m angry,” said Maj. Nathan Bond, public affairs officer at Fort Riley, after The New York Times brought the case to the Army’s attention. “This is not my Army. This is not how we handle domestic violence cases.”

The Army’s handling of such cases is especially important in a time of war, when the number of soldiers suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder escalates. Studies show a link between the disorder and increased violence in the home.

The Army says that the measures it has taken have been effective in curbing domestic violence. But advocates of victims of domestic violence say that among combat troops the violence has spiked in the past two years and that women are often disinclined to report violence for fear of angering their partners and hurting their careers.

These advocates point to the gruesome murders of three female soldiers based at Fort Bragg in North Carolina within the last four months. One woman’s body was dismembered and dumped in the woods. Another woman, seven months pregnant, was found dead in a motel bathtub. The third was stabbed to death.

In each case, the victim’s boyfriend or husband, a soldier or marine, has been charged in the killing. All three suspects were deployed in Iraq at some point.

The recent killings, which echo a series of wife-killings by soldiers at the fort in 2002, have captured the attention of the Pentagon again. During a visit last month to Fort Bragg, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates said he was “very concerned” about the stress on combat troops. “We obviously want to stop all kinds of violence among our soldiers and families,” he said.

Yet an examination of Ms. Renteria’s case shows she had sought help from an array of people for behavior by her husband that the Army could trace to 2004.

“She has really tried to pursue this to make sure he gets the appropriate intervention,” said Jacquelyn Campbell, a professor at Johns Hopkins University School of Nursing and a member of the Pentagon’s task force on domestic violence, who was told about the case by The Times. “We had hoped with the military’s new awareness of the issues of domestic violence in the military, and with its new policies and procedures around addressing it, that this kind of thing wouldn’t be happening still.”

Carlos and Adriana Renteria fell in love listening to Cuban music in Miami Beach in May 2002. They were still newlyweds when the relationship began to sour, she said, marred by his sudden absences and verbal abuse.

On Dec. 12, 2004, drunk and angry, he grabbed a baseball bat and swung it at her as she held their infant son, according to the military police report. The bat stopped just short of her head, brushing her cheek.

Twenty minutes later, he threatened to kill her. She called the military police at Goodfellow Air Force Base in San Angelo, Tex., where the couple was stationed.

Sergeant Renteria was ordered to take anger management classes on base. He attended one class. ” ‘I can’t be touched, can’t you see?’ ” Ms. Renteria said her husband told her. ” ‘They aren’t going to do anything to me.’ “

The couple separated and then reunited on a promise that Sergeant Renteria would change. But his behavior grew more erratic after his return from Iraq in October 2006. He cut himself one day to test his pain threshold. He asked to choke her, as an experiment. She said no.

Two months later, she said, he did not bother to ask.

When the police showed up at her door, they asked whether her husband had just returned from an “overseas assignment.”

She said yes.

“Ever since he has returned there have been problems with Carlos’s behavior and mood swings,” she told them, according to the police report. She said, “Carlos was also having nightmares while sleeping and has also been drinking to the point of intoxication on a regular basis.”

Mr. Wright, the prosecutor in Tom Green County, Tex., received a phone call from an officer at Fort Riley in January 2007 asking if he would be willing to hand over the case. (The military can request jurisdiction when a service member is arrested.) Sergeant Renteria was due to be transferred to the base, so Mr. Wright agreed. “The Army assured me they would take care of it – counseling, monitoring,” Mr. Wright said. “We all want to help our military.”

At a meeting in July 2007, First Sgt. Robert L. Simmons, the highest-ranking noncommissioned officer in her husband’s unit, also promised Ms. Renteria that the Army would go beyond sending her husband to classes for anger and alcohol, which had not worked the first time. He said the Army would prosecute, Ms. Renteria said.

Sergeant Simmons said he, too, had seen her husband lose his cool at work and was sufficiently concerned to request a three-week “no contact” order for Sergeant Renteria to keep away from his wife. Sergeant Simmons added that he would move to get her husband prosecuted on the assault charge to prevent him from redeploying to Iraq. Under federal law, offenders convicted of domestic violence are banned from using weapons. That would have prevented Sergeant Renteria from going to Iraq.

A few weeks later, Sergeant Simmons was deployed to Iraq, and Ms. Renteria said she never heard from him again.

Fort Riley quickly closed ranks around Sergeant Renteria. That became clear to Ms. Renteria after a brief conversation in August 2007 with an assistant at the inspector general’s office. ” ‘Honey, we are not going to bring a soldier back who beat on his wife a couple of times or because you feel things weren’t done correctly,’ ” Ms. Renteria said, recalling the conversation. ” ‘He is over there fighting for his life.’ “

Seven months later, with no word from the Army, Ms. Renteria called Mr. Wright in Texas, in tears. He eventually reached a lawyer at Fort Riley, an Army captain, who, to Mr. Wright’s astonishment, said he was under the impression that Mr. Wright had closed the case because it was “deficient.” Mr. Wright corrected him. He gave Fort Riley 90 days to tell him exactly what the Army had done.

When the Army did not respond, “I issued a warrant before any more time lapsed,” Mr. Wright said.

Sergeant Renteria returned home from Iraq on leave in May, but went back before the warrant could be processed. After The Times provided the Army with details of the case last month, it looked into the matter.

“The accusation of domestic violence is taken very seriously,” Major Bond said, adding that such cases could be a “mess.” In this case, “there were some communication issues,” he said.

Major Bond said the case review committee at Fort Riley concluded in the summer of 2007 that Sergeant Renteria should attend an anger management and alcohol abuse program. Instead he was redeployed to Iraq.

He will attend classes upon his return, Major Bond said. Sergeant Renteria, who is in the process of transitioning home from Iraq, could not be reached for comment.

In the end, his command opted not to prosecute. Major Bond would not explain why, citing privacy reasons.

“Whether it has moved along at the speed we would have liked is questionable,” Major Bond said of the case. Nonetheless, he added, “The outcome is consistent with other cases.”

But not deploying Sergeant Renteria was never an option, Major Bond said. “We are in the business of fighting a war, and we let very little interfere with that,” he said.

Ms. Renteria’s divorce became official in October, but the couple has two young sons, and she worries that his behavior, left unchecked after his second tour, will worsen. She has secured a restraining order.

“I feel that nobody is in my corner,” Ms. Renteria said. “Because he wears a uniform, he is protected by everybody.”

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U.S. Department of Labor Partners With U.S. Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs on National Resource Directory for Wounded Warriors

November 19, 2008 – The U.S. Department of Labor has joined with the U.S. Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs to launch a Web-based National Resource Directory to help wounded warriors identify resources available to assist them in transitioning back to civilian life.

“It is exciting to have the National Resource Directory included in DisabilityInfo.gov, the federal government’s one-stop site for disability-related information. This directory is valuable for our returning wounded warriors and their positive reintegration back into mainstream American life,” said Neil Romano, assistant secretary for the Labor Department’s Office of Disability Employment Policy.

The National Resource Directory is available at http://www.nationalresourcedirectory.org and encompasses more than 10,000 services and resources from federal, state and local governmental agencies; veteran service and benefit organizations; nonprofit community-based and faith-based organizations; academic institutions, professional associations and philanthropic organizations. Information is organized into six categories: benefits and compensation; education, training and employment; family and caregiver support; health; housing and transportation; and services and resources. It also provides helpful checklists, frequently asked questions and connections to peer support groups. All information on the Web site can be found through a general or state and local search tool.

The directory is designed to serve the needs of care coordinators, providers and support partners with resources for wounded, ill and injured service members; veterans and their families; families of the fallen and those who support them.

“The National Resource Directory will prove to be a valuable tool for wounded, ill and injured service members and their families as they wind their way through the maze of benefits and services available to them in their transition to civilian life. The Department of Labor is pleased to have the opportunity to work with our partners at the Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs.” said Charles S. Ciccolella, assistant secretary for the Labor Department’s Veterans’ Employment and Training Service (VETS).

November is Warrior Care Month. The Departments of Labor, Defense and Veterans Affairs, along with other federal agencies, also collaborate on America’s Heroes at Work, which focuses specifically on the employment challenges of returning service members living with traumatic brain injury and/or post-traumatic stress disorder. Additionally, the Labor Department’s VETS offers REALifelines, which provides individualized job training, counseling and re-employment services to veterans seriously injured or wounded in the War on Terrorism. More information about these projects is available at http://www.americasheroesatwork.gov and http://www.dol.gov/vets/REALifelines.

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Nov 23, Special Thanksgiving Message: Jeffrey Lucey and the Urgent Need for Mental Healthcare for All Our Veterans

November 23, 2008 – This is the story of our son, Jeffrey Michael Lucey. This will be a brief account of what happened to him – especially after his return from the Iraq War.

There is so much about him on the internet under his name. This is why we will keep this brief.

Jeffrey Michael Lucey was born on March 18, 1981. He was our only son and our middle child – having an older sister and a younger sister. He was your average everyday boy. As he grew up, Jeffrey began to love to play sports, being a clown as well as a little rascal and imp. Jeffrey was a risk taker as well as being popular and industrious in school – at least in elementary and middle school. The first three years of high school was when he discovered girls and the social life but he was able to pull it togther during his senior year and graduated. He then went on to attend Holyoke Community College but that was interrupted by his joining the USMC reserve unit  in December, 1999; then going off to Boot Camp in late May, 2000; finally returning on November 9, 2000  and then being assigned to his unit in New Haven, Ct.. Jeffrey’s life was then further interrupted once more by the War.

Jeffrey being a convoy driver then participated in the invasion the day after his birthday and returned home July 13, 2003 – physically unscathed but mortally wounded. He returned to college. He was to have graduated on June 5, 2004 but weeks before he found himself in the throes of dealing with the hidden wounds of the trauma of War. Regretfully, Jeffrey never did graduate.
 
In letters other than the ones Jeffrey sent to us while he was in Iraq, Jeffrey described doing immoral things and wishing that the past month ( April of 2003 ) of his life never happened – that he had done things which he had only seen in the movies, ect.
 
Despite some distance when Jeffrey initially came home, we were unaware of issues other than what we were told would be some re-adjustment back to civilian life.
 
The first strong clue occurred on December 24, 2003, when Jeffrey, having asked to stay home from Christmas Eve activities, talked to his younger sister while he was crying and drinking and told her that he was nothing more than a murderer – tossing his and other dogtags at her. Yet later that evening and the next day, Jeffrey appearred fine.
 
During the intervening months, Jeffrey appearred to be drinking more and had some episodes but then things seem to explode. Another issue which came to light was Jeffrey’s daily vomitting ever since he had returned. We sent him to the Doctor and they were going to schedule some medical tests. We came to find out later that that could have been caused by those hidden wounds.
 
It was in the middle of March, 2004 around school vacation, his birthday and the anniversary of the War that Jeffrey’s downward spiral truly began
 
From mid-March through June 22, 2004, Jeffrey’s life became a struggle and the symptoms appearred to explode – appearing to fluctuate in intensity and frequency. It was as if a beast was gnawing  and gnashing at Jeffrey’s very essence and ripping chunks out of his spirit … his soul … his being. There were moments that Jeffrey appearred to be quiet only to discover that in the silence, he had been screaming from the pain – horrible screams of pain that no one heard. Jeffrey slept little, ate little, was so restless, hypervigilant, confused angry frustrated isolated in his mind wracked with guilt sadness depression rage, panicked, desperate, hopeless, overwhelmed, rageful, wanting to talk and yet at the same time wanting to be silent. He wanted help but thought that no one could understand but even worse – especially after going to the VA twice – that no one cared. Being totally aware of stigma and fearful of being judged by those who could never understand, Jeffrey felt trapped as he slowly made his descent into his private hell.

As a family, we were also descending into our own hell – feeling totally powerless, helpless, desperate. We begged him to go to get help … to go to the VA who were the experts having dealt with this country’s veterans over a hundred years and a number of wars. Yet STIGMA prevented him from reaching out and trying to save himself – for you see, to seek help meant to him that you are weak and that was not acceptable. We were overwhelmed and then struggling with a mutated form of our own trauma due to trying to deal with the chaos and the raging storm of Jeffrey and his present world.
 
We were finally able to bring him to the VA only to have that fail so miserably. His experience there made him refuse to go back – feeling that he was treated as a prisoner – not as a veteran; being put on a ward with older veterans sufferring from a number of issues not similiar to his; not being seen by counselors or therapists – not being helped; feeling warehoused; not being assessed for his real issue but their simply focusing on a symptom – alcohol; ect. This should have never been.
 
After being turned away from the professionals, it made us doubt ourselves – were we just parents overreacting. They would never turn someone away who really was in danger – would they? It gave us a false sense of security and safety. From our perspective –  they were the angels who would embrace and help Jeffrey through all this that we did not understand. Yet they turned him away. Then no one ever called so it must be that we were thinking with a parents’ hearts and not being objective enough.
 
Jeffrey had so many mixed feelings – for he was expecting to be returned to Iraq. There were times that he was ready to go back to Iraq with his unit and then other times when he could not.
 
With all these factors and more involved, Jeffrey’s spiral continued to go downward until he crashed. Jeffrey did stop drinking the week before he died. All of us tried to get him help – Joyce called the VA and stated that we were watching our son die slowly in front of us; Jeffrey called the Vet Center and made an appointment for the following Friday which we kept. They sent us home with the idea that they would come to the house three times per week until they could find a bed. He couldn’t be as bad as we feared – could he?
 
When I came home from work on Monday, June 21, 2004, Jeffrey was pacing through the house in a total rage – ranting about the government, the war, the oil issue, ect.. He then spoke about suicide. I called the Vet Center not only once but twice. After talking with the staff, Jeffrey was in a better place and we had a relatively good night. About 11:30 pm, for the second time within the last ten days, Jeffrey asked me if he could sit in my lap. For the second time, I rocked him in my lap – this time for about 45 minutes. Then we walked to his room and he went to bed.
 
The next time I held him in my lap was the very next night, on June 22, 2004, as I lowered him from the beam and unwrapped the hose from around his neck – the first time that he looked at peace in months. He finally escaped the pain at his own hand. On June 22nd, the VA sent a notice setting up an appointment for Jeffrey who was in such a crisis for approximately three weeks later.
 
Few have spoken out; many have not.
 
It is simply not right – to allow the traumatized troops and veterans to suffer in such a tortured way and such a horrible death; for the loved ones to descend into the depths of a hell known only to a few… it is simply not right.
 
As many sit around their holiday tables full of festive cheer, let us hope that,  even for a brief moment, some will remember that somewhere in this nation there is a family that will have to confront the reality that the smiles, laughter and joking of the loved one / veteran /troop is now replaced by the empty chair and a trembling toast to all that was and that which could have been. and which will never be.
 
Kevin & Joyce Lucey, the proud parents of Cpl. Jeffrey Michael Lucey, a 23 year old USMC reservist forever succumbed to the hidden wounds of PTSD.

03/18/81 ——– 06/22/04

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More U.S. Soldiers Seek Substance Abuse Help

November 20, 2008, Ft. Leonard Wood, MO – The number of soldiers seeking help for substance abuse has climbed 25{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} in the past five years, but the Army’s counseling program has remained significantly understaffed and struggling to meet the demand, according to Army records.

About 13,500 soldiers sought drug counseling this year and 7,200 soldiers were diagnosed with an abuse or dependency issue and enrolled in counseling, Army data show. That compares with 11,170 soldiers reporting to drug counseling in 2003, when 5,727 enrolled.

UNDERSTAFFED: Missouri Army drug abuse counseling program cited

Army records show 2.38{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of all soldiers had positive results on routine drug urinalysis screening, a 10-year record. In 2004, when combat troops returned from Iraq in large numbers, 1.72{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} had positive results.

The Army requires one drug counselor for every 2,000 soldiers, yet is currently operating with one for 3,100 soldiers, a chronic shortage exacerbated by the increase in substance abuse cases.

The problem has been more severe here, where three counselors had been serving 14,000 soldiers and 1,000 Marines — one for every 5,000 troops. In recent months, three more counselors joined the staff.

Les McFarling, director of the Army Substance Abuse Programs, said the Army is authorized for 283 drug and alcohol counselors and despite new staffing this year, is still 38{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} short of full strength.

Col. Theresa Sullivan, former hospital commander, agreed that the program has had problems but insisted that no one was denied counseling.

Sen. Claire McCaskill, D-Mo., is demanding a review of the program after her staff investigated allegations that more than 150 troops at the installation here were denied substance abuse counseling because of a staff shortage.

“If it was that bad at Fort Leonard Wood, it very well could be an Army-wide problem,” McCaskill said Wednesday, urging aggressive hiring efforts. “This is about grabbing the military and shaking them and saying, ‘Hey, you’ve got to focus (on this).’ “

In a Nov. 12 letter to Army Secretary Pete Geren that McCaskill’s staff provided to USA TODAY, McCaskill said the fort’s program had been “in shambles” for years.

“How is it that a program can so deteriorate at a time when drug use and alcohol abuse is known to be closely tied to PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder), suicides, criminal behavior, divorce and domestic abuse, all of which have substantially increased in recent years in the Army?” McCaskill wrote.

USA TODAY reported last month that narcotic pain-relief prescriptions for injured troops jumped from 30,000 a month to 50,000 since the Iraq war began, raising concerns about potential drug abuse and addiction.

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