Dallas VA Hospital Psychiatric Unit Reopens Its Doors to Veterans

May 20, 2008 – The VA Medical Center in Dallas resumed psychiatric admissions Monday, six weeks after all but shutting down the ward because of a rash of suicides. The 51-bed psychiatric unit serves all of North Texas. The Fort Worth VA clinic handles outpatient care only.

Joe Dalpiaz, director of the North Texas medical system for the Veterans Affairs Department, ordered psychiatric admissions halted April 5 until outside experts could evaluate care.

The VA has been sending patients to a VA medical center in Waco and to area hospitals such as Parkland Memorial, Zale Lipshy, Timberlawn and Trinity Springs Pavilion, which is operated by the JPS Health Network in Fort Worth.  VA officials were not available for comment Monday.

Background

Two North Texas veterans committed suicide in January shortly after their release from the psychiatric unit. Then in early February, Air Force veteran Larry Johnson of Arlington committed suicide in the unit by using a tall-frame wheelchair to hang himself.

The last man to commit suicide hung himself in his hospital room in early April, the day before Dalpiaz’s decision to cease admissions. None of the veterans had served in Iraq or Afghanistan.

Dr. Catherine Orsak, the hospital’s associate chief of staff for mental health, said last month that until this year there had not been an in-patient suicide in the 10 years she has worked at the hospital.

What’s new

Two teams from VA headquarters in Washington, D.C. — the Office of Medical Inspector and the Office of Mental Health Services — visited the hospital in April; both have recommended changes to the unit.

Among the medical inspector’s recommendations: that the unit increase the amount of patient activity on nights and weekends; remove certain doors, metal trash cans and chairs in the showers; and re-evaluate the effectiveness of its suicide risk assessments.

The hospital is adding nurses to the emergency department, increasing the unit’s housekeeping staff, repositioning cameras and monitors and adding another suicide prevention coordinator.

National background

In recent weeks, the VA has been accused of downplaying the number of attempted suicides at its facilities. Its chief mental health officer, Dr. Ira Katz, has been criticized by some members of Congress who believe that he provided them misleading information.

Katz sent an e-mail to the VA’s top communications officer — the subject line read “Shh!” — asking whether the agency should acknowledge that there were 1,000 attempted suicides a month at its facilities. Publicly, the VA said that there were fewer than 800 in all of 2007.

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Jericho Project Adds Site for Vets’ Housing in Bronx

May 20, 2008 – Homeless heroes are getting a second-helping of support in the Bronx.

The Jericho Project, a national group seeking permanent solutions to homelessness, recently purchased a second site in the borough to build another residence for homeless vets.

Jericho launched its Veterans Initiative late last year with the purchase of a vacant lot at 355 E. 194th St. in Fordham, and recently closed the deal on property in Kingsbridge Terrace.

Together, the two planned residences will offer permanent, supportive housing and comprehensive counseling to 130 homeless and low-income veterans.

“We intend for our Veterans Initiative to be scalable – and become a model for helping low-income and homeless veterans nationwide regain their dignity and rightful place in society,” said Jericho Executive Director Tori Lyon.

Veterans advocates say repeated deployments and post-traumatic stress disorder are leading to a cascade of financial dislocation, family estrangement and homelessness.

A recent study by the RAND Corp. found that about 300,000 U.S. combat troops are suffering from major depression and PTSD, while 320,000 have suffered traumatic brain injuries. Most of them, the study concluded, do not get adequate care.

According to The Homelessness Research Institute, veterans make up 26{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of the homeless population nationwide, despite representing only 11{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of the civilian adult population.

Although veterans are disproportionately represented among homeless adults in the New York City shelter system, there are only two supportive housing projects dedicated to veterans in the city.

Vietnam vet Ivery Walker, 57, who does outreach for the Bronx Vet Center on the campus of the Bronx VA Medical Center, was delighted to hear of Jericho’s plans.

“That would be wonderful,” he said, pointing out that the Bronx VA’s homeless services unit offers counseling but not housing.

He said that without a stable address, it’s almost impossible for disabled veterans to receive their rightful benefits.

“Homelessness is a real problem for vets,” Walker said.

At both facilities, 60{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} of potential residents will be veterans referred from the city’s homeless shelter system, and 40{cd9ac3671b356cd86fdb96f1eda7eb3bb1367f54cff58cc36abbd73c33c82e1d} will be low-income veterans from the community.

The Jericho Project purchased the vacant lots with financing from the New York City Acquisition Loan Fund, and will receive development funding from the city Housing Preservation and Development Department as part of the New York-New York III program, as well as ongoing funding from the city Health Department.

Jericho expects to begin construction on the first residence this year, and open the doors in early 2010.

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Ray McGovern Editorial Column: An Appeal to Admiral Fallon to Prevent President Bush’s Looming Iran War

May 19, 2008 – I have not been able to find out how to reach you directly, so I drafted this letter in the hope it will be brought to your attention.

First, thank you for honoring the oath we commissioned officers take to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States from all enemies, foreign and domestic. At the same time, you have let it be known that you do not intend to speak, on or off the record, about Iran.

But our oath has no expiration date. While you are acutely aware of the dangers of attacking Iran, you seem to be allowing an inbred reluctance to challenge the commander in chief to trump that oath, and to prevent you from letting the American people know of the catastrophe about to befall us if, as seems likely, our country attacks Iran.

Two years ago I lectured at the Naval Academy in Annapolis. I found it highly disturbing that, when asked about the oath they took upon entering the academy, several of the “Mids” thought it was to the commander in chief.

This brought to my mind the photos of German generals and admirals (as well as top church leaders and jurists) swearing personal oaths to Hitler. Not our tradition, and yet …

I was aghast that only the third Mid I called on got it right – that the oath is to protect and defend the Constitution, not the president.

Attack Iran and Trash the Constitution

No doubt you are very clear that an attack on Iran would be a flagrant violation of our Constitution, which stipulates that treaties ratified by the Senate become the supreme law of the land; that the United Nations Charter – which the Senate ratified on July 28, 1945, by a vote of 89 to 2 – expressly forbids attacks on other countries unless they pose an imminent danger; that there is no provision allowing some other kind of “pre-emptive” or “preventive” attack against a nation that poses no imminent danger; and that Iran poses no such danger to the United States or its allies.

You may be forgiven for thinking: Isn’t 41 years of service enough; isn’t resigning in order to remove myself from a chain of command that threatened to make me a war criminal for attacking Iran; isn’t making my active opposition known by talking to journalists – isn’t all that enough?

With respect, sir, no, that’s not enough.

The stakes here are extremely high and with the integrity you have shown goes still further responsibility. Sadly, the vast majority of your general officer colleagues have, for whatever reason, ducked that responsibility. You are pretty much it.

In their lust for attacking Iran, administration officials will do their best to marginalize you. And, as prominent a person as you are, the corporate media will do the same.

Indeed, there are clear signs the media have been given their marching orders to support attacking Iran.

At CIA I used to analyze the Soviet press, so you will understand when I refer to the Washington Post and the New York Times as the White House’s Pravda and Izvestiya.

Sadly, it is as easy as during the days of the controlled Soviet press to follow the U.S. government’s evolving line with a daily reading. In a word, our newspapers are revving up for war on Iran, and have been for some time.

In some respects the manipulation and suppression of information in the present lead-up to an attack on Iran is even more flagrant and all encompassing than in early 2003 before the invasion of Iraq.

It seems entirely possible that you are unaware of this, precisely because the media have put the wraps on it, so let me adduce a striking example of what is afoot here.

The example has to do with the studied, if disingenuous, effort over recent months to blame all the troubles in southern Iraq on the “malignant” influence of Iran.

But Not for Fiasco

Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman, Adm. Mike Mullen, told reporters on April 25 that Gen. David Petraeus would be giving a briefing “in the next couple of weeks” that would provide detailed evidence of “just how far Iran is reaching into Iraq to foment instability.”

Petraeus’s staff alerted U.S. media to a major news event in which captured Iranian arms in Karbala would be displayed and then destroyed.

Small problem. When American munitions experts went to Karbala to inspect the alleged cache of Iranian weapons they found nothing that could be credibly linked to Iran.

News to you? That’s because this highly embarrassing episode went virtually unreported in the media – like the proverbial tree falling in the forest with no corporate media to hear it crash.

So Mullen and Petraeus live, uninhibited and unembarrassed, to keep searching for Iranian weapons so the media can then tell a story more supportive to efforts to blacken Iran. A fiasco is only a fiasco if folks know about it.

The suppression of this episode is the most significant aspect, in my view, and a telling indicator of how difficult it is to get honest reporting on these subjects.

Meanwhile, it was announced that Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki had formed his own Cabinet committee to investigate U.S. claims and attempt to “find tangible information and not information based on speculation.”

Dissing the Intelligence Estimate

Top officials from the president on down have been dismissing the dramatically new conclusion of the National Intelligence Estimate released on Dec. 3, 2007, a judgment concurred in by the 16 intelligence units of our government, that Iran had stopped the weapons-related part of its nuclear program in mid-2003.

Always willing to do his part, the malleable CIA chief, Michael Hayden, on April 30 publicly offered his “personal opinion” that Iran is building a nuclear weapon – the National Intelligence Estimate notwithstanding.

 For good measure, Hayden added: “It is my opinion, it is the policy of the Iranian government, approved to the highest level of that government, to facilitate the killing of Americans in Iraq. … Just make sure there’s clarity on that.”

I don’t need to tell you about the Haydens and other smartly saluting generals in Washington.

Let me suggest that you have a serious conversation with Gen. Anthony Zinni, one of your predecessor CENTOM commanders (1997 to 2000).

As you know better than I, this Marine general is also an officer with unusual integrity.  But placed into circumstances virtually identical to those you now face, he could not find his voice.

He missed his chance to interrupt the juggernaut to war in Iraq; you might ask him how he feels about that now, and what he would advise in current circumstances.

Zinni happened to be one of the honorees at the Veterans of Foreign Wars convention on Aug. 26, 2002, at which Vice President Dick Cheney delivered the exceedingly alarmist speech, unsupported by our best intelligence, about the nuclear threat and other perils awaiting us at the hands of Saddam Hussein.

That speech not only launched the seven-month public campaign against Iraq leading up to the war, but set the terms of reference for the Oct. 1, 2002 National Intelligence Estimate fabricated – yes, fabricated – to convince Congress to approve war on Iraq.

Gen. Zinni later shared publicly that, as he listened to Cheney, he was shocked to hear a depiction of intelligence that did not square with what he knew. Although Zinni had retired two years earlier, his role as consultant had required him to stay up to date on intelligence relating to the Middle East.

One Sunday morning three and a half years after Cheney’s speech, Zinni told “Meet the Press”: “There was no solid proof that Saddam had weapons of mass destruction. … I heard a case being made to go to war.”

Gen. Zinni had as good a chance as anyone to stop an unnecessary war – not a “pre-emptive war,” since there was nothing to pre-empt – and Zinni knew it. No, what he and any likeminded officials could have stopped was a war of aggression, defined at the post-WWII Nuremberg Tribunal as the “supreme international crime.”

Sure, Zinni would have had to stick his neck out. He may have had to speak out alone, since most senior officials, like then-CIA Director George Tenet, lacked courage and integrity.

In his memoir published a year ago, Tenet says Cheney did not follow the usual practice of clearing his Aug. 26, 2002 speech with the CIA; that much of what Cheney said took him completely by surprise; and that Tenet “had the impression that the president wasn’t any more aware of what his number-two was going to say to the VFW until he said it.”

It is a bit difficult to believe that Cheney’s shameless speech took Tenet completely by surprise.

We know from the Downing Street Minutes, vouched for by the UK as authentic, that Tenet told his British counterpart on July 20, 2002, that the president had decided to make war on Iraq for regime change and that “the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy”

Encore: Iran

Admiral Fallon, you know that to be the case also with respect to the “intelligence” being conjured up to “justify” war with Iran. And no one knows better than you that your departure from the chain of command has turned it over completely to the smartly saluting sycophants.

No doubt you have long since taken the measure, for example, of Defense Secretary Robert Gates. So have I.

I was one of his first branch chiefs when he was a young, disruptively ambitious CIA analyst. When Ronald Reagan’s CIA Director William Casey sought someone to shape CIA analysis to accord with his own conviction that the Soviet Union would never change, Gates leaped at the chance.

After Casey died, Gates admitted to the Washington Post’s Walter Pincus that he (Gates) watched Casey on “issue after issue sit in meetings and present intelligence framed in terms of the policy he wanted pursued.” Gates’ entire subsequent career showed that he learned well at Casey’s knee.

So it should come as no surprise that, despite the unanimous judgment of the 16 U.S. intelligence agencies that Iran stopped the weapons related aspects of its nuclear program, Gates is now saying that Iran is hell-bent on acquiring nuclear weapons.

Some of his earlier statements were more ambiguous, but Gates recently took advantage of the opportunity to bend with the prevailing winds and leave no doubt as to his loyalty.

In an interview on events in the Middle East with a New York Times reporter on April 11, Gates was asked whether he was on the same page as the president. Gates replied, “Same line, same word.”

I imagine you are no more surprised than I. Bottom line: Gates will salute smartly if Cheney persuades the president to let the Air Force and Navy loose on Iran.

You know the probable consequences; you need to let the rest of the American people know.

A Gutsy Precedent

Can you, Admiral Fallon, be completely alone? Can it be that you are the only general officer to resign on principle?

And, of equal importance, is there no other general officer, active or retired, who has taken the risk of speaking out in an attempt to inform Americans about President George W. Bush’s bellicose fixation with Iran. Thankfully, there is.

Gen. Brent Scowcroft, who was national security adviser to President George H.W. Bush, took the prestigious job of Chairman, President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board when asked to by the younger Bush.

From that catbird seat, Scowcroft could watch the unfolding of U.S. policy in the Middle East. Over decades dealing with the press, Scowcroft had honed a reputation of quintessential discretion. All the more striking what he decided he had to do.

In an interview with London’s Financial Times in mid-October 2004 Scowcroft was harshly critical of the president, charging that Bush had been “mesmerized” by then Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

“Sharon just has him wrapped around his little finger,” Scowcroft said. “He has been nothing but trouble.”

Needless to say, Scowcroft was given his walking papers and told never to darken the White House doorstep again.

There is ample evidence that Sharon’s successors believe they have a commitment from President Bush to “take care of Iran” before he leaves office, and that the president has done nothing to disabuse them of that notion – no matter the consequences.

On May 18, speaking at the World Economic Forum at Sharm el Sheikh, Bush threw in a gratuitous reference to “Iran’s nuclear weapons ambitions.” He said:

“To allow the world’s leading sponsor of terror to gain the world’s deadliest weapon would be an unforgivable betrayal of future generations. For the sake of peace, the world must not allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon.”

Pre-briefing the press, Bush’s national security adviser Stephen Hadley identified Iran as one of the dominant themes of the trip, adding repeatedly that Iran “is very much behind” all the woes afflicting the Middle East, from Lebanon to Gaza to Iraq to Afghanistan.

The Rhetoric is Ripening

In the coming weeks, at least until U.S. forces can find some real Iranian weapons in Iraq, the rhetoric is likely to focus on what I call the Big Lie – the claim that Iran’s president has threatened to “wipe Israel off the map.”

In that controversial speech in 2005, Ahmadinejad was actually quoting from something the Ayatollah Khomeini had said in the early 1980s. Khomeini was expressing a hope that a regime treating the Palestinians so unjustly would be replaced by another more equitable one.

A distinction without a difference? I think not. Words matter.

As you may already know (but the American people don’t), the literal translation from Farsi of what Ahmadinejad said is, “The regime occupying Jerusalem must vanish from the pages of time.”

Contrary to what the administration would have us all believe, the Iranian president was not threatening to nuke Israel, push it into the sea, or wipe it off the map.

President Bush is way out in front on this issue, and this comes through with particular clarity when he ad-libs answers to questions.

On Oct. 17, 2007, long after he had been briefed on the key intelligence finding that Iran had stopped the nuclear weapons-related part of its nuclear development program, the president spoke as though, well, “mesmerized.” He said:

“But this – we got a leader in Iran who has announced he wants to destroy Israel. So I’ve told people that if you’re interested in avoiding World War III, it seems you ought to be interested in preventing them from have (sic) the knowledge necessary to make a nuclear weapon. I take the threat of Iran with a nuclear weapon very seriously.”

Some contend that Bush does not really believe his rhetoric. I rather think he does, for the Israelis seem to have his good ear, with the tin one aimed at U.S. intelligence he has repeatedly disparaged.

But, frankly, which would be worse: that Bush believes Iran to be an existential threat to Israel and thus requires U.S. military action? Or that it’s just rhetoric to “justify” U.S. action to “take care of” Iran for Israel?

What you can do, Admiral Fallon, is speak authoritatively about what is likely to happen – to U.S. forces in Iraq, for example – if Bush orders your successors to begin bombing and missile attacks on Iran.

And you could readily update Scowcroft’s remarks, by drawing on what you observed of the Keystone Cops efforts of White House ideologues, like Iran-Contra convict Elliot Abrams, to overturn by force the ascendancy of Hamas in 2006-07 and Hezbollah more recently. (Abrams pled guilty to two misdemeanor counts of misleading Congress, but was pardoned by President George H.W. Bush on Dec. 24, 1992.)

It is easy to understand why no professional military officer would wish to be in the position of taking orders originating from the likes of Abrams.

If you weigh in as your (non-expiring) oath to protect and defend the Constitution dictates, you might conceivably prompt other sober heads to speak out.

And, in the end, if profound ignorance and ideology – supported by the corporate press and by both political parties intimidated by the Israel lobby – lead to an attack on Iran, and the Iranians enter southern Iraq and take thousands of our troops hostage, you will be able to look in the mirror and say at least you tried.

You will not have to live with the remorse of not knowing what might have been, had you been able to shake your reluctance to speak out.

There is a large Tar Baby out there – Iran. You may remember that as Brer Rabbit got more and more stuck, Brer Fox, he lay low.

A “Fox” Fallon, still pledged to defend the Constitution of the United States, cannot lie low—not now.

Lead.

Respectfully,

Ray McGovern; Steering Group; Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS)

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Famed War Reporter Calls Pentagon/Media ‘Propaganda’ Program Illegal

May 15, 2008 – Once upon a time, it was widely believed that one of the greatest sins the U.S. government or its temporary political masters could commit was to turn a propaganda machine loose on the American people.

Congress viewed this so seriously that every appropriations bill passed since 1951 has contained language that says no public money “shall be used for publicity or propaganda purposes within the United States” without the lawmakers’ prior approval.

The Bush administration has been caught violating the propaganda ban before, notably in 2005 in the case of radio host Armstrong Williams, who was paid to endorse President Bush’s No Child Left Behind law.
Particularly abhorrent to the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO), which oversees compliance with the ban, is an agency’s use of “covert propaganda” or “covert attempts to mold opinion through the undisclosed use of third parties.”

This is why alarm bells should be ringing all over Washington about The New York Times’ disclosure that then-Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld encouraged a secret Pentagon program to care for and spoon-feed more than 50 retired senior military officers whom the administration deemed reliable friends who could be counted on “to carry our water” on the television and cable networks.

Feeding the military analysts “key and valuable information” in secret briefings by Pentagon and White House officials, the idea went, would make them the go-to guys for the networks and encourage the networks to “weed out the less reliably friendly analysts . . . .”

This 2005 memorandum, addressed to then Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs Larry DiRita, added: “This trusted core group will be more than willing to work closely with us because we are their bread and butter.”

Asked about the case of Col. Bill Cowan, who says he was cut off from the briefings for criticizing the war effort, DiRita told Glenn Greenwald of Salon.com: “I don’t know anything. I saw that in the story. I’ve heard other assertions to that effect. It was certainly not the intent.”

In a follow-up e-mail exchange between DiRita and Greenwald, Rumsfeld’s former mouthpiece — now Bank of America’s chief spokesman — elaborated on what he said he didn’t remember: “I simply don’t have any recollection of trying to restrict him (Cowan) or others from exposure to what was going on.”

DiRita added: “There are plenty of examples to the contrary — reaching out to people who specifically disagreed with us. One example I recall is Joe Galloway — a persistent critic and apparently popular with military readers. He came in and met Secretary Rumsfeld and we had other interactions.”

Now that’s a real knee-slapper: Me as a poster boy for how Rumsfeld and DiRita “reached out” to their harshest critics even as they stroked and promoted and schemed to embed the old reliables to wax enthusiastic about a war that was going from bad to worse.

Let the record show that Rumsfelds’ folks reached out to me on these few occasions:

–In early summer of 2003, half a dozen of us were invited to an off-the-record lunch with Rumsfeld in the Pentagon. The defense secretary seemed to have a poor grasp of the reality on the ground in Iraq and was still declaring that we’d do no nation-building there. He saw no insurgency, only a handful of “dead-enders”.

— In November 2005, DiRita invited me to a “one-on-one” lunch with Rumsfeld at the Pentagon. This one I accepted. I arrived to find across the table Rumsfeld, the then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Marine Gen. Peter Pace; Army Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Dick Cody; Joint Staff Director Lt. Gen. Walter Sharp and DiRita. We went at it hammer and tongs for an hour and a half over their conduct of the war and the errors that were costing the lives of American soldiers. As I left, I told Rumsfeld that I’d continue to point out those mistakes every week in my column.

–In April 2006, DiRita sent me an e-mail telling me that my most recent column was “silly”. That column had discussed an expensive war game the Pentagon conducted about a U.S. attack on a thinly disguised country that obviously was Iran. His complaint sparked an escalating e-mail war that most reckon DiRita lost (see lengthy E&P article about this by Greg Mitchell posted earlier this week)).

So much for the Rumsfeld/DiRita outreach to their critics. They were much too busy hand-feeding horse manure to their TV generals, who in turn were feeding the same product to the American public by the cubic yard.

There’s little doubt that this program violated the laws against covert propaganda operations mounted against the American public by their own government. But in this administration, there’s no one left to enforce that law or any of the other laws the Bush operatives have been busy violating.

The real crime is that the scheme worked. The television network bosses swallowed the bait, the hook, the line and the sinker, and they have yet to answer for it.

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Confronting Vets’ Suicide Epidemic

May 17, 2008 – Timothy K. Israel was likely just one of 18 veterans who committed suicide on May 9, according to internal e-mails of the U.S. Veterans Administration.

Israel, a decorated Iraq war veteran, was found hanging in the Elwood Police Department jail cell. He used the drawstring of his Army-issue pants.

Just three days before Israel took his life, the House Veterans Affairs Committee grilled VA officials for apparently concealing statistics regarding the suicides of U.S. veterans.

A CBS News investigation revealed internal e-mails from the VA in which agency officials conspired to hide the staggering suicide numbers from the press.

Ira Katz, the VA’s director of Mental Health, said in a Dec. 15 e-mail, “There are about 18 suicides per day among America’s 25 million veterans.”

In another e-mail, Katz attempts to keep the true suicide statistics from the public. “Our suicide prevention coordinators are identifying about 1,000 suicide attempts per month among veterans we see in our medical facilities. Is this something we should (carefully) address ourselves in some sort of release before someone stumbles on it?”

The recent death of Israel and CBS News reports reveal a little-known problem in the U.S. military, one that has existed for decades, according to Anderson Vietnam veteran Larry Wiesenauer.

Wiesenauer, director of Vet to Vet of Madison County, is one of many combat veterans who suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of his combat time in Vietnam.

Dr. Steve Herman is the director of the Psychiatry Ambulatory Clinic in Indianapolis and said PTSD “is the result of an individual experiencing a severe stressor in such a way that they are unable to process it or grieve their way through it appropriately.”

PTSD sufferers include those who’ve been involved in a car accident, rape, combat or any other life-altering stressor. “Women who have been raped, people in violent situations or car accidents, the survivors of (Sept. 11) — most had PTSD,” Wiesenauer said. He believes combat veterans face a different challenge in PTSD due to extended time exposed to the stressor.

“The difference between their PTSD and combat PTSD is that ours is not related to a single incident, but a way of life. (That life) becomes an integral part of our emotions. It eats up a great part of our sense of reality because the reality we live in now, we still run against the combat check list.”

Symptoms of PTSD include nightmares, flashbacks, withdrawal from friends and family, avoidance of social situations, poor sleep patterns and intrusive thoughts, according to Herman.

Often times, veterans say, the mental challenges of PTSD lead to alcohol and drug abuse, imprisonment and homelessness.

Joe Lansford is the director of Stepping Stones, a Madison County organization aimed at helping veterans. The two-year transitional housing program at Stepping Stones currently houses 53 people. Ninety percent of them are veterans, Lansford said.

Many believe untreated PTSD has also led to suicide in veterans. While Israel was never diagnosed with PTSD, friends and family have acknowledged that he may have been suffering from the disorder.

Lansford said he has seen PTSD lead to suicide. “I’ve seen it over the years. I’ve seen guys just drink themselves to death.”

Though only 20 to 30 percent of all soldiers reportedly return home with PTSD, Lansford said all are changed in some way. “You’re not the same guy as when you went into military service. The military just does something to you.”

Wiesenauer has lost several of his brothers-in-arms to PTSD and suicide, more in fact, than he lost in combat.

“I had several friends from high school and I’m the only one alive. The others died from homelessness or suicide. Two are on the (Vietnam Memorial) wall. They aren’t alive anymore, and it’s a consequence of Vietnam. The same thing is going to happen in Iraq and Afghanistan.”

It may already be happening. According to a recent Associated Press story, “In 2006, the Army’s suicide rate rose to 17.3 per 100,000 troops — the highest in 26 years of record-keeping.”

An article released by the National Center for PTSD, “The Unique Circumstances and Mental Health Impact of the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq” explored the threat for PTSD and ensuing suicides in Iraq and Afghanistan combat veterans.

“The conflict in Iraq has been fraught with the dangers that ensue from guerilla warfare and terrorist actions (e.g., roadside bombs) stemming from ambiguous civilian threats. In this context, there is no safe place and no safe duty.”

Wiesenauer faced similar guerrilla warfare in Vietnam and said combat vets with PTSD continue to live in the warfare mentality long after returning home.

“One of the main ones is hypervigilance. When you’re in combat, you realize that every second you’re life is on the line. You have to be aware of your surroundings in order to survive. Once it gets started, your brain doesn’t let go of it. I can go into a restaurant and, if I sit down to eat, I will appraise everyone in the restaurant before I can eat.”

Jerry Sensing is the Veteran’s Service Officer for Madison County and said many veterans are not willing to seek treatment for PTSD. “We see people coming in all the time that need help and they are not getting it.”

Sensing said a great number of veterans minimize the disorder, which will lead to an episode. “A lot of people dismiss it and say it’s common for people to have problems and rather than them deal with it they lash out at each other. They lash out at each other and their children.”

Sensing places some of the blame on the military, which, he says, is not addressing the growing problem of suicide and PTSD in veterans.

“The Army is not dealing with or handling this. They’re not equipping the soldiers coming back with this. Usually, the soldier is back in the population and they’re released away from the Army and the next thing you know, there’s a problem. What happened? Well, he came back with problems and nobody knew about it. The way you find out about it is when he explodes. Then everybody shuts the barn door afterwards, saying we should have done this, we should have provided him some help.’”

Wiesenauer has his own beliefs about why the military has allegedly not addressed the problem. “It’s because soldiers in our society are not treated as part of a family but as soldiers and a commodity. When you reduce them to a commodity, you make them expendable.”

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A Victim of the War Within – Another Tragic Iraq War Veteran Suicide in Houston

May 18, 2008 – Army recruiter Nils Aron Andersson sat behind the wheel of his brand-new Ford F-150, firing round after round into the truck’s CD player and radio with a .22-caliber semiautomatic pistol. Spent cartridges littered the seats and floorboards, along with a paper pharmacy bag holding a prescription for the antidepressant Lexapro.

Andersson’s wife, Cassy Walton, had been trying to reach the 25-year-old sergeant on his cell phone for hours. He finally picked up about 2 a.m. and told her he wanted to kill himself.

Walton begged him to keep talking to her. Andersson told her he was on the top floor of a downtown Houston parking garage and ended the call. Then he put the pistol to his head, just above his right ear.

Minutes later, Walton raced up the stairs of the garage to find her husband of less than 24 hours slumped on the driver’s side of his truck, bleeding from a single bullet wound to his right temple.

Sobbing, she unlocked the truck with her own key, climbed onto his lap, and started CPR.

“Why did you do this?” she screamed.

When Andersson killed himself on March 6, 2007, he became one of at least 16 Army recruiters to commit suicide nationwide since 2000. Five of those suicides occurred in Texas, including three at the Houston Recruiting Battalion, where Andersson worked after serving two tours of duty in Iraq.

Roughly one in five U.S. troops returning from Iraq and Afghanistan reports symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder or major depression, but only slightly more than half have sought treatment, according to a recently published Rand Corp. study. Of those who did seek care, only about half received minimally adequate treatment, the study found.

Amid increasing concerns about failure to screen, diagnose and treat soldiers with mental health problems adequately, Andersson’s story raises questions about the pressures faced by the growing number of veterans who return from multiple combat deployments to high-stress recruiting assignments back home.

Leaving for Iraq

A quiet, skinny kid who loved to fish, hunt and ride ATVs along the Oregon coast, where he was born, Andersson — who preferred his middle name Aron — joined the Army’s 82nd Airborne Division in 2002, three years after graduating high school.

In 2003, he left to fight in the initial U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. It was the first time he’d been abroad in his life.

“I probably prayed more in the first six months than I had in a long while,” said his father, Bob Andersson, 53, who works for the city parks department in Eugene, Ore. “Every time the phone rings, you panic. I’m not kidding you there; for months, I’d come home and I’d stop at the end of the street and go, ‘God, I hope there’s not a car with military plates in front of my house.’ “

Andersson earned a Bronze Star with valor for saving the lives of two other soldiers during a firefight. But when he came home, the soldier avoided his family’s questions about the war.

Relieved to have him back, they didn’t press him.

“When I asked him how he’d earned his Bronze Star, he just said, ‘Doing my job, Dad,’ ” Bob Andersson said.

The father remembers looking at photographs taken during his son’s service in Iraq and feeling helpless to understand what the young man had been through.

“You can’t imagine what was going on,” he said. “You can see the pictures, but you still weren’t there to smell it, or feel the heat, or see the cars burning or what was left of someone after a bomb went off.”

The only thing the father knew for sure was that his son had changed. He was more frustrated, less patient and harder to talk to.

“Did he come back different? Yeah,” Bob Andersson said. “I don’t think there’s anybody who goes over there and fights on the front lines who ever comes back the same.”

The soldier once told his father about working a barricade in Iraq when a white van barreled toward U.S. troops, ignoring warning shots and orders to stop.

“It was definitely a suicide mission, and he said this van full of people came in and they had to, quote, ‘light it up,’ ” Bob Andersson said. “And he said there were children in there and everything. I could tell that really, really, bothered him.”

Life as a recruiter

When Andersson transferred to the Houston Recruiting Battalion, his father hoped that he would be able to put the past behind him. Instead, he became more depressed.

“He had a heart of gold and that, I think, is what killed him. Because he got into something so outrageously different than his basic makeup, and he just couldn’t get over it.”

As a recruiter stationed in River Oaks and Rosenberg, Andersson often worked six days a week, routinely got home after 11 p.m., and would sometimes weep from despair and exhaustion, said his ex-girlfriend Marsha Maxey, a mortgage banker who dated the soldier before he met Cassy Walton.

Maxey met Andersson in August 2005 at an Irish pub in Columbia, S.C., where he was attending recruiter school at Fort Jackson.

“He was a good-looking man — tall, blue eyes, blond hair, smart, funny and kind. A sensitive guy and a man in uniform, that whole thing,” Maxey said. “He swept me off my feet.”

Their 14-year age difference was never a problem, said Maxey, who is 40. “It worked out very well because he was an old soul,” she said. “He’d seen a lot of things for his young age.”

Two months into a whirlwind romance, she moved to Texas to be with him when Andersson began his new job with the Houston Recruiting Battalion.

“It was instantly an incredibly stressful job,” Maxey said. “From the beginning since I met him, he cried very easily and I thought, ‘Oh, he’s just sensitive,’ but then it got worse.”

Occasionally, Andersson talked to Maxey about his time in Iraq. The details slipped out in bits and pieces — like a story about surviving a deadly helicopter crash, or carrying a wounded buddy to safety after his unit was ambushed.

“He told me he kicked down over 1,000 doors,” Maxey said. “He was the lead guy, the first one to go in, and most of the time it was the wrong place. There would be terrified old people and little kids sitting there.”

Andersson suffered from dramatic mood swings. He got nervous in big crowds and would wake up in the middle of the night “just screaming,” Maxey said.

Andersson also developed a low self-esteem and an extreme fear of abandonment, she said. A few months before he committed suicide, he sent Maxey a text message saying he was “going to get rid of himself because he was a monster like Saddam,” she recalled.

“He would just get so distraught over his job and the things he’d seen,” Maxey said. “It was more than he could take.”

Mounting pressure

Making matters worse, Andersson felt uncomfortable in the role of salesman for the Army. He was painfully honest with prospective recruits, even if his candor turned them off, she said.

“He was morally opposed to putting more young men into that situation, where they could be injured or killed or see the things he’d seen,” Maxey said.

His superiors repeatedly criticized him for failing to meet his goal of signing two new recruits a month and assigned him five-page essays or extra duty as punishment, she said. In February 2006, he was passed up for promotion to staff sergeant.

“It wasn’t that he was lazy or not working. It’s just that he was not getting recruits and being punished for it, constantly,” she said. “It was just not the job for him.”

Andersson was proud to be a soldier, but he wasn’t cut out for recruiting, said his friend Chris Rodriguez.

Long hours, few days off and mounting pressure to deliver fresh volunteers made life “truly awful,” Rodriguez said in a series of e-mails and a telephone interview with the Houston Chronicle from Anbar Province in Iraq, where he was serving a tour of duty at the time of Andersson’s death.

”In the recruiting station I was at, a good third of the people went on antidepressants while working there,” said Rodriguez, who met Andersson in Texas while assigned to the Houston Recruiting Battalion. “You could come to work as motivated as you wanted, but as soon as you passed the threshold of the doorway, it’d suck the life away from you. Looking around, you’d see miserable people.”

If recruiters failed to sign up enough prospects, their commanders told them they were failures, Rodriguez said. “They tell you, ‘That’s why your buddy in Iraq doesn’t have a full battalion, because you’re letting him down,’ “he said.

The stress took its toll. Back in Iraq, Rodriguez had nightmares about his time recruiting in Houston.

“The pressure recruiting puts on you wears you down so badly,” he said. “We often said that we’d rather be in Iraq than recruiting. It’s true.”

Threats of suicide

By October 2006, Andersson’s problems had become too serious to ignore.

When he put a gun in his mouth during an argument with Maxey, she called Andersson’s father, who contacted the Army.

When he heard what his father had done, Andersson was furious.

“He said, ‘Thanks for ruining my career, Dad,’ ” his father said. “And I said, ‘Well, I’m sorry about that, Aron.’ And he goes, ‘Why did you do it?’ I just told him, ‘You know, if something happened to you and I could’ve done anything at all to prevent it and I didn’t, I could never live with myself. Because the only thing I’m sure of in this world is the father’s supposed to die before the children.’ “

The next day, an officer took Andersson to Brooke Army Medical Center at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio, where he underwent three days of tests and counseling. A psychiatrist determined he was “clinically depressed but no immediate danger to himself,” Army records show.

“The psychiatrist told him he had depression and PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) and said he would send him a referral for a psychiatrist and therapist in Houston, but he never did,” Maxey said. “Aron never received any follow-up.”

Medical records from Brooke Army Medical Center show that Andersson was prescribed medication for depression and anxiety after doctors evaluated him for potential self-harm on Oct. 23, 2006. Records also show at least two subsequent appointments were canceled by the facility and one by Andersson.

Meanwhile, Andersson’s commanders at the Houston Recruiting Battalion directed his station in Rosenberg to keep an eye on him and ordered his weapons to be taken away.

But Andersson managed to keep the .22-caliber pistol he’d used to threaten suicide.

His parents say their son’s commanders and doctors should have monitored him more closely to ensure he was getting the help he needed.

“Obviously, they did not take it seriously enough,” said Andersson’s mother, Charlotte Porter. “He needed to have a break period. He needed to be removed from his position and get treatment.”

As a soldier who served his country honorably, Andersson deserved the best possible care, regardless of whether his wounds were physical or mental, his father said.

“I don’t think Aron let the Army down, I think the Army let him down,” he said. “I think that the care wasn’t there that he really needed.”

A new relationship

By December 2006, Andersson still hadn’t started regular therapy.

As his relationship with Maxey fell apart, he met Cassy Walton, a vivacious investment banker who also struggled with severe depression. He eventually would leave the Texas Avenue apartment he shared with Maxey at Lofts at the Ballpark to move into Walton’s loft in the old Rice Hotel building, a dozen blocks away.

The day before New Year’s Eve, Andersson threatened suicide again, this time in front of Walton.

In January, Walton sent an e-mail addressed to Andersson and a handful of other people, announcing she planned to kill herself.

Neither went through with their threats, but their deadly brinksmanship worried those around them.

“It’s amazing that two people so volatile could get together like that,” Maxey said. “I don’t know if they were trying to rescue each other, to keep each other from committing suicide, but it turned out to be the worst combination. They both needed help so badly.”

Walton had bipolar disorder, commonly known as manic depression, said her sister, Cindy Walton.

It was a condition she shared with their mother, who killed herself in October 2003 by setting her car on fire.

“Cassy was never the same after that,” her sister said. “She was a real mama’s girl.”

A short, tragic marriage

It wasn’t until the day the couple married, March 5, 2007, that Andersson finally had an appointment with a psychiatrist in Houston.

Afterward, Andersson sent his friend Chris Rodriguez an online message: “I went to the wizard today, she told me that I need to get out of the army and my job sucks. I could have told her that … but anyhow. I will be alright.”

He told Rodriguez he’d replaced his old Jeep Wrangler with a Ford F-150, but he never mentioned he’d married Cassy Walton in a brief civil ceremony at 8:30 that morning. Andersson didn’t tell his parents or younger brother, John, either.

The newlyweds had agreed to meet up after work, but Andersson came home around 8:45 p.m. to an empty apartment. His bride was celebrating their marriage with friends at Shay McElroy’s Irish Pub downtown on Main.

Walton later told police Andersson “seemed to be upset because she was not paying as much attention to him as he thought she should be.”

The couple argued. Andersson stormed out and drove to Maxey’s apartment, where the recruiter told his ex-girlfriend he feared he’d made a big mistake.

Then Walton arrived.

“She was beating on the door like she was going to knock it down,” Maxey said. “I just thought, ‘This is crazy. I can’t put up with this kind of stuff.’ “

Maxey told Andersson she’d had enough.

“As much as I loved him, I knew I shouldn’t be in that relationship,” she said. He left about 1:30 a.m. but called her again on his cell phone. “He said, ‘I don’t know what to do, I don’t know what I’m going to do.’ ” Andersson finally agreed to go spend the night with a friend.

Instead, he locked himself inside his new Ford pickup on the top floor of Maxey’s parking garage with the same .22-caliber pistol he’d put in his mouth in October.

Less than an hour later, he was dead.

The phone call

A phone ringing at 3 a.m. jarred Bob Andersson from sleep to the news that his son had killed himself.

He wasn’t surprised.

“It was really surreal,” he said. “I’d been hoping and praying, of course, that it would never happen, and then when it did, there wasn’t any shock. I mean, it wasn’t shock, it was just your worst nightmare.”

He called his son’s commanders at the recruiting battalion to tell them Aron had committed suicide. A sergeant answered the phone.

“He said, ‘Oh my God! Oh my God!’ Then he called up a major and said, ‘I’ve got Sgt. Andersson’s dad on the phone, and he says Aron shot himself,’ ” Bob Andersson recalled. “And that’s when I overheard the major ask him, ‘How in the hell could he shoot himself? We confiscated all his guns.’ “

New threats of suicide

Three hours after Houston police called Andersson’s mother to report her son’s suicide, the phone rang again. On the other end of the line, a woman named Cassy Walton identified herself as Andersson’s wife.

Charlotte Porter, who is divorced from Andersson’s father, knew Walton had been dating her son for about three months. She had no idea the couple had married less than 24 hours before her son’s death.

“I knew about her and that he had moved in with her,” said Porter, 51, a staffing representative with a temp agency in Eugene. “I had never met her. And I’d never talked to her before, either.”

Police had found Walton sobbing and screaming as she tried to perform CPR on Andersson’s body.

Now, on the phone with her mother-in-law, Walton told Porter she wanted to join him.

“I said, ‘Cassy, are you alone? You can’t be alone,’ ” Porter said.

Walton gave her a friend’s phone number to call in Houston.

Porter hung up and immediately dialed the number. “You need to go to Cassy right now,” she said.

Walton’s friends took her to nearby St. Joseph Medical Center for psychiatric care. She still wore clothes drenched in her husband’s blood when she voluntarily committed herself.

Her younger sister, Cindy Walton, was relieved to hear her sibling had been hospitalized. She worried her sister might try to hurt herself now that she’d lost both her mother and her husband to suicide.

“I understood the hospital was going to hold her for 24 hours because she had mentioned suicide,” she said. About 8:30 p.m., however, Cassy Walton checked herself out and asked one of Andersson’s commanders, Maj. Bruce Finklea, to drive her home.

Finklea dropped Walton off at her apartment with a friend, Amanda Powell. Later, Powell called Finklea back and asked him to return Walton to the hospital.

But Walton refused to go. Finklea called 911.

When police arrived, Walton told them she was not suicidal, just tired. Police said they saw nothing wrong with her and left.

The next morning, the Houston Recruiting Battalion’s commander, Lt. Col. Troy Reeves, visited Walton at her apartment, where she also met with a casualty assistance officer. At some point, however, Walton was left alone again.

She went to a sporting goods store and bought a 9 mm handgun. Then she started drinking.

A few hours later, Walton called Andersson’s younger brother, John, in Oregon. Walton said she had a gun and did not want to live. The Anderssons alerted Houston police, but as officers tried to talk to her through the door of her apartment at Post Rice Lofts, Walton pulled the trigger.

Police found her sprawled on her bed wearing Andersson’s fatigue jacket and dog tags. She was pronounced dead at 7:45 p.m. March 7, 2007 — one day after Andersson killed himself, and two days after their wedding.

Mourning a soldier

During a yearlong review of the couple’s suicides by the Chronicle, Army officials declined to answer questions about the circumstances of their deaths, instead referring the newspaper to documents obtained by family members and a reporter through the Freedom of Information Act.

In a written statement, Lt. Col. Reeves praised Andersson as “an outstanding fallen comrade.”

Although he said privacy laws prevented him from discussing Andersson’s diagnoses, treatment or death, Reeves stressed that the well-being of the battalion’s soldiers is “a priority.”

Whenever commanders become aware of the need for a recruiter or his family to obtain mental health treatment, they “seek recommendations from medical professionals and work diligently to implement these recommendations,” Reeves wrote.

The entire battalion was hit hard by Andersson’s death, he added. Fellow recruiters held a memorial in Houston, and some traveled to Oregon for his funeral. “We still feel and grieve the loss of Sgt. Andersson, a brother in arms, whose tragic death still causes us … to ask questions to which we may never know or fully understand the answers.”

Two families in grief

For Bob Andersson and others left to mourn the young couple, grief is sharpened by regret.

Months after his son’s suicide, the father found himself sorting through photographs at his dining room table in Springfield, Ore., peering at the features of his older child as though he might read some message in his face — a warning, a plea for help, an explanation.

“This is the first thing I think of every morning when I wake up,” he said recently. “I’ve cried more since Aron died than I have the 52 years behind me.”

It took Walton’s sister months to get over her anger toward Andersson. She had met him only once or twice before her sister suddenly announced they were getting married. She thought the soldier seemed “cold” and emotionally disconnected.

“I blamed him for a long time. I actually told his dad I wanted to burn his stuff because I thought my sister just didn’t need to meet somebody with such mental problems,” said Cindy Walton, who lives with her 7-year-old son, Randy, in Humble. “Now, learning about his sickness, I don’t blame him. I feel bad for his family because his family’s in pain.”

Two months ago, the 28-year-old Realtor received a surprise care package from Andersson’s mother, Charlotte Porter. The box held a snow globe inscribed in memory of her sister.

A few days later, the two women spoke on the phone for the first time and wept, Porter said. “I suffer, too, every day, and there’s a bond there,” she said.

Porter recently joined a support group for parents with soldiers in Iraq.

Sometimes a parent worried about a son or daughter suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder or depression will ask Porter what they should do. She’s not sure what to tell them.

Whenever she had asked her son how he was doing, he’d told her he was fine, that she worried too much, that he was trying to get help. She’d wanted to believe him. He was proud, and she didn’t want to pry. Now she wishes she had.

“I feel bad I didn’t get to know sooner what was going on,” Porter said. “I just wish I had walked right into that recruiting office, grabbed him by the collar and said, ‘You’re not getting him back until he’s straightened out.’ “

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Bush Torture Policies on Trial in Italy

May 14, 2008, Milan, Italy – Clutching her Italian identity card in a gloved hand, the cloaked wife of a fiery Muslim cleric Wednesday tearfully recounted publicly for the first time how her husband was kidnapped on a Milan street in 2003 and sent to Egypt to endure torture and repeated imprisonment.

Italian prosecutors say the cleric, Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr, was kidnapped by CIA agents as part of a plan to transport suspected terrorists to third countries for questioning.

Nasr, also known as Abu Omar, was a political refugee in Italy and preached at the Islamic Center on Milan’s Jenner Street.

His wife, Ghali Nabila, spent more than six hours on the stand, marking the first testimony in a complicated court case that opened nearly a year ago, and has focused on the U.S. practice of “extraordinary renditions” and complicity by foreign governments in such forced relocation.

In her testimony, translated into Italian, Nabila, 40, described her shock at seeing Abu Omar in Alexandria, Egypt, during one brief respite from Egyptian prison in October 2004.

“I found him wasted, skinny – so skinny his hair had turned white, he had a hearing aid,” she said, wearing a head-to-toe covering with only a small slit for the eyes.

Nabila at first rebuffed prosecutors’ requests to describe the torture her husband had recounted, saying she didn’t want to talk about it. Advised by prosecutors that she had no choice, she tearfully proceeded: “He was tied up like he was being crucified. He was beaten up, especially around his ears. He was subject to electroshocks to many body parts.”

“To his genitals?” the prosecutors asked.

“Yes,” she replied.

Officially, the trial has been delayed by a constitutional challenge concerning whether evidence in the case involves state secrets that were possibly gathered illegally and whether revelations would be damaging to national security. Equally important, the case could prove embarrassing to Italian politicians and security officials, who at the very least allowed the rendition on their watch.

Judge Oscar Magi, presiding over the trial in a cramped, airless courtroom in Milan, indicated Wednesday that Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and well as his predecessor, Romano Prodi, would have to testify. Berlusconi assumed the post of prime minister last week, but his previous government was in charge when Abu Omar was kidnapped.

Italy has indicted 26 Americans – 25 CIA agents and an air force colonel – in Abu Omar’s disappearance, citing a trail of incriminating cellphone exchanges intercepted by Italian prosecutors’ in the days before the cleric’s disappearance. The U.S. government has already said it will not extradite the suspects.

Far more vulnerable, though, are more than a half-dozen senior officers of the Italian secret service who have also been indicted, all accused of in some way approving, masterminding or carrying out the kidnapping plan.

The Italian government has tried to block the prosecution or at least to limit embarrassing revelations by arguing that some of the evidence is classified or privileged information. For example, it has said overzealous prosecutors should not have intercepted phone calls of CIA agents. The Constitutional Court is set to rule on this issue July 8, though it has failed to meet previous deadlines.

But the Milanese prosecutor, Armando Spataro, has vowed to press on, noting that, even if some documents are inadmissible, there are many levels of proof.

“We have the maximum respect for the Constitutional Court, but we don’t think any decision it makes will stop this trial from going forward,” he said Wednesday.

One of the documents in question has been introduced by the defense lawyers of Nicolò Pollari, former head of Sismi, the Italian military intelligence agency, in an attempt to clear his name. It would presumably show that he was either unaware of the kidnapping plan or opposed it.

Many members of Italian law enforcement agencies were furious about the kidnapping. They say they could have arrested Abu Omar at any time, and had him under surveillance for potential connections with terrorist organizations. They say that his clumsy and illegal kidnapping erased years of police work that was on the verge of gaining them valuable information into the working of Muslim groups in Italy.

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Veterans for Peace Ask Congressman Conyers to Impeach President Bush Over Iraq War

May 16, 2008, Washington, DC – A national veterans’ organization today sent a letter to Representative John Conyers, head of the House Judiciary Committee, requesting a meeting with him to deliver over 10,000 signatures on a petition to impeach George W. Bush. Impeachment hearings would have to be convened by the Michigan Democrat.

The president of Veterans For Peace, Elliott Adams, wrote Conyers requesting a meeting in early June to deliver their petitions. In it, he pointed out that by invading and occupying Iraq, the Bush administration has violated the U.S. Constitution, domestic laws and international treaties.

Adams’ letter said, “Having taken an oath to defend the Constitution from all enemies foreign and domestic, our members take…the obligation to impeach George W. Bush most seriously…we must hold this administration accountable for waging a war of aggression against Iraq.”

The former paratrooper and Viet Nam combat vet reminded the 21-term Representative from Detroit that, “You have taken the same oath, Congressman Conyers, and we expect you will hold it just as sacred as we do and begin impeachment hearings at the soonest possible moment.”

Adams concluded his request by writing, “Congressman Conyers, you have stood on the side of justice in battles too numerous to mention during your long career in the House. Will you one day go into retirement with a shadow over your entire record because you did not do everything possible to hold this criminal administration accountable? We genuinely hope not.”

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NPR News Continues Investigations Into Treatment of Soldiers Suffering from PTSD

May 16, 2008; Washington, D.C. – In its continuing coverage of military treatment of soldiers returning from war, NPR News reports that spouses of troops with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder and other serious mental health problems have made it their mission to force the military to give the troops the help they need. The report from NPR National Correspondent Daniel Zwerdling is airing Friday, May 16 on NPR News’ All Things Considered.

In this piece, Zwerdling profiles Tammie Lecompte, whose husband became so severely depressed when he returned from his second tour in Iraq that doctors feared he would die.

In 2006 and 2007, Zwerdling’s six-part series on the mistreatment of soldiers at Fort Carson helped prompt Congress to focus on the issue and earned a 2008 Alfred I. duPont-Columbia University Award and George Foster Peabody Award.  Earlier this year, NPR News reported that Department of Veterans’ Affairs staff at Fort Drum in upstate New York had been instructed to stop assisting injured soldiers with their military disability paperwork, used to determine annual disability payments, which led to congressional leaders asking the Army to investigate these charges and to a national soldiers’ advocacy group announcing plans to seek an official military Court of Inquiry probe into the situation.

All Things Considered, NPR’s signature afternoon news magazine, reaches 12 million listeners weekly, and is hosted by Melissa Block, Michele Norris and Robert Siegel.

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May 17, VCS in the News: Furor Continues Over VA Psychologist’s Anti-PTSD E-Mail

What’s at stake is veterans’ ability to get disability and health care benefits from the VA. A diagnosis of “adjustment disorder” doesn’t deliver the same level of benefits as would a diagnosis of PTSD, Paul Sullivan, the executive director of Veterans for Common Sense, told CBS news.

May 16, 2008 – A furor has erupted over a psychologist’s email directing staff at a Texas veterans facility to withhold diagnoses of post-traumatic stress disorder from soldiers returning from Afghanistan and Iraq.

In the email, Norma J. Perez, PTSD program coordinator at the Olin E. Teague Veterans’ Center in Temple, Texas, tells staff “given that we are having more and more compensation seeking veterans, I’d like to suggest that you refrain from giving a diagnosis of PTSD straight out.”

Instead, she advises “consider a diagnosis of Adjustment Disorder.”

Veteran Affairs staff “really don’t … have the time to do the extensive testing that should be done to determine PTSD,” Perez wrote.

VA Secretary James Peak immediately called Perez’s email “inappropriate” and insisted that it didn’t reflect VA policy, the Washington Post reported Friday. In a statement, Peak said the staffer’s action was “repudiated at the highest level of our health care organization.”

Oddly, Peake indicated that Perez – a psychologist – was staying in her job, after becoming “extremely apologetic” when counseled.

That infuriated people writing comments at the Washington Post’s Web site, who called Perez a “no good dirt bag” and recommended that she be given “100 lashes” and “fired for dereliction of duty.”

What’s at stake is veterans’ ability to get disability and health care benefits from the VA. A diagnosis of “adjustment disorder” doesn’t deliver the same level of benefits as would a diagnosis of PTSD, Paul Sullivan, the executive director of Veterans for Common Sense, told CBS news.

“VA staff across the country are working their hearts out to get our veterans the care they need and deserve,” U.S. Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) told CBS. “But emails like these make their jobs far more difficult.”

The chairs of the House and Senate Veterans Affairs Committees promised Friday to investigate the matter, and Sen. Barack Obama (D.-Ill.) called Perez’s email “outrageous” in a statement calling for a probe.

Rep. Bob Filner (D-Calif.), who heads the House committee, said he wanted to know whether the Texas psychologist was acting on orders. “Where is she getting it from,” Filner said he wanted Peake to explain, according to the Associated Press. “Why is she saying this? Who is giving her the order?”

VA spokewoman Alison Aikele told the AP Friday that Perez was just making a suggestion. “We’re not aware of any other instances where this happened,” Aikele said.

Just last month, the Rand Corp. released a report estimating that about 300,000 soldiers who served in Iraq or Afghanistan have PTSD or major depression. And last week, a separate furor arose over yet another series of emails that appeared to indicate that VA officials didn’t want to disclose the number of veterans who commit suicide – as many as 18 a day, according to some estimates.

Have you or a family member had trouble getting a diagnosis of PTSD from the Defense Department or the VA? What do you think of the way soldiers are evaluated for these conditions?

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